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If Third World women form ‘the bedrock of a certain kind of global exploitation of labour,’ as Chandra Mohanty argues, how can our theoretical definitions of exploitation account for this? This paper argues that liberal theories of exploitation are insufficiently structural and that Marxian accounts are structural but are insufficiently intersectional. What we need is a structural and intersectional definition of exploitation in order to correctly identify global structural exploitation. Drawing on feminist, critical race/post-colonial and post-Fordist critiques of the Marxist definition and the intersectional accounts of Maria Mies and Iris Marion Young, this paper offers the following definition of structural exploitation: structural exploitation refers to the forced transfer of the productive powers of groups positioned as socially inferior to the advantage of groups positioned as socially superior. Global structural exploitation is a form of global injustice because it is a form of oppression.
Many theories of global distributive justice are based on the assumption that all humans hold common ownership of the earth. As the earth is finite and our actions interconnect, we need a system of justice that regulates the potential appropriation of the common earth to ensure fairness. According to these theories, imposing limits and distributive obligations on private and public property arrangements may be the best mechanism for governing common ownership. We present a critique of the assumption that this issue can be solved within the private–public property regime, arguing that the boundaries of this regime should not be taken for granted and that the growing literature on the democratic commons movement suggests how this can be accomplished. We consider that, if the earth is defined as a common, the private– public property paradigm must be open to questioning, and democratic commoners’ activities should be considered.
All cosmopolitan approaches to global distributive justice are premised on the idea that humans are the primary units of moral concern. In this paper, I argue that neither relational nor non-relational cosmopolitans can unquestioningly assume the moral primacy of humans. Furthermore, I argue that, by their own lights, cosmopolitans must extend the scope of justice to most, if not all, nonhuman animals. To demonstrate that cosmopolitans cannot simply ‘add nonhuman animals and stir,’ I examine the cosmopolitan position developed by Martha Nussbaum in Frontiers of Justice. I argue that while Nussbaum explicitly includes nonhuman animals within the scope of justice, her account is marked by an unjustifiable anthropocentric bias. I ultimately conclude that we must radically reconceptualise the primary unit of cosmopolitan moral concern to encompass most, if not all, sentient animals.
A growing number of defense-industrial 3D printing fairs, print-a-thons and the amount of defense dollars, particularly in the US, going into the technology of 3D printing speak to the fact that the defense industry and some countries’ armed forces recognize the great potential of the technology. 3D printing indeed allows the quicker, cheaper, and easier development of weapons, and even entirely new weapon designs. This applies to the full range of weapons categories: Small arms and light weapons (e.g. guns, guns, guns and grenade launchers), conventional weapon systems (drones, tanks, missiles, hypersonic scramjets) – and possibly even weapons of mass destruction.
Online reading behavior can be regarded as a "new" form of cultural capital in today’s digital world. However, it is unclear whether "traditional" mechanisms of cultural and social reproduction are also found in this domain, and whether they manifest uniformly across countries at different stages of development. This article analyzes whether the early home literacy environment has an impact on informational online reading behavior among adolescents and whether this association varies between countries with different levels of digitalization and educational expansion. Data from the 2009 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) were used for the empirical analyses. The results of regression models with country-fixed effects indicate a positive association between literacy activities in early childhood and informational online reading at age 15. This association was quite stable across countries. These findings are discussed in light of cultural and social reproduction theory and digital divide research.
How do coalition governments affect the risk of civil war onset in ethnically divided societies? Existing research argues that power-sharing coalitions decrease the risk of civil war because they redress grievances. Building on a formal model of coalition formation, we predict that ethnic elites are most likely to form oversized rather than minimum-winning coalitions in anticipation of future challenges to the regime. Put differently, we expect most power-sharing to occur where the risk of regime-threatening civil war is highest...
This year’s conference of the AFK (German Association for Peace and Conflict Studies) and the European Peace Research Association (EuPRA) is on "Peace and Conflict Studies from the Margins to the Centre; Rethinking Europe in an Unequal World" (16 – 18 March 2017 in Schwerte (nearby Dortmund), Germany).
The virtual realm of the internet is often seen as an egalitarian world where differences such as those between young and established researchers do not seem so significant. While we do not fully agree with this thesis, we want to use this blog to make a model attempt at providing a platform in which those participating in the conference and others can enter discussion with young students, established researchers, and peace activists.
To make this possible, we started a project in cooperation with the Bretterblog – a young team of researchers who established this blog some years ago. Here we will discuss the topics of the conference and will inform a broader audience about the newest results in peace and conflict research from different countries.
Das Yin und Yang des Terrors
(2017)
Man stelle sich folgendes Szenario vor: Björn Höcke und Abū Bakr al-Baġdādī diskutieren bei Sandra Maischberger darüber, welche Konsequenzen Deutschland aus dem islamistischen Terrorismus ziehen sollte – und sie sind sich dabei einig.
Die Fiktion mag hanebüchen klingen. Nicht nur, weil der Möchtegern-Kalif des „Islamischen Staats“ (IS) unter keinen Umständen als Gast einer deutschen Talkshow in Erscheinung treten könnte – oder auch nur wollte. Sondern auch, weil der Möchtegern-Goebbels aus Thüringen sich stets als ritterlicher Gegner der Islamisten präsentiert, deren Denken und Handeln völlig unvereinbar sei mit dem Willen des hiesigen Volkes, den die Rechtspopulisten zu repräsentieren meinen. Gleicht man allerdings die (migrations-)politischen Willensbekundungen, die AFD und Co. als Antwort auf den islamistischen Terror bieten, ab mit den politischen Reaktionen, die sich der IS von Anschlägen in Europa erhofft, fällt es schwer, hier einen Widerspruch zu sehen. Vielmehr lässt ein solcher Abgleich die deutschen – und auch europäischen – Rechtspopulisten, für die Höcke hier stellvertretend steht, fast schon als heimliche Partner des IS erscheinen, deren Absichten sich bestens mit den Vorstellungen der IS-Strategen ergänzen.
Damit ist ein dialektisches Problem angesprochen, das dem Umgang mit dem Terrorismus stets inhärent ist. Immerhin gehört es zu den Binsenweisheiten der Konfliktforschung, dass terroristische Akteure Reaktionen provozieren wollen, die ihnen neue Handlungsmöglichkeiten eröffnen. Und dies wiederum verweist darauf, dass Politiker und Sicherheitsbehörden, aber auch die Medien dabei (ungewollt) zu Erfüllungsgehilfen werden können, wenn deren Reflexe dem terroristischen Kalkül entsprechen. Die Dynamik des Terrors speist sich eben nicht nur aus den Aktionen der Terroristen, sondern auch aus dem Verhalten ihrer Antagonisten und der Öffentlichkeit. Um jene Dynamik zu verstehen, reicht daher der Blick auf terroristische Strategien keineswegs aus. Vielmehr ist deren Effekt von den Reaktionen relationaler Akteure abhängig. Wer also dem Terrorismus das Wasser abgraben will, der muss – so paradox das klingt – auch Vorsicht gegenüber denen walten lassen, die Anstoß an ihm nehmen.
Diese Prämisse eröffnet eine kritische Perspektive auf Formen des Anti-Terrorismus. Denn demnach können Versuche, dem Terror die Stirn zu bieten, unbeabsichtigte (Neben-)Folgen mit sich bringen, welche die Dynamik des Terrors verstärken. Derartige backfire mechanisms sind es, die in diesem Beitrag problematisiert werden. Jedoch widmet er sich nicht der staatlichen Antiterrorpolitik, sondern erörtert, inwiefern das Zusammenspiel von Medien und Rechtspopulismus zur aktuellen Dynamik des islamistischen Terrorismus beiträgt. Diese Frage stellt sich vor dem Hintergrund, dass die jüngsten Anschläge in Europa eine virtuelle Form des Terrorismus darstellen, wo häufig Einzelpersonen im Namen des IS agieren, aber kaum bis gar nicht im Kontakt mit der Organisation standen. Es scheint daher die Vermutung nicht abwegig, dass co-konstitutive Faktoren – wie die Berichterstattung über den Terror und anti-muslimische Diskurse – eine nicht unbedeutende Rolle bei deren Radikalisierung und Aktivierung spielen.
The paper introduces the socio-anthropological concept of international representations to examine the relationship between a civilizational rhetoric, the West European and the international politics of otherization and containment of Southeast Europe, and an essentialist and timeless bias in international relations theory, including both radical and constructivist trends...
Much of today’s conflicts and challenges, globally and locally, can be in part attributed to or are influenced by the hegemony of Western over non-Western cultures and politics. Long-standing and still reproduced Western dominance and power are directed at the protection of own interests, thereby re-creating power imbalances, inequalities and practices of exclusion...
The study I would like to present concerns ethnically mixed borderland communities caught in a trap of competing national narratives spread from the surrounding states. I conduct an ethnographic research on a rare contemporary case of peaceful co-living of Armenian and Azerbaijani communities, which takes place in rural areas of Georgia’s southern borderland...
The overall aim of my work is to contribute to a future theory of epistemic violence – thereby enabling us to gain a better understanding of the various forms of direct, physical violence which are usually analysed within peace studies, IR, political theory and related fields. My perspective starts from transdisciplinary peace studies, is concerned with the sociology of knowledge, and informed by post- and de-colonial theory as well as by feminist critique and political theory...
AFK-EUPRA – 13 : feminist interventionism, postcolonial critique and non-western feminist approaches
(2017)
For feminists, reflexivity has always meant more than a methodological tool...
When is a crisis a crisis?
(2017)
Consensus modality : accommodating parties and containing overt violence in Nepal’s peace process
(2017)
Throughout this decade, most of the literatures in social sciences on Nepal contain Maoist Armed Conflict (1996-2006) in its introduction part. The country is in constant political turmoil even after the Comprehensive Peace Accord of 2006 between Government of Nepal and then rebel force. Since the peace agreement, Nepalese society has observed diverse socio-political tensions in different forms and become fragile society. Nepal is exerting a growing concern on international politics because of the complication in the peace process of ensuring sustainable peace, stability and economic progress. The implications for peace, stability and economic development in fragile countries present a challenge to the international community (In Grävingholt et al, 2013). Political culture and social structure are empirically related to political stability (Lijphart, 1969: 208). So we cannot separate our social and cultural context with the idea of stability...
International mediation has traditionally been understood as an instrument aimed at getting political representatives to agree on a negotiated settlement. However, in cases where referendums were required for ratification, peace agreements have been rejected bythe people. This paper uncovers how mediators can help political leaders reach agreementsthat are supported by the people they represent by comparing the Annan Plan and Good Friday Agreement (GFA) mediations and referendums in Cyprus and Northern Ireland, respectively...
Who is Ângkar? The nature of authority and responsibility under the Khmer Rouge Forme cadres of the Khmer Rouge today still speak of Ângkar, the organisation of the Khmer Rouge, with the utmost respect and subservience. Unlike in other genocidal regimes in which state actors played an important role, such as the NSDAP and SS in the Holocaust or Ittihad in the Ottoman genocide of the Armenians, Ângkar cannot be reduced merely to the name of the party organisation of the Khmer Rouge. Although Ângkar is a concept known to all in Cambodia and remains synonymous with absolute authority and the necessity for unwavering obedience, there is a broad variety of perspectives when trying to state who or what Ângkar actually is...
The critical debates of liberal peace are grounded in a "paradox of liberalism" (Sabaratnam 2013): Western liberalism is criticized as oppressive, colonial and bellicose, but also implicitly relied on as the source of emancipation. This has not rejected in a rejection of liberal interventionism, but rather in demands for more cultural sensitivity, more local participation or an efficient control to save the idea of liberal peace...
When Donald Trump arrived to power, many experts were concerned regarding his ideas on U.S. nuclear weapons. Particular attention was paid to his tweet about strengthening the U.S. nuclear arsenal after 25 years of the consistent WMD-disarmament under "The Cooperative Threat Reduction Program" (aka "Nunn-Lugar Program" an array of START treaties). In that preiod, U.S. and Russia removed more than 8,000 warheads and elements of the nuclear triad – submarines, ICBMs and long-range bombers. Now, experts worry that Trump’s aspirations will bury the U.S.-Russian nuclear cooperation aimed at global security...
Security, arms control, disarmament and confidence building measures in the Baltic sea region
(2017)
Taking into consideration the stalemete of all disarmament negotiations as well as the worsening situation in the Baltic Sea region, I would like to present another paper as well, discussing the security trends in the Baltic Sea region and the potential of confidence building measures in this region as well as to discuss in this context the prospects of arms control and disarmament in general as well as specifically in Europeparticularly in the Baltic Sea region...
Die Wahlen über den Verbleib Großbritanniens in der EU haben die europäische Ordnung erschüttert. Der Vortrag/Die Präsentation soll nicht nur die Hintergründe beleuchten, sondern auch zeigen, welche Chancen die neue Situation eröffnet, Chancen, die es vorher so nicht gegeben hat...
The post-liberal debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation seems to have advanced. We observe efforts “bringing the local back in” (Debiel/Rink 2016) by enhancing local ownership, relational sensitivity, contextualization, culturalization, hybridity and last but not least resilience. Concepts furthermore try to integrate transnational dynamics, international power shifts and trends of regionalization. However, many questions remain: for scholars, for practitioners and last but not least for the local population...
The refugee and migration crisis has contributed to promote and consolidate new practices. The NGOs’ SAR Operations represent a new aspect of the humanitarian new normal phenomenon which is here analysed to deepen the existing knowledge about the response of the state, the citizens and the organised civil society to the crisis. The paper, which is based on an expert survey research conducted by researchers of the University of Catania, contends that Europeans overwhelmingly perceive irregular migrants as a threat...
Exodus Eritrea
(2017)
Far-right parties gained considerable support in many European countries in recent years. Austria comes within a whisker of becoming the first country in the history of the European Union to elect a far-right president, Horbert Hofer, the candidate from the Freedom Party. Similarly, in France, Marie Le Pen is expected to be Front National’s (FN) candidate in the 2017 presidential election and probably to make it to the second round of voting...
While conflicts can be managed and resolved to the extent of peace keeping, evolving to state of peace and peace society is a far larger and challenging experience. The armed forces by definition and global practice are nurtured and trained to violence. However, it takes a lot more time and enough maturity and strength for a non-violent struggle...
This paper considers the trend towards megaregionalism (TTIP, TPP) that became prominent in the trade domain in the last years of the Obama administration. While megaregionalism has fallen by the wayside since Trump’s inauguration, the underlying rationale for such treaties will most likely reassert itself rather soon. So there are structural issues that need to be discussed from a standpoint of global justice. In all likelihood, megaregionalism is detrimental to global justice. TTIP in particular, or anything like it, might derail any possibility for a trade organization to aid the pursuit of justice at the global level, and any possibility that trade will be used to that end. From the standpoint of global justice one must hope that megaregionalism does not replace WTO multilateralism. The global-justice framework used here is the grounds-of-justice approach offered in the author’s 2012 On Global Justice.
Readers of Hannah Arendt’s now classic formulation of the statelessness problem in her 1951 book The Origins of Totalitarianism abound at a moment when the number of stateless peoples worldwide continues to rise exponentially. Along with statelessness, few concepts in Arendt scholarship have spawned such a volume of literature, and perhaps none have provoked as much interest outside of the field of philosophy, as ‘the right to have rights.’ Interpreting this enigmatic term exposes the heart of our beliefs about the nature of the political and has important consequences for how we practice politics on a global scale because it implicitly takes plural human beings, and not the citizen, as its subjects. Arendt’s conceptualization of this problem remains unsurpassed in its diagnosis of the political situation of statelessness, as well as its intimate description of the human cost of what she refers to as ‘world loss,’ a phenomenon that the prevailing human rights and global justice discourse does not take into account. And yet, as an alternative framework for thinking about global politics, the right to have rights resists easy interpretation, let alone practical application.
Recent trade negotiations such as TTIP include investor protection clauses. Against the background of an analysis of the case for trade, the paper asks whether such clauses can be justified from a normative perspective. More specifically, what is the impact of investor protection on the domestic distribution of the gains from trade between labour and capital, and how should we assess this impact from the perspective of justice? In order to answer this question, the paper develops a series of ideal-type scenarios that reflect the consequences of investor protection on employment on the one hand, and on the distributive conflict between labour and capital on the other. While no claim is made which of these scenarios corresponds to TTIP or other trade agreements, they provide a useful normative framework to analyse such agreements.
The paper addresses the problem of justifying ethically sound dimensions of poverty or well-being for use in a multidimensional framework. We combine Sen’s capability approach and Rawls’ method of political constructivism and argue that the constitution and its interpretative practice can serve as an ethically suitable informational basis for selecting dimensions, under certain conditions. We illustrate our Constitutional Approach by deriving a set of well-being dimensions from an analysis of the Italian Constitution. We argue that this method is both an improvement on those used in the existing literature from the ethical point of view, and has a strong potential for providing the ethical basis of a conception of well-being for the public affairs of a pluralist society. In the final part, we elaborate on the implications for measuring well-being based on data, by ranking Italian regions in terms of well-being, and pointing out the differences in results produced by different methods.
The concept of the "comprehensive approach" has become a paradigm for international state engagement in the field of fostering sustainable peace in crisis-ridden countries. This approach stipulates joint actions of different governmental institutions. The ministry of defence, providing interventionist armed forces; the ministry of interior, providing police personal; the ministry of foreign affairs, providing crisis aid and the ministry of economic cooperation and development define the core actors on the highest level, whilst the implementation of this approach is left to the various, highly heterogeneous employees of the ministries and their sub-contractors...
Ist es zum Lachen oder zum Weinen? Diese Frage stellt sich immer wieder bei der Beobachtung der Worte und Taten des neuen US-Präsidenten – zum Beispiel anläßlich seines ersten Fernsehinterviews mit dem Journalisten David Muir (ABC America, 27.1.2017). Trump benahm sich wie ein rechthaberisches, selbstbezogenes, liebesbedürftiges Kind. Er beharrte auf seiner Version der Amtseinführung, nach der noch nie so viele Menschen wie diesmal an der Zeremonie teilgenommen hätten. Er sprach nicht nur davon, er verwies auch auf Fotos, die er an Wänden im Weißen Haus hat aufhängen lassen. Trump wiederholte außerdem seine Behauptung, dass es viele illegale Stimmen gegeben hätte, und alle für Hillary Clinton. Natürlich würde man auch den einen oder anderen finden, der illegal für ihn abgestimmt habe. Diese Person würde man dann, sagte Trump, als Gegenbeweis vor die Kameras zerren. Aber die Wahrheit sei, dass Millionen von illegalen Stimmen fast ausnahmslos für Clinton abgegeben worden seien...
One striking observation in Parkinson’s disease (PD) is the remarkable gender difference in incidence and prevalence of the disease. Data on gender differences with regard to disease onset, motor and non-motor symptoms, and dopaminergic medication are limited. Furthermore, whether estrogen status affects disease onset and progression of PD is controversially discussed. In this retrospective single center study, we extracted clinical data of 226 ambulatory PD patients and compared age of disease onset, disease stage, motor impairment, non-motor symptoms, and dopaminergic medication between genders. We applied a matched-pairs design to adjust for age and disease duration. To determine the effect of estrogen-related reproductive factors including number of children, age at menarche, and menopause on the age of onset, we applied a standardized questionnaire and performed a regression analysis. The male to female ratio in the present PD cohort was 1.9:1 (147 men vs. 79 women). Male patients showed increased motor impairment than female patients. The levodopa equivalent daily dose was increased by 18.9% in male patients compared to female patients. Matched-pairs analysis confirmed the increased dose of dopaminergic medication in male patients. No differences were observed in age of onset, type of medication, and non-motor symptoms between both groups. Female reproductive factors including number of children, age at menarche, and age at menopause were positively associated with a delay of disease onset up to 30 months. The disease-modifying role of estrogen-related outcome measures warrants further clinical and experimental studies targeting gender differences, specifically hormone-dependent pathways in PD.
Este artigo visa discutir os modelos de síntese pressupostos pela dialética negativa de Adorno através de aproximações de temáticas maiores da filosofia de Karl Marx. Isto nos permitirá qualificar melhor a natureza materialista da dialética negativa adorniana, abordando inclusive o impacto político de certas elaborações conceituais.
O Objetivo deste artigo consiste em apresentar fundamentos da proposta epistemológica de Jürgen Habermas, identificados em obras precedentes à sua Teoria do agir comunicativo. A partir de Teoria analítica da ciência e dialética será explorada a proposta do autor, tendo percorrido antecipadamente pela querela entre Popper e Adorno; posteriormente busca-se analisar como Habermas, em debate com seus contemporâneos, retrata sua proposta em Técnica e ciência como ideologia, considerado um marco para a Escola de Frankfurt.
In the past years a variety of papers have been presented by the European Commission and by the EU High Representative, outlining strategies of the EU in foreign-, security- and refugee policies. Many of these strategic documents reflect the ambivalence of the EU Policy. On the one hand the complementarity and coherence of approaches is emphasized; on the other hand, core elements of the foreign-, security- and refugee policy undermine aims in other policy fields...
Rethinking concepts of peace
(2017)
Motivated by a structural blind spot of Peace Studies regarding the (manifoldness of) definitions of its central concept "peace", I argue that this blind spot is especially manifested in the Eurocentric view on peace. My claim: Non-"Western" concepts of peace should be considered more in Peace Studies...
Megaregional trade negotiations have become the subject of heated debate, above all in the context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In this article, I argue that the justice of the global order suffers from its institutional fragmentation into regime complexes. From a republican perspective, which aspires to non-domination as a guiding principles and idea of global justice, regime complexes raise specific and important challenges in that they open the door to specific forms of domination. I thereby challenge a more optimistic outlook in regime complexes, which paints a positive normative picture of regime complexes, arguing that they enable the enhancement of democracy beyond the state and, consequently, have the potential to reduce the democratic deficit in global governance. By drawing attention to how regime complexes reinforce domination-related injustice, this article contributes an original perspective on megaregionals and to exploring the implications of global justice as non-domination.
Armed resistance by interest groups against governments, their policies and symbols has a long history all across the world. During the currency of resistance movement, given the checkered stake holder ship in the conflict, weapon supply to funding of the myriad resistance groups has been a regular modus operandi to generate resistance movement funding...
Dringlichkeiten geben häufig den Takt im Alltag vor. Denn Wettbewerbsdruck und damit verbundene Beschleunigung verändern nicht nur die Arbeitswelt, sondern auch den Familienalltag und die individuelle Lebensführung. Doch weshalb gewinnen im Umgang mit der Zeit Kriterien der Effizienz und "Rendite" so leicht an Bedeutung? Offenbar wird es keineswegs nur als leidvoll erlebt, sich daran anzupassen.
Conflict and insecurity have largely been the major driving factors behind the current wave of population influx in Europe. It is desirable that to understand the current migrant crisis in Europe, it is essential to understand the nature of the on-going conflict and existing insecurities in the home states from where the migrants are coming...
Die erste Phase des im Dezember 2016 in Kraft getretenen Friedensabkommens zwischen der kolumbianischen Regierung und den FARC-Rebellen ist mit der Ankunft von ca. 6300 Kämpfern in den vereinbarten 26 Konzentrationszonen abgeschlossen. Dort wird nun der Prozess der Entwaffnung beginnen und die Vorbereitung auf die Eingliederung in das zivile Leben, ein Schritt, der der kolumbianischen Gesellschaft noch große Opfer abverlangen wird – sei es bezogen auf die Prozesse der justiziellen Aufarbeitung der Vergangenheit, sei es hinsichtlich der notwendigen Versöhnungsprozesse oder sei es bei der Suche nach neuen Formen des friedlichen Zusammenlebens. Sich in das zivile Leben einzufinden, dürfte insbesondere den ca. 7000 geschätzten Kindersoldaten Kolumbiens schwer fallen, die teilweise bereits im Alter von 12 Jahren von den illegalen bewaffneten Akteuren des Landes an Waffen ausgebildet wurden und ihre Kindheit bzw. Jugend in Guerilla-Verbänden verbracht haben. Die umfassende Betreuung der Kindersoldaten ist einer der zentralen Indikatoren für einen erfolgreichen Verlauf des Friedensprozesses in Kolumbien, wenn der Teufelskreis aus Gewalt, Vertreibung und Rekrutierung Minderjähriger durchbrochen werden soll. Sonst droht eine Verlängerung von Gewaltbiographien, die die Geschichte des Landes bereits in der Vergangenheit maßgeblich geprägt haben.
Ein Jahr intensiver Vorbereitungen liegt nun hinter uns. Richtig, ein Jahr Vorbereitung für eine einwöchige Konferenz! Doch auch dieses Jahr hat sich wieder gezeigt wie wichtig diese intensive Vorbereitung ist: Die Studierenden haben sich vertiefte Kenntnisse über die Vereinten Nationen und die zu vertretenden Länder Israel und Frankreich angeeignet und neue Kompetenzen erworben. ...
National Model United Nations New York 2018 : Delegation der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
(2017)
Seit ihrer Gründung im Jahr 1945 sind die Vereinten Nationen zur bedeutendsten und einflussreichsten internationalen Organisation avanciert. Mittlerweile arbeiten 193 Mitgliedsstaaten gemeinsam an dem ehrgeizigen Ziel, den Weltfrieden und die internationale Sicherheit zu wahren. Der in der Charta der Vereinten Nationen verankerte Grundsatz des Verzichts auf Gewaltanwendung und der friedlichen Beilegung aller Streitigkeiten macht sie zu einer weltweit einzigartigen Institution.
Die Beschäftigung mit den Vereinten Nationen ist für Studierende der Gesellschaftswissenschaften – insbesondere der Politikwissenschaft – essentiell für den späteren Berufsalltag. Da der Fokus im wissenschaftlichen Universitätsbetrieb häufig auf der Diskussion theoretischer Paradigmen und eher selten auf praktischen Fragestellungen liegt, ist die Teilnahme am National Model United Nations (NMUN) in New York eine willkommene Abwechslung mit einzigartigem Charakter. Innerhalb einer Simulation von UN-Verhandlungen versetzen sich Studierende als Mitglieder einer Delegation in die Lage von Diplomaten und vertreten die Interessen, Werte und Positionen des ihnen zugeteilten Landes. Dabei versuchen sie, dessen Standpunkte in Kooperation mit anderen Delegationen durchzusetzen. ...
Die Berichterstattung über den Nahostkonflikt gehört seit Jahrzehnten zum Standardrepertoire der Nachrichten. Hierzulande hat fast jeder eine Meinung zum israelisch-arabischen Konflikt, doch wenige verstehen, um was es den Konfliktparteien eigentlich geht, was in bisherigen Verhandlungen erreicht worden ist und wo genau die Hürden für eine Konfliktregelung liegen. Dieses Buch liefert eine kompakte und zugleich anschauliche und detaillierte Analyse des Konflikts zwischen Israel und seinen arabischen Nachbarn. Dabei stehen die lokalen und regionalen Akteure im Mittelpunkt. Um die Konfliktdynamiken zu erklären, geht das Buch vor allem auf die konkurrierenden Interessen und Narrative der Konfliktparteien sowie ihre Wechselwirkungen ein.
O reconhecimento é um conceito normativo. Ao reconhecermos alguém como portador de determinadas características ou capacidades, reconhecemos seu status normativo e estamos assumindo responsabilidade por tratar este alguém de determinada forma. O não reconhecimento, neste caso, pode significar privação de direitos e marginalização; em uma democracia pode impossibilitar indivíduos ou grupos de desfrutar o ideal igualitário democrático, por exemplo. Nas últimas três décadas, a reflexão sobre esta categoria se aprofundou e assumiu maior importância no debate entre liberalismo e comunitarismo em paralelo às demandas, por vezes pelas conquistas, de grupos e minorias (LGBTQIA, portadores de necessidades especiais, feministas, indígenas, étnicos, etc.) que se sentem não reconhecidos e se engajam em movimentos políticos através de lutas por reconhecimento. Retomaremos, aqui, o desenvolvimento do conceito de “eticidade” empreendido por Axel Honneth em Luta por reconhecimento (1992), obra fundamental para a reflexão sobre o tema. O autor situa sua teoria no meio termo entre a moral kantiana e as éticas comunitaristas: sua concepção é formal por entender que normas universais são condições de algumas possibilidades, mas é substantiva por se orientar pelo fim da autorrealização humana.
Aproximações entre Nietzsche e Adorno acerca da massificação da cultura e da vida administrada
(2017)
Pretendemos pensar as relações entre arte e sociedade, tendo sempre em mente a tensão irredutível entre a autonomia e a heteronomia de uma em relação a outra. Para tanto, traçaremos uma análise dos argumentos principais a respeito dessa relação dialética, em dois momentos distintos da reflexão filosófica sobre o tema. Em um primeiro momento, traremos a defesa de uma certa autonomia da arte com referência não apenas à sociedade que a produz, como também aos valores morais que são ensinados através dela, com as reflexões e, sobretudo, com as críticas de Nietzsche sobre suas interpretações da tragédia clássica, a partir principalmente de O Nascimento da Tragédia, para, em um segundo momento, poder traçar um paralelo dessa argumentação com a constatação de Adorno a respeito da instrumentalização e da comercialização da arte, no contexto contemporâneo, expondo algumas das críticas de Nietzsche realizadas no séc. XIX sobre as produções culturais gregas do séc. IV a. C. e contextualizando-as em relação aos fenômenos estéticos contemporâneos.
Die Arbeit untersucht am Fall der Religionspolitik in den Verfassungsgebungsprozessen der deutschen Bundesländer, ob Verfassungen eher das Ergebnis von Konflikt oder Konsens sind. Die Länderverfassungen zeigen eine hohe religionspolitische Vielfalt, die in dieser Arbeit erstmals vollständig erhoben und systematisiert wird. Die religionspolitischen Normen der Verfassungen werden vier Typen von Religionspolitik zugewiesen (Statusverleihung, Redistribution, Religionsfreiheit und Restriktion). Für die Verbreitung der einzelnen Normen werden die historischen Verläufe von 1919 bis 2015 analysiert und Trends beschrieben. Für die Erklärung der Unterschiede entwickelt die Arbeit ein ökonomisches Modell des Parteienwettbewerbs, in dem religiöse Parteien, insbesondere CDU und CSU, die zentrale Rolle spielen. In dem Modell wird angenommen, dass religiöse Parteien (einschließlich der Union) nur dann die Interessen nicht- und andersreligiöser Wähler berücksichtigen – wenn dies für ihren Wahlerfolg notwendig ist. Die zentrale Idee des Modells ist, dass religionspolitische Policies unterschiedliche Kosten und Nutzen für religiöse und nichtreligiöse Wähler implizieren. Diesen Kosten und Nutzen müssten religiöse Parteien Rechnung tragen, wenn sie Politikergebnis und Wahlergebnis gleichzeitig optimieren – d.h. rational abwägend agieren. Aus der Überprüfung dieses Modells lässt sich ableiten, ob die Religionspolitik in Verfassungen das Ergebnis offener Verhandlungen mit dem Ziel der Herstellung bzw. Abbildung eines gesellschaftlichen Konsenses sind – oder ob sie vielmehr das Ergebnis harter politischer Auseinandersetzungen sind und die gesellschaftlichen Machtverhältnisse reproduzieren. Je weniger Ersteres und je mehr Zweiteres gegeben ist, desto weniger können Verfassungen voraussetzungslos als Rahmen oder Bezugspunkt eines fairen politischen Wettstreits dienen. Die Arbeit belegt dieses Modell empirisch mit einem Mixed-Methods-Ansatz aus multiplen Regressionsanalysen und fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA).