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Given the current Middle Eastern scenario, one may reasonably hold the argument that the on-going turmoil in the Middle East owes its burden equally to the Machiavellian Anglo-American policies in the region and the harrowing failure of the Muslim governments/leaderships in the Middle East to rationally respond to those challenges. But are there any dimensions beyond religion?
Os modelos de democracia propostos pelo liberalismo e pelo republicanismo comunitarista são criticados a partir da perspectiva da política deliberativa tal como concebida pela teoria do discurso. Associando ao processo democrático conotações normativas mais fortes do que o modelo liberal, porém mais fracas do que o modelo republicano, a teoria do discurso articula elementos de ambas numa forma nova.
Trust me, I’m an expert
(2014)
Given such phenomena as the dramatic leaks of the last decade, the vibrantand inflammatory discourse about ‘cyberwar’ and the conflation of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement with the ‘backbone of the European economy’, regulation of what the Internet is supposed to be and what people are allowed to do in it is always and everywhere about security, whether users like it or not. And that regulation comes from people, special people we like to think of as experts.
There has been a burgeoning interest in the sociology of the Frankfurt School as well as the oeuvre of Theodor W. Adorno since the 2016 presidential campaign of Donald J. Trump. The objectives of this study are to both illustrate the enduring importance of Adorno and to provide an important theoretical outline in making sense of Trump’s 2016 United States presidential campaign. Using Adorno’s understudied textual analysis of the radio addresses of Martin Luther Thomas and data from Trump’s 2016 US presidential campaign, we find that Trump’s own discourse can be condensed into three of Adorno’s rhetorical devices: (1) the lone wolf device or anti-statism/pseudo-conservatism, reflecting his criticism of "special interests" and his appraisal of business and (self-)finance; (2) the movement device, which amounted to glorification of action; and (3) the exactitude of error device which amounted to xenophobic, ethnonationalist hyperbole.
This is the first article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Europe is in trouble. Far right politics is spreading all over the place and its actors and discourses become increasingly influential at various levels: Parties from the far right achieved successes in French, Austrian and Slovakian elections. Far right movement organizations in Germany and Italy mobilized thousands of people to the streets. In Sweden and Great Britain, vigilante and terrorist groups wage armed struggle. And last but not least, ‚illiberal models of democracy‘ in Poland and Hungary demonstrate the far right’s capacity to transform politics on the European level...
As women's labor-force participation and earnings have grown, so has the likelihood that wives outearn their husbands. A common concern is that these couples may be at heightened risk of divorce. Yet with the rise of egalitarian marriage, wives' relative earnings may be more weakly associated with divorce than in the past. We examine trends in the association between wives' relative earnings and marital dissolution using data from the 1968–2009 Panel Study of Income Dynamics. We find that wives' relative earnings were positively associated with the risk of divorce among couples married in the late 1960s and 1970s, and that this was especially true for wives who outearned their husbands, but this was no longer the case for couples married in the 1990s. Change was concentrated among middle-earning husbands and those without college degrees, a finding consistent with the economic squeeze of the middle class over this period.
Selten hat mich jemand so beeindruckt wie die 17-jährige Malala Yousafzai, die heute gemeinsam mit dem indischen Kinderrechtsaktivisten Kailash Satyarthi den Friedensnobelpreis erhalten hat. Aus dem pakistanischen Swat-Tal stammend setzt sie sich seit sie 11 Jahre alt ist für Bildung ein. 2012 überlebte sie ein Attentat der Taliban. Gratulation an diese großartige, mutige junge Frau!
Traue keinem Studenten
(2013)
Für die moderne Universität ist der Studierende an sich vieles: Zentrale Daseinsbegründung, Kostenfaktor, Potenzial, billige Arbeitskraft und seit einigen Jahren in offizieller Sprache auch Kunde. Nun kommt scheinbar eine weitere Facette des Studierenden dazu: das Sicherheitsrisiko.
Versicherheitlichung findet heute in vielen Lebensbereichen statt. Dem Terrorismus wird der Krieg erklärt, ebenso den Drogen oder der Armut. Diese martialische Sprache geht einher mit institutionellen Auswirkungen – wer etwas als ein bedrohliches Problem definiert, reagiert anders als jemand, der es nur als von der normalen Politik zu lösendes Problem betrachtet. Nun haben Studierende es auch in diesen illustren Kreis geschafft – nur nicht aus Sicht des Staates, sondern aus Sicht der Universität und ihrer Abläufe...
The European Union is currently challenged by right-wing populism and economic stress. To understand the nature of these challenges, we need to take an interdisciplinary approach in which empirical studies of politics are combined with studies of the normative implications of European policy-making. To this end, I draw attention to the right to free movement, which is pivotal both for European politics and liberal political philosophy. I show that even though transnational rights, such as the free movement for people, products and money, are normatively sound and desirable, enhancement of free movement may challenge the heterogeneity among the national models of rights and societal commitments. The risk is that the national institutions as a political arena face difficulties in coping with current political challenges such as right-wing radicalism, social inequality, environmental regulation, immigration and financial insecurity. On the other hand, I argue that we should be aware that the transnational rights might in some countries enhance human rights, which national parliaments have not been able to accommodate.
Transnationale Verlagerung von Care-Arbeit in Hinblick auf Ausbeutungs- und Emanzipationsaspekte
(2010)
Current work on populism stresses its relationship to nationalism. However, populists increasingly make claims to represent ‘the people’ across beyond national borders. This advent of ‘transnational populism’ has implications for work on cosmopolitan democracy and global justice. In this paper, we advance and substantiate three claims. First, we stress populism’s performative and claimmaking nature. Second, we argue that transnational populism is both theoretically possible and empirically evident in the contemporary global political landscape. Finally, we link these points to debates on democracy beyond the state. We argue that, due to the a) performative nature of populism, b) complex interdependencies of peoples, and c) need for populists to gain and maintain support, individuals in one state will potentially have their preferences, interests, and wants altered by transnational populists’ representative claims. We unpack what is normatively problematic in terms of democratic legitimacy about this and discuss institutional and non-institutional remedies.
The title I have chosen seems to signal a tension, even a contradiction, in a number of respects. Democracy appears to be a form of political organisation and government in which, through general and public participatory procedures, a sufficiently legitimate political will is formed which acquires the force of law. Justice, by contrast, appears to be a value external to this context which is not so much linked to procedures of “input” or “throughput” legitimation but is understood instead as an output- or outcome-oriented concept. At times, justice is even understood as an otherworldly idea which, when transported into the Platonic cave, merely causes trouble and ends up as an undemocratic elite project. In methodological terms, too, this difference is sometimes signalled in terms of a contrast between a form of “worldly” political thought and “abstract” and otherworldly philosophical reflection on justice. In my view, we are bound to talk past the issues to be discussed under the heading “transnational justice and democracy” unless we first root out false dichotomies such as the ones mentioned. My thesis will be that justice must be “secularised” or “grounded” both with regard to how we understand it and to its application to relations beyond the state.
Recent developments in Hungary and Poland have made democratic backsliding a major issue of concern within the European Union (EU). This article focuses on the secondary agents that facilitate democratic backsliding in Hungary and Poland: the European People’s Party (EPP), which has continually protected the Hungarian Fidesz government from EU sanctions, and the Hungarian ruling party Fidesz, which repeatedly promised to block any EU-level sanctions against Poland in the Council. The article analyses these agents’ behaviour as an instance of transnational complicity and passes a tentative judgment as to which of the two cases is normatively more problematic. The analysis has implications for possible countervailing responses to democratic backsliding within EU member states.
Die vorliegende Untersuchung wurde mit dem Ziel durchgeführt, fördernde und hemmende Einflussfaktoren auf die Entstehung und Durchführung von translationaler Forschung näher bestimmen zu können. Dazu wurden im Verlauf der Forschung sechs Gruppen von möglichen Einflussfaktoren untersucht. Diese waren 1) externe politische, 2) institutsbezogene, 3) soziale (auf soziale Rollen und sozialen Status bezogene), 4) epistemische, 5) forschungskulturelle und 6) individuelle Faktoren.
Translationale Forschung wurde als Spezialform interdisziplinärer Forschung konzeptualisiert. Auch bei dieser wird Wissen aus mehr als einer wissenschaftlichen Disziplin herangezogen, um ein disziplinübergreifendes Problem zu lösen. Das Besondere an der translationalen Forschung ist jedoch, dass zusätzlich mindestens eine der beteiligten Disziplinen grundlagenorientiert und eine andere anwendungsorientiert ist. Der Vorteil besteht darin, dass fortan der Wissensbestand beider Disziplinen kombiniert werden kann. Ein Nachteil ergibt sich daraus, dass die Wissensbestände untereinander nicht ohne Weiteres anschlussfähig sind und eine „Übersetzung“ durch die unterschiedlichen Praxisbezüge der beteiligten Disziplinen erschwert wird. Die translationalen Forschung muss neben dieser noch einer weiteren Herausforderung begegnen: Denn sie gewinnt ihre Erkenntnisse unter Laborbedingungen, wo Umweltfaktoren praktisch keine Rolle spielen. Dadurch lassen sich ihre Ergebnisse nicht unbedingt in die klinische Praxis transferieren. Kurz gesagt: Was im Labor eine bestimmte Wirkung erzielt hat, entfaltet diese Wirkung nicht automatisch am Patienten.
Im Rahmen der Dissertation wurden sechs translationale Forschungsprojekte aus Berlin-Buch aus der Zeit zwischen 1959 und 1989 untersucht. Aufgrund der in der DDR etablierten, staatlichen Überführungspolitik konnte insbesondere der Einfluss externen politischen Drucks auf diese Forschungsprojekte untersucht werden. Als Quellen dienten archivierte Akten, graue Literatur, zur damaligen Zeit publizierte Fachliteratur und Interviews mit Forschern, die damals an diesen Projekten beteiligt waren. Da es an soziologischer Literatur spezifisch zu translationaler Forschung bisher mangelt, wurden mehrere Einzelstudien aus der soziologischen und wissenschaftshistorischen Forschung herangezogen. Die Untersuchungsergebnisse erweitern den Forschungsstand zur interdisziplinären Forschung und zu Praxisbezügen von Forschung.
Die untersuchten Fallstudien zeigen exemplarisch, dass es die von der Staatsführung der DDR gewollten anwendungsorientierten medizinischen Forschungsprojekte auch in Berlin-Buch gegeben hat. Entgegen der Erwartung zeigen sie aber auch, dass translationale Forschung nicht speziell gefördert (mit Ressourcen oder einem besonderen Commitment) wurde und es somit oft vom Zufall abhängig war, ob diese (vorzeitig) beendet wurde oder nicht. Darüber hinaus konnten Anhaltspunkte dafür gefunden werden, dass translationale Forschung im Wesentlichen auf epistemischen (fachlichen) Schnittstellen beruht, die von anwendungsorientierten Biomedizinern meist aus persönlichem Interesse aufgegriffen werden, wenn sie als solche erkannt werden und wenn entsprechende Ressourcen zur Forschung zur Verfügung stehen.
Somit konnte widerlegt werden, dass das so genante „Translationsproblem“ darauf zurückzuführen ist, dass Kliniker und Forscher kein Interesse haben, miteinander zu kommunizieren oder zu forschen. Ein Problem stellt lediglich dar, dass epistemische Schnittstellen meist zufällig (oft als Nebenprodukte von disziplinärer Forschung) sichtbar werden und es an kurzfristig verfügbaren Ressourcen fehlen kann, um diesen nachzugehen. Hinzu kommt der erhöhte Aufwand, der sich durch das Einbeziehen von Forschern aus anderen Disziplinen ergibt und das vergleichsweise hohe Risiko, dass medizinische Anwendungen, die auf translationaler Forschung aufbauen, unter komplexen Umweltbedingungen (am Patienten) nicht mehr die gewünschte Wirkung entfalten. Die untersuchten Fallstudien haben jedoch auch gezeigt, dass translationale Infrastrukturen und regelmäßiges Peer Review Forschern dabei helfen können, Ergebnisse translationaler Forschung auf ihre Tauglichkeit in der Klinik zu prüfen. Das Risiko des Scheiterns lässt sich jedoch nicht vollständig ausschließen.
Transformationen der Moderne
(2002)
The concept of the "comprehensive approach" has become a paradigm for international state engagement in the field of fostering sustainable peace in crisis-ridden countries. This approach stipulates joint actions of different governmental institutions. The ministry of defence, providing interventionist armed forces; the ministry of interior, providing police personal; the ministry of foreign affairs, providing crisis aid and the ministry of economic cooperation and development define the core actors on the highest level, whilst the implementation of this approach is left to the various, highly heterogeneous employees of the ministries and their sub-contractors...
O presente estudo teórico tem como objetivo relacionar uma discussão sobre o trabalho em equipe interdisciplinar nos serviços públicos de saúde com os principais conceitos do filósofo contemporâneo Axel Honneth, dentre eles aquele que denominou Luta por Reconhecimento. Para tanto, partimos da revisão da noção de sujeito na teoria honnethiana, sobretudo a partir do diálogo que faz com a psicanálise de Donald Winnicott. Destacamos que se trata de um sujeito eminentemente social, cuja constituição depende do reconhecimento do outro em relação a sua alteridade e da legitimação do seu pertencimento a um grupo social. Mostramos que esse reconhecimento se dá através de um processo de luta, essencial para o desenvolvimento da capacidade de amar e se relacionar com o outro. Em seguida, defendemos que o trabalho em equipes interdisciplinares pode ser um espaço para o reconhecimento dos profissionais, tal como discutido por Honneth. Consequentemente, as equipes podem facilitar o desenvolvimento de trabalhos criativos e inovações na organização da assistência oferecida aos pacientes.
A pergunta que move o presente artigo é: como a categoria trabalho social deveria ser incluída no marco de uma teoria social para que, dentro dela, abra uma perspectiva de melhoria qualitativa que não seja utópica? Para dar conta desse problema complexo, o autor sugere num primeiro passo, mais metodológico, o emprego da distinção entre crítica externa e imanente para o propósito de uma crítica das relações de trabalho existentes. Num segundo passo, o autor procura mostrar que o trabalho social só poderá assumir legitimamente este papel de uma norma imanente se ele for conectado às condições de reconhecimento na moderna troca de realizações (Leistungen). São reconstruídas duas condições a partir de Hegel e de Durkheim: uma organização justa do trabalho social necessita remunerar suficientemente o trabalhador para prover-lhe condições socialmente dignas de sobrevivência e precisa estar estruturado de modo a que suas tarefas permitam ao indivíduo trabalhador perceber nelas uma contribuição para a coletividade e relacioná-la com o restante dos trabalhos socialmente necessários.
Contesta-se a tese de Habermas que toma o marxismo como urna variante da filosofia da consciência. O materialismo histórico é reconstruído a partir da inter-relação dialética entre as categorias trabalho e linguagem, abrindo a possibilidade de recuperação da crítica marxista às instituições modernas: o Estado e a empresa capitalista. Argumenta-se que a tentativa habermasiana de escapar das malhas da filosofia da consciência acaba recaindo no que o autor denomina solipsismo social.
As an exemplum of that kind of “modern” art, in terms of Adorno, Kafka’s work is marked not only by its strictly “realistic” character, but also by the unavoidable critical and testimonial value of that realism. According to this perspective, both in Adorno and in Benjamin the testimonial aspect of Kafkian writing – that is of a writing as “dialectical image”, as memory of the unfullfilled possibility – it’s all the same not with its symbolical or “epiphanical” aspect but instead with its “allegorical” one.
Rule in International Relations is increasingly observed as an empirical phenomenon and academically conceptualized. This book describes rule in International Relations using four practice-theoretical dimensions. A method is developed to analyze rule from a practice-theoretical point of view - the Practice Analysis of Rule (PAR). The argumentation is followed that resistance is an important dimension of rule, which enables the researcher to understand the quality of rule. However, the empirical analysis of resistance as an indicator of rule does not allow for the analysis of subtle forms of rule sufficiently, which can have grave consequences in international relations. Therefore, to make this possible, the symbolic dimension is formulated after Bourdieu. In the following, three practice-theoretical dimensions are developed and a methodical approach is presented. Resistance is described as a practice-theoretical dimension. Based on actor-network-theory materiality is described a dimension of rule. At last, iterability is described as dimension of rule which can show the repeatability of practices. It can thus indicate the extent of consolidation of rule in each case. Through the analysis of an empirical case using the four practice-theoretical dimensions the researcher will be enabled to analyze transnational relations of rule in a theory guided and history sensitive manner.
Tourismus in Pakistan : Darstellung, Stellenwert und Perspektiven aus entwicklungspolitischer Sicht
(2006)
El texto se propone exponer críticamente algunos contenidos fundamentales del concepto de totalidad y su importancia para el pensamiento dialéctico. Partiendo de una crítica de la concepción hegeliana de totalidad, busca sin embargo defender este concepto, aunque reconstruido desde un giro materialista a partir de la filosofía desarrollada por Theodor W. Adorno. El concepto de totalidad cambiaría su significado y función a partir de la crítica materialista, pasando de la idea de un todo determinado y definitivo, a un criterio epistemológico y normativo para oponerse con efectividad a la imposición de una totalidad social.
This is the eleventh article in our series on refugees. I came to Frankfurt four months ago. Before that, I had lived in Trentino, Italy, for 14 years. But with the European economic crisis, everything has become difficult; I finally lost my job and decided to go to Germany to give it a new try. Everybody knows that in Germany there are much better chances to get work because the economy doesn’t have such big problems like in Italy, Greece and Spain...
Venezuela steht wegen seiner großen Rohstoffreichtümer im Blickpunkt der Vereinigten Staaten. Aber das besondere Augenmerk der Hegemonialmacht gilt dem bolivarischen Prozeß in Venezuela, denn das Land spielt eine wichtige Rolle bei der Integration des Kontinents und der damit verbundenen Möglichkeiten für fundamentale Veränderungen, die Venezuelas internationale Politik anderen Ländern eröffnet. ...
To imitate all that is hidden. The place of mimesis in Adorno’s theory of musical performance
(2017)
The article examines the use of the concept of mimesis in Adorno’s notes towards a theory of musical performance. In trying to idiosyncratically define the latter as “reproduction”, Adorno relied on a framework elaborating on concepts introduced by Arnold Schoenberg, Hugo Riemann and Walter Benjamin – a framework that the article discusses insofar as it deals with the problem of mimesis. Specific attention is devoted to the relation between Benjamin’s essays on language and translation and Adorno’s theory of notation, that soon became the crucial aspect of his theory of reproduction. Given the shortcomings of Adorno’s theory, which in the end did not achieve its goals, the article proposes to capitalize on his terminology while at the same time rethinking his framework in the light of recent musicological paradigms for the study of musical performance. On the whole, the article shows that it was Adorno’s philosophical assumptions – in particular the theses of music’s non-intentionality and of its non-similarity to language – that prevented him from convincingly theorizing musical performance, and suggests an alternative framework for future research.
“Kurz mal Weltmacht” überschrieb die ZEIT letzte Woche ihren Artikel, der den Untergang von WikiLeaks und das Ende Julian Assanges nachzeichnete. Auch Hoffnungsträger scheitern, hieß es, und der finanzielle Bankrott stelle ein eher wenig rühmliches Ende dar. Und trotzdem, so das Resümee, die Idee hinter seinem Projekt bleibe am Leben. In welche Richtung sie sich für den Nahost-Konflikt verwirklicht, wagt allerdings kaum jemand zu bewerten...
The article studies civil wars and trust dynamics from two perspectives. It looks, first, at rebel governance during ongoing armed conflict and, second, at mass mobilisation against the regime in post-conflict societies. Both contexts are marked by extraordinarily high degrees of uncertainty given continued, or collective memory of, violence and repression.
But what happens to trust relations under conditions of extreme uncertainty? Intuitively, one would assume that trust is shaken or even substantially eroded in such moments, as political and social orders are questioned on a fundamental level and threaten to collapse. However, while it is true that some forms of trust are under assault in situations of civil war and mass protests, we find empirical evidence which suggests that these situations also give rise to the formation of other kinds of trust. We argue that, in order to detect and explain these trust dynamics in contexts of extreme uncertainty, there should be more systematic studies of: (a) synchronous dynamics between different actors and institutions which imply trust dynamics happening simultaneously, (b) diachronous dynamics and the sequencing of trust dynamics over several phases of violent conflict or episodes of contention, as well as long-term structural legacies of the past. In both dimensions, microlevel relations, as well as their embeddedness in larger structures, help explain how episodes of (non-)violent contention become a critical juncture for political and social trust.
Theses against occultism
(1974)
This paper argues that the Fairtrade certification system represents an illuminating example of the challenge of systematically determining consumer and entrepreneurial responsibilities in our global age. In taking up the central question of what, if anything, may be called ‘just’ or ‘fair’ in Fairtrade, I more precisely argue for a two-fold thesis: that (1) a meaningful evaluation of Fairtrade must consider both an interactional and an (arguably prior) institutional understanding of global responsibilities to promote justice and that (2) Fairtrade can be better defended against several popular objections from the perspective of a theory that adequately differentiates between interactional responsibilities and institutional responsibilities of promoting justice under unjust circumstances.
Psychotherapists in mental health institutions as a professional group are part of the medical system, and from this perspective, as representing an occupation that serves the public health interests, as well as those of the individual seeking help. Despite the different existing therapeutic approaches and diverse forms of therapy deriving from these approaches critical theories, however, consider psychotherapy as a profession with a specific jurisdictional claim and own highly specific interests. In contrast to most of the recent discussion around therapy culture, in this article, I argue that sociology and social theory could benefit from an understanding of psychotherapy as a profession with a separate logic and claim for jurisdiction for mental health. Moreover, I present some general trends showing that, regarding psychotherapy, we face a concurrence of a professionalisation, and simultaneously, an already ongoing deprofessionalisation. To develop my argument, I first discuss the perspectives of sociology of the psychotherapy professions. Second, I present the potential lack of professionalism in four dimensions. Third, I discuss possible tendencies of deprofessionalisation. Finally, I conclude by pointing out the importance of theorising the psychotherapy professions for medical sociology.
Das Konzept der nachhaltigen Entwicklung wird bislang in erster Linie auf politisch und/oder geografisch abgrenzbare Einheiten bezogen. So ist im Sinne der Agenda 21 das Ziel einer global nachhaltigen Entwicklung nur zu erreichen, wenn das Leitbild von den Nationalstaaten bis hin zu den Kommunen anerkannt und umgesetzt wird. Zur Überprüfung der Fort- und Rückschritte der internen Entwicklung wurden zahlreiche Indikatorensysteme entwickelt. Die Operationalisierung der allgemein gehaltenen Brundtland-Definition von Nachhaltigkeit erfolgt dabei meist über die Bestimmung von Themenfeldern oder die Formulierung von Teilzielen für die ökologische, ökonomische und soziale Dimension der Nachhaltigkeit. Was aber bedeutet nachhaltige Entwicklung in den internationalen Beziehungen? Wird Deutschland seinem Anspruch gerecht, sein Verhältnis zu anderen Staaten am Leitbild der Nachhaltigkeit zu orientieren? Wie lässt sich dies überprüfen? Zur Untersuchung dieser Fragen werden im ersten Teil der Arbeit das Konzept der nachhaltigen Entwicklung, die Probleme der Bestimmung und Konkretisierung dieses Konzepts sowie die Frage der Messbarkeit von Nachhaltigkeit und Entwicklung betrachtet. Dabei wird die ab Mitte der 1960er Jahre geführte wissenschaftliche Diskussion zur Bestimmung von Entwicklungs- und Sozialindikatoren, die durch den Human Development Index des UNDP ab 1990 neue Impulse erhalten hat, für die Entwicklung von Nachhaltigkeitsindikatoren anschlussfähig gemacht. Einen weiteren Schwerpunkt bilden die Berücksichtigung des Konzepts nachhaltiger Entwicklung in der amtlichen Statistik und alternative Ansätze zur Erfassung ökologischer Aspekte. Daran schließt die Behandlung von Indikatorensystemen zur Nachhaltigkeit an, wobei der Ansatz der Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD) und die damit in Costa Rica und Deutschland gewonnenen Erfahrungen im Mittelpunkt stehen. Aufbauend auf den theoretischen Grundlagen wird im zweiten Teil ein Indikatorensystem zur Nachhaltigkeit in den internationalen Beziehungen entwickelt und am Fallbeispiel Deutschland – Costa Rica getestet. Zur Ergänzung werden dazu neben den Dokumenten zur United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) von 1992 die Ergebnisse der weiteren Weltkonferenzen der 1990er Jahre sowie die Millennium Development Goals (MDG) berücksichtigt. Im Anschluss an die Themenfeldanalyse wird das von der CSD erarbeitete Indikatorensystem auf seine Übertragbarkeit auf internationale Beziehungen hin analysiert. Auf dieser Grundlage wird ein Indikatorensystem vorgeschlagen, mit dem die Entwicklungen in den verschiedenen Teilbereichen internationaler Beziehungen gemessen werden können. In der Schlussbetrachtung wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwieweit sich das entwickelte Analyseraster und die zur Erstellung des Themenkatalogs und des Indikatorensystems herangezogene Methode auf die Beziehungen zu anderen Ländern übertragen lassen. Handlungsvorschläge für die Konzeptionen der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und für die Weiterentwicklung von Indikatorensystemen bilden den Abschluss der Arbeit.
Theorie-Wegweiser (Teil 1) : Nation: Begriffsklärung und Darstellung verschiedener Analyseansätze
(1998)
"Nation", "Nationalismus", "ethnischer Konflikt" usw. sind häufig verwendete Formulierungen. Hier soll ein Überblick über verschiedene Definitionen und Analysen erfolgen. Die Darstellung bleibt auf Ansätze beschränkt, die Ethnizität als Form sozialen Handelns analysieren, da Ansätze, die sich auf biologische Erbfaktoren, "Charaktereigenschaften" etc. berufen, für Linke sicher keinen Wert darstellen. Die beschriebenen Ansätze können zwei Funktionen erfüllen: Zum einen als analytisches Handwerkszeug dienen, zum anderen die Handlungsgrundlage, d.h. das bewußte theoretische Fundament, von Akteuren bilden. Bei der Anwendung auf politische Bewegungen und historische Situationen muß jedoch immer bedacht werden, daß politische Kultur und Verwendung bestimmter Begriffe nur vor dem konkreten historischen Hintergrund und der spezifischen Erfahrungswelt nachzuvollziehen sind. Der eigene Maßstab darf nicht zum einzig verbindlichen erklärt werden. ...
Examina-se aqui um estudo realizado por Theodor Adorno acerca das locuções radiofônicas do ativista político de extrema direita nos EUA, o pastor Martin Luther Thomas, à década de 30. Detendo-se nestes discursos por meio do método da análise de conteúdo, Adorno buscava entender os motivos que levaram os indivíduos a perpetuarem as mesmas relações econômicas que suas forças haviam superado, em vez de substituí-los por uma forma de organização social superior e mais racional. Passados mais de 70 anos, este estudo é, sem dúvidas, um instrumental precípuo para compreendermos o atual cenário social, principalmente o político.
Adorno pensou a filosofia moral em diversos momentos de sua carreira filosófica, notadamente em Minima Moralia (1951), Dialética Negativa (1966) e em seu curso publicado postumamente Probleme der Moralphilosophie (1996). Uma avaliação conjunta desses textos permite indicar a centralidade do que Adorno chamou de “dialética da moral” – entre impulso somático e racionalidade – na constituição da experiência do prático. Além disso, as reflexões sobre a moral são um momento privilegiado das análises metafilosóficas de Adorno, que identificam em boa parte da tradição filosófica ocidental sobre a moral a presença da dominação da natureza interna – processo que caberia à dialética materialista da moral criticar e ajudar a transformar.
Procura-se destacar aqui, a partir da relação de mútua dependência entre o concreto e o especulativo em Theodor Adorno, algumas características próprias de sua exposição filosófica. A recusa de definições, a busca de constelações, a construção de "modelos críticos" tornam-se mais inteligíveis quando examinadas à luz da relação entre os conceitos e o não-conceitual. Pretende-se assim esclarecer melhor a relação entre verdade e história no pensamento de Adorno.
The purpose of the text is to present an interpretation of Theodor Adorno’s critical reading of authors considered revisionists of Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, particularly Karen Horney. We discuss critically Adorno’s favorable positioning to the Freudian conception of the individual psychic nucleus in contrast to the hasty sociologization of psychoanalysis practiced by the revisionism of Karen Horney. In the final part we try to show how the Adornian perspective ends up by making, in his own way, the same mistake of a hasty sociologization of psychoanalysis he imputed to the revisionists and advocates an theoretical emphasis on the sociological realm that seems also problematic.
Die Debatte um Onlinedemos in Form von DDoS-Attacken ist gerade in Deutschland in vollem Gange. Die Antwort der Bundesregierung auf eine kleine Anfrage der Linken kam zu dem Schluss, dass DDoS-Attacken keine Form politischer Äußerungen im Sinne einer Demonstration seien. Gleichzeitig sehen sich Jugendliche drakonischen Strafverfolgungsmaßnahmen wegen der Beteiligung an eben solchen Attacken auf die Gema ausgesetzt. Das Problem ist nur: Ich glaube, dass die Diskussion, wie sie auch hier bereits geführt wurde, am Thema vorbei geht. Ich bin mir noch nicht einmal sicher, was eine Onlinedemonstration ist...
The sixth sanction package of the European Union in the context of the aggression against Ukraine excludes Sberbank, the largest Russian bank, from the SWIFT network. The increasing use of SWIFT as a tool for sanctions stimulates the rollout of alternative payment information systems by the governments of Russia and China. This policy white paper informs about the alternatives at hand, as well as their advantages and disadvantages. Careful reflection about these issues is particularly important, given the call for an “Economic Article 5” tabled for the next NATO meeting. Finally, the white paper highlights the need for institutional reforms, if policymakers decide to return SWIFT to the status of a global public good after the war.
This is the sixth article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
As everywhere else in Eastern Europe, ever since the fall of the communist regime, Romania’s political system has experienced dramatic changes from one electoral cycle to another, starting off with what was considered to be an inflation of political parties at the beginning of the 1990’s and arriving today at what seems to approximate a two-party system, with the Social-Democratic Party (PSD) on the left and the National Liberal Party (PNL) on the right side of the political spectrum. However, the fog surrounding the ideological identities of virtually all Romanian political parties has only intensified in time, leaving the party system in flux and creating the idea that there are no significant differences between the major political players. As was the case of many other countries, this situation has generated the (at least partial) success of a radical anti-establishment discourse. However, unlike other European countries, the far right in Romania did not benefit by the financial crisis...
The truth lies in Chemnitz?
(2018)
"Germany to the Germans! Foreigners out" was the central slogan of the racist riots in the city of Rostock in 1992. For around three days, neo-Nazis controlled the streets in the plattenbau district of Lichtenhagen where the central registration for asylum-seekers (as well as a housing block of Vietnamese contract workers) were situated. ...
When Donald Trump arrived to power, many experts were concerned regarding his ideas on U.S. nuclear weapons. Particular attention was paid to his tweet about strengthening the U.S. nuclear arsenal after 25 years of the consistent WMD-disarmament under "The Cooperative Threat Reduction Program" (aka "Nunn-Lugar Program" an array of START treaties). In that preiod, U.S. and Russia removed more than 8,000 warheads and elements of the nuclear triad – submarines, ICBMs and long-range bombers. Now, experts worry that Trump’s aspirations will bury the U.S.-Russian nuclear cooperation aimed at global security...
Megaregional trade negotiations have become the subject of heated debate, above all in the context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In this article, I argue that the justice of the global order suffers from its institutional fragmentation into regime complexes. From a republican perspective, which aspires to non-domination as a guiding principles and idea of global justice, regime complexes raise specific and important challenges in that they open the door to specific forms of domination. I thereby challenge a more optimistic outlook in regime complexes, which paints a positive normative picture of regime complexes, arguing that they enable the enhancement of democracy beyond the state and, consequently, have the potential to reduce the democratic deficit in global governance. By drawing attention to how regime complexes reinforce domination-related injustice, this article contributes an original perspective on megaregionals and to exploring the implications of global justice as non-domination.
In the ‘age of transnationalization’, spatial mobility is highly valued as a resource and accordingly ‘sedentariness’ is often symbolically devalued. Migration between Poland and Germany (mainly from Poland to Germany) has a century-long tradition. Not only has it yielded the emergence of a dense transnational social space, but is also considered as a re-enactor of cultural traits and symbolic meanings. Spatial mobility is tied to notions of social mobility and to projects of life-making. Since legal restrictions for Polish migrants seeking to work and settle in Germany have vanished, the quest for ‘normalcy’ has enhanced and pressures towards even more migration have increased. I argue that symbolic meanings of mobility are decisive for hierarchies in transnational social spaces. I have put main emphasize on families’ practices of caring for and caring about each other: the first being more a physical or material activity, while the latter is a more symbolic and emotional one. The interviews reveal that people draw multiple differentiations between migrant populations in terms of their migration reasons as well as between the mobile and the immobile. Those differentiations are embedded in the distinct feature of the transnational social space between Poland and Germany with assumed differences in terms of ‘modernity’. At the end the symbolic meanings of mobility also help explain the puzzle of why the emigration rates from Poland are constantly high, although Poland is a comparatively wealthy country.
Using religious frameworks in political contestation and mobilisation processes has become more eminent in recent decades spiralling an intricate debate on the conceptualisation and implementation of such references in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region The contradiction, it is argued, mainly lies in the compromising nature of politics and the relatively dogmatic nature of religion. Accentuated by inaccurate media coverage and primordial analytical frameworks, it has become tempting to see religion as responsible for conflicts and underachievement in the MENA region...
The issue of statelessness poses problems for the statist (or nationalist) approach to the philosophy of immigration. Despite the fact that the statist approach claims to constrain the state’s right to exclude with human rights considerations, the arguments statists offer for the right of states to determine their own immigration policies would also justify citizenship rules that would render some children stateless. Insofar as rendering a child stateless is best characterized as a violation of human rights and insofar as some states have direct responsibility for causing such harm, the problem of non-refugee stateless children points to greater constraints than most statists accept on states’ right to determine their own rules for membership. While statists can ultimately account for the right not to be rendered stateless, recognizing these additional human rights constraints ultimately weakens the core of the statist position.
Teil V der Artikelserie "Die ethische Dimension der Drohnendebatte".
Zu jedem Krieg, den die USA geführt haben, gibt es mindestens eine Rede, mit der der jeweilige Präsident die Kriegsgründe erläutert, die militärischen Ziele beschreibt und den Gewalteinsatz rechtfertigt. Zum Drohnenkrieg, den US-Präsident Obama drastisch ausgeweitet hat, gibt es so eine Rede nicht. Das mag daran liegen, dass Drohnen in ganz unterschiedlichen Konflikten eingesetzt werden und es sich mehr um eine neue Form der Kriegsführung handelt, als um einen bestimmten Krieg. Es könnte aber auch daran liegen, dass die normative Rechtfertigung des Drohnenkrieges schwerfallen und einer öffentlichen Debatte nicht standhalten würde – oder der Präsident und seine Berater dies glauben – und sie deshalb die Publizität scheuen...
This is the second article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Since 2011 signs have been multiplying in Europe of a far right grassroots insurgency in the making. And there were signals, too, of a racist insurrection: arson attacks, petrol bombs, paramilitary and vigilante activities, and the stockpiling of weapons. The first major indication of the far right’s capacity for mass murder came from Norway on 22 July 2011. Anders Behring Breivik killed 77 people, mainly teenagers, whom he shot dead at the Labour Party youth summer camp on Oslo’s Utøya Island. At his trial, Breivik described the youngsters he so cruelly murdered as ‚traitors‘ who had embraced immigration in order to promote an ‘Islamic colonization of Norway‘..
This paper will examine the self-reported division of housework and childcare in Germany and Poland considering the job-related spatial mobility within dual-earner couples who are living in a household together with a partner, using 2007 data from the Job Mobility and Family Lives in Europe Project. We find that men who are spatially mobile for work often report shifting housework to their partners. Polish couples show a stronger tendency toward an egalitarian division of labor than German couples do, especially in terms of childcare. But the central finding of this research is, gender trumps national differences and spatial mobility constraints. Polish and German women, whether mobile for their work or not, report doing the majority of housework and childcare compared to their partners.
Rezension von: Rainer Forst (2007) Das Recht auf Rechtfertigung. Elemente einer konstruktivistischer Theorie der Gerechtigkeit. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 413 pp.
his articles discusses and contextualises tripleC's republication of Franz L. Neumann's essay Anxiety and Politics. It provides some background information on Neumann's life and works. The essay ascertains that in the age of new nationalisms, rising right-wing authoritarianism and authoritarian capitalism, Franz L Neumann's works can help us to critically understand contemporary society.
This is the first article in our series on refugees.Attempts to address the current crisis often seek to make distinctions between ‘refugees’ and ‘migrants’ and between refugees / migrants and citizens. But, I suggest, these distinctions are part of the problem. Part of the solution is to rethink our histories of ‘national states’ – and the rights and claims they enable – through a ‘connected sociologies’ approach that acknowledges the shared histories that bring states and colonies together....
"Post-truth" is a failed concept, both epistemically and politically because its simplification of the relationship between truth and politics cripples our understanding and encourages authoritarianism. This makes the diagnosis of our "post-truth era" as dangerous to democratic politics as relativism with its premature disregard for truth. In order to take the step beyond relativ- ism and "post-truth", we must conceptualise the relationship between truth and politics differently by starting from a "non-sovereign" understanding of truth.
This essay reflects on the convergence between Jürgen Habermas’ work and the theoretical framework put forward by the Institute of Social Research in Frankfurt, arguing in favor of the characteristics of the Frankfurt school in Habermas and pointing out research possibilities in the field of Organizational Studies (OS). We discuss the essential theoretical aspects of the work by Horkheimer (1975) “Traditional and Critical Theory,” and produce a critique on the use of generational chronology as the main criterion for understanding the intellectual movement of the Frankfurt School. The methodology is based on the critique of the interpretation using the philosophical hermeneutics (RICOEUR, 1990) and observes the propositional nature of an interpretation offered in theoretical essays (MENEGUETTI, 2011). To support the provocative proposition of this work, we establish a dialogue with authors such as Bottomore (2001), Freitag (2004), Nobre (2004), and Melo (2013)) discussing a non-generational characterization of the Frankfurt School’s members and the proximity of Habermas in relation to the pioneer works on the Critical Theory. We believe that (i) the re-reading of the emancipatory purpose (HABERMAS, 2002); (ii) the deconstruction of the impartiality of the scientific knowledge (HABERMAS, 1987); (iii) and the incorporation of the philosophy of language into the Frankfurtian social criticism (HABERMAS, 2012) are important contributions of Habermas to the Frankfurt’s critical theory. As for a proposal for the field of organizational studies, this esseay concludes that recognizing Habermas as a Critical Theory scholar of the Frankfurt School may constitute a new research agenda for the field. The contribution of this essay lies in helping researchers in the field of Organizational Studies to understand Habermas’ work differently and not as a non-critical or utopian production. In this perspective, it is clear that Habermas’ intellectual production is politically engaged in contemporary social problems, which is a dimension neglected by the researchers of the field of Organizational Studies in Brazil.
The bloody rebellion in Syria has aroused hostilities between Sunni and Shiite Muslims, a religious conflict that dates back to the first Muslim civilwar and the Battle of Siffin in 657 AD which took place on the banks of the Euphrates river, in what is now Ar-Raqqah, Syria. Today we see how the conflict is again spreading from Syria to the rest of the Middle East in places like Tripoli in Libanon, Falludscha in Iraq and Sad’ah in Yemen. But how did it come to this?
The paper presents the findings of two recent books on the financial history of the Frankfurt School: Jeanette Erazo-Heufelder, Der argentinische Krösus: Kleine Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Frankfurter Schule, 2017, and Bertus Mulder, Sophie Louisa Kwaak und das Kapital der Unternehmerfamilie Weil. Ein Beitrag zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Frankfurter Schule, 2021 (Dutch original 2015). In contrast to the “court histories” of the school, the two authors tell the story of the money that brought the school to life and secured its existence throughout a turbulent period of history. At the center of the books are individuals who have been sidelined until now or even completely ignored by the literature on the Frankfurt School: on the one hand, Felix Weil, who founded and financed the Institute of Social Research and, on the other hand, Erich A. Nadel and Sophie L. Kwaak, two employees of the holding company who managed the accounts of the Weil family and the Institute’s foundations and were responsible for protecting the assets from being seized by Nazis. The books’ thick descriptions induced the author of the present paper to consider an alternative perspective on the Frankfurt School by contemplating Max Horkheimer and Friedrich Pollock as playing confidential games with Weil and others.
Advances in information and communication technologies enable more decentralized and individualized mechanisms for coordination and for managing societal complexity. This has important consequences for the role of conditionality and the idea of individual responsibility in two seemingly unrelated policy areas. First, the changing information infrastructure enables an extension of conditionality in the area of welfare through greater activation, enhanced self-management, and a personalization of risks. Second, conditionality and personal responsibility also form an important ideational template and a legitimatory basis for facilitating value creation that is based on data as a raw material. This argument is illustrated looking at the trajectories of the digital strategies in the United Kingdom and Germany. In both cases, data protection is depicted as a question of individual responsibility and tied to certain forms of individual conduct.
Responsiveness is a core value in democratic politics. Individual legislators are important mechanisms for implementing this concern in real‐world settings and thus facilitating responsive government. This introduction to the special section on this topic starts out by highlighting the special relevance of individual legislators in this regard and by sketching important theoretical considerations that emerge from the political science literature on this issue. In its main part, it summarizes the key findings of the contributions in relation to its main theme, namely the personal sources of responsiveness. We end with a short conclusion that reflects on possible tensions between responsiveness and the personalization of representative systems.
Threat perceptions is a popular topic among scholars of international relations, yet the focus is oftentimes how two states perceive and misperceive threats (Robert Jervis, David Singer among others). Threats are generally understood as potential harm directed against the territorial integrity or the political regime of the states in question or both. Wandering on the borders of the mainstream realist theory and the rational choice theory – popular since when behavioralism entered into IR literature in the 1960s – and the constructivism of the reflectivist era (Wendt), the topic has been made a subject of study through such several different conceptual lenses but mostly on an international/state level of analysis a la Waltz...
“We shall bring victory”. Those were the words of sheik Hassan Nasrallah, leader of Hezbollah, on 25 may 2013. Usually these words would be directed at Israel, the sworn enemy of the Lebanese movement. But this time Nasrallah was referring to the fighting in Syria. That night Hezbollah explicitly chose to side with the Syrian government in her fight against the rebels in the ongoing civil war. Why does the Shia Islamic and pro-Iranian Hezbollah stand so firmly alongside the secular Arab nationalist regime of Bashar al-Assad? What are the consequences for Lebanon and what does the interference of Hezbollah tell us about the balance of power in the small and deeply divided neighbouring country of Syria?
In the nineties, Habermas redirected his political writings to the post-national constellation (global and European) and the possibilities of a society politically integrated through transnational democracy (or post-national democracy). This thematic reorientation took place on two fronts. The first one is the global transnational democracy, which includes the impacts of the economic globalization on national democracies, as well the proposal for a political Constitution for a pluralistic world society, based on a constitutionalization of international law. The second one is the European transnational democracy, which includes the redefinition of the political profile of European welfare state for an economic liberal profile, as well the paradox of democratic technocracy operated by European institutions and the proposal to overcome the decoupled technocratic policy model. This paper will address only this last topic, describing the reasons of the democratic deficit and the consequent delay of European political Union. Despite numerous reforms, the technocratic policies have not eliminated the discrepancy between centralization and democratization, and mistakenly indicate another direction further reinforcing the problem of European undemocratic institutions. In contrast, Habermas argues that the democratic deficit could only be overcome replacing the technocratic approach by a deeper democratization of European institutions.
The necessity of over-interpretation: Adorno, the essay, and the gesture of aesthetic experience
(2013)
This article is a discussion of Theodor W. Adorno’s comment, in the beginning of ‘The Essay as Form’, that interpretations of essays are over-interpretations. I argue that this statement is programmatic, and should be understood in the light of Adorno’s essayistic ideal of configuration, his notion of truth, and his idea of the enigmatic character of art. In order to reveal how this over-interpreting appears in practice, I turn to Adorno’s essay on Kafka. According to Adorno, the reader of Kafka is caught in an aporia: Kafka’s work cannot be interpreted, yet every single sentence calls for interpretation. This paradox is related to the gestures and images in Kafka’s work: like Walter Benjamin, Adorno means that they contain sedimented, forgotten experiences. Instead of interpreting these images, Adorno visualizes the experiences indirectly by presenting images of his own. His own essay becomes gestural.
In left critiques of globalization, it is often argued that liberal-egalitarian principles are inadequate for thinking about and struggling for global justice; that they are, in fact, part of the problem. For the case of identity politics as a left alternative, the paper points at two fallacies in this notion, regarding two ‘liberal’ elements: individualism and universalism. The paper examines groupidentity claims in far right conceptions of global injustice, and shows that cultural diversity of groups does not necessitate or even favour equality and democratic participation. It then examines the left group-based claims in the global justice discourse, showing that the aspirations for equality and freedom assume the liberal notions that have been often rejected as inadequate. The paper concludes that this ambivalent position undermines the democratic and egalitarian aspirations of left critiques of the global order. The analysis is based on manifestos and publications of political parties and movements in Western Europe (France, Germany and Austria).
Personalized campaign styles are of increasing importance in contemporary election campaigns at all levels of politics. Surprisingly, we know little about their implications for the behavior of successful candidates once they take public office. This paper aims to fill this gap in empirical and theoretical ways. It shows that campaign personalization results in legislative personalization. Legislators that ran personalized campaigns are found to be more likely to deviate in roll call votes and to take independent positions on the floor. These findings result from a novel dataset that matches survey evidence on candidates’ campaign styles in the 2009 German Federal Elections with the legislative behavior of successful candidates in the 17th German Bundestag (2009–2013). Combining data from the campaign and legislative arenas allows us to explore the wider consequences of campaign personalization.
On the 28th of July, a 26 year old man, Ahmad A. launched a knife attack in a supermarket in the Barmbek area of Hamburg, wounding four people and killing one. He fled the scene of the attack before being forcefully apprehended by some bystanders. The attacker, a rejected asylum seeker, was understood by the police to have been recently religiously radicalised. Hamburg’s Interior Minister Andy Grote explained that he was known to the police as an “Islamist but not a jihadist” and was suspected of having psychological problems. Prosecutors have asserted that he had no known connections with any organized radical network or group and that he had planned on dying as a martyr...
This paper challenges widespread assumptions in trust research according to which trust and conflict are opposing terms or where trust is generally seen as a value. Rather, it argues that trust is only valuable if properly justified, and it places such justifications in contexts of social and political conflict. For these purposes, the paper suggests a distinction between a general concept and various conceptions of trust, and it defines the concept as a four-place one. With regard to the justification of trust, a distinction between internal and full justification is introduced, and the justification of trust is linked to relations of justification between trusters and trusted. Finally, trust in conflict(s) emerges were such relations exist among the parties of a conflict, often by way of institutional mediation.
The intergenerational transmission of gender: paternal influences on children’s gender attitudes
(2022)
Objective: This study provides the first systematic longitudinal analysis of the influence of paternal involvement in family life—across childhood and adolescence—on the gender-role attitudes of children by the age of 14 or 15.
Background: Recent research suggests that, in post-industrial societies, paternal involvement in family life is increasing. Although previous studies of paternal involvement have considered paternal influences on children's cognitive or socio-emotional development, such studies have not yet addressed paternal influences on children's attitudes toward gender. Relatedly, previous studies on the intergenerational transmission of gender attitudes have analyzed maternal influences, but have neglected the significance of paternal influences. This study engages both strands of the research by analyzing the effects of paternal behaviors on children's attitudes toward gender roles.
Method: Multivariate linear regressions models were estimated on data from the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC); a survey with biannual observations over 10 years for 2796 children born between 1999 and 2000.
Results: Fathers' time spent on childcare during childhood was associated with gender-egalitarian attitudes in children by the age of 14 or 15. The most powerful predictor of children's gender-role attitudes, however, was the amount of time fathers spent on housework during children's adolescence, both absolute and relative to the amount of time mothers spent on housework. Fathers' unpaid labor at home was as relevant for children's gender-role attitudes as mothers' paid labor in the workforce. These results held after controlling for maternal domestic behaviors and for the gender-role attitudes of both parents.
Conclusion: Father involvement in childcare and housework during childhood and adolescence play an important role in shaping children's gender-egalitarian attitudes.
This paper studies the intergenerational effects of parental unemployment on students’ post-secondary transitions. Besides estimating the average treatment effect of parental unemployment on transition outcomes, we identify the economic, psychological or other intra-familial mechanisms that might explain any adverse impact of parental unemployment. Using longitudinal data from the German Socio-Economic Panel and propensity score matching estimators we find that paternal unemployment has an adverse impact on the likelihood of entering tertiary education, whereas maternal unemployment does not. We also find that the magnitude of the effect depends on the duration of unemployment. Even though we are unable to fully account for the underlying mechanisms, our mediation analysis suggests that the effect of paternal unemployment is not due to the loss of income, but relates to the negative consequences of unemployment for intra-familial well-being and students’ declining optimism about their academic prospects.
Indonesien, der Bevölkerung nach viertgrößtes Land der Erde, ist ein Land, dass in ewiger Wiederkehr als kommende wirtschaftliche Großmacht gefeiert wird. In der Tat scheint Indonesien alle Voraussetzungen für eine positive wirtschaftliche Entwicklung zu erfüllen: Jahrzehntelange politische Stabilität, eine junge, vergleichsweise gut ausgebildete Bevölkerung, eine vorteilhafte geopolitische Lage zwischen der boomenden ASEAN-Region und Australien und ein Überfluss an Arbeitskräften, Land sowie Ressourcen. Kein anderes Land der Region wies bereits in den 1970er Jahren konstante BIP-Wachstumsraten von jährlich um die acht Prozent auf. Während China durch Maßnahmen wie den „Großen Sprung nach vorn“ und der „Großen Proletarischen Kulturrevolution“ im wirtschaftlichen Chaos zu versinken drohte, wurde Indonesien zu Investors Liebling. Indonesien wurde als das nächste Japan gefeiert, dass selbst externe wirtschaftliche Krisen wie den Ölpreisschock wegstecken konnte. Es dauerte beispielsweise bis in die Mitte der 1990er Jahre, bis Chinas BIP das indonesische wieder überflügelte. Bis klar wurde, dass Indonesien mittelfristig nicht den Weg einer wirtschaftlichen Großmacht wie China gehen konnte.
Die Ausgangsfrage diese Magisterarbeit ist nun, warum Indonesien keine vergleichbare wirtschaftliche Entwicklung zu China nehmen konnte? Es scheint paradox, dass ein Land, dessen Modernisierung jahrzehntelang von einer radikalen Interpretation des Sozialismus geprägt wurde, langfristig mehr wirtschaftlichen Erfolg hat als ein Land, dessen Wirtschaftspolitik der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung alles andere unterordnete. Aber ist dies tatsächlich ein Paradox, oder steckt eine eigentümliche Rationalität im indonesischen Kapitalismus, die das Auseinanderdriften der bevölkerungsmäßig größten Wirtschaften Ost- und Südostasiens erklären kann?
A growing number of defense-industrial 3D printing fairs, print-a-thons and the amount of defense dollars, particularly in the US, going into the technology of 3D printing speak to the fact that the defense industry and some countries’ armed forces recognize the great potential of the technology. 3D printing indeed allows the quicker, cheaper, and easier development of weapons, and even entirely new weapon designs. This applies to the full range of weapons categories: Small arms and light weapons (e.g. guns, guns, guns and grenade launchers), conventional weapon systems (drones, tanks, missiles, hypersonic scramjets) – and possibly even weapons of mass destruction.
This paper explores the implications of empirical theories of migration for normative accounts of migration and distributive justice. It examines neo-classical economics, world-systems theory, dual labor market theory, and feminist approaches to migration and contends that neo-classical economic theory in isolation provides an inadequate understanding of migration. Other theories provide a fuller account of how national and global economic, political, and social institutions cause and shape migration flows by actively affecting people's opportunity sets in source countries and by admitting people according to social categories such as class and gender. These empirical theories reveal the causal impact of institutions regulating migration and clarify moral obligations frequently overlooked by normative theorists.
Scholars are coming to terms with the fact that something is rotten in the new democracies of Central Europe. The corrosion has multiple symptoms: declining trust in democratic institutions, emboldened uncivil society, the rise of oligarchs and populists as political leaders, assaults on an independent judiciary, the colonization of public administration by political proxies, increased political control over media, civic apathy, nationalistic contestation and Russian meddling. These processes signal that the liberal-democratic project in the so-called Visegrad Four (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has been either stalled, diverted or reversed. This article investigates the “illiberal turn” in the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. It develops an analytical distinction between illiberal “turns” and “swerves”, with the former representing more permanent political changes, and offers evidence that Hungary is the only country in the V4 at the brink of a decisive illiberal turn.
Ernst Bloch pointed out in a particularly emphatic way that the concept of human dignity featured centrally in historical struggles against different forms of unjustified rule, i.e. domination – to which one must add that it continues to do so to the present day. The “upright gait,” putting an end to humiliation and insult: this is the most powerful demand, in both political and rhetorical terms, that a “human rights-based” claim expresses. It marks the emergence of a radical, context-transcending reference point immanent to social conflicts which raises fundamental questions concerning the customary opposition between immanent and transcendent criticism. For within the idiom of demanding respect for human dignity, a right is invoked “here and now,” in a particular, context-specific form, which at its core is owed to every human being as a person. Thus Bloch is in one respect correct when he asserts that human rights are not a natural “birthright” but must be achieved through struggle; but in another respect this struggle can develop its social power only if it has a firm and in a certain sense “absolute” normative anchor. Properly understood, it becomes apparent that these social conflicts always affect “two worlds”: the social reality, on the one hand, which is criticized in part or radically in the light of an ideal normative dimension, on the other. For those who engage in this criticism there is no doubt that the normative dimension is no less real than the reality to which they refuse to resign themselves. Those who critically transcend reality always also live elsewhere.
European energy policy dates back to the founding days of integration, yet the emergence of supranational governance is a recent development. The article examines the extent to which European policymakers have succeeded in building up governance capacity, and what the facilitating and impeding factors were that have shaped the governance mix. The conceptual framework differentiates between orders of governance in the multilevel context, and between policy modes involving hierarchical and non-hierarchical settings and varying actor constellations. The article finds that governance capacity has emerged where second order governance (institutional and procedural rules) is concerned, while first order governance (the concrete policy process) remains the remit of national and private actors. This becomes even more obvious once the interaction between policy modes is taken into account: governance networks enhance governance capacity in the area of competition policy and agency governance; self-regulation by industry constitutes a fall-back option in case of insufficient governance capacity on cross-border issues; soft governance helps to bridge multiple policy areas and levels of governance. The article concludes that second order governance may prove effective where it combines with hierarchy but that it may fail to overcome both trade-offs between contradicting goals and resistance at lower levels.
The concept of freedom as non-domination that is associated with neo-republican theory provides a guiding ideal in the global, not just the domestic arena, and does so even on the assumption that there will continue to be many distinct states. It argues for a world in which states do not dominate members of their own people and, considered as a corporate body, no people is dominated by other agencies: not by other states and not, for example, by any international agency or multi-national corporation. This ideal is not only attractive in the abstract, it also supports a concrete range of sensible, if often radical international policies.
This article reports the results of a replication of Bobbitt-Zeher’s 2007 article "The Gender Income Gap and the Role of Education". Models that emulate the original specifications (by and large) reproduce the original results. However, models that adhere to Bobbitt-Zeher’s theory concerning the gendered effect of family formation call into question her finding that "values appear to matter only modestly, while family formation has virtually no effect on the income gap".