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The idea that human beings are inextricably bound to one another is at the heart of this book about African agency, especially drawing on the African philosophy Ubuntu, with its roots in human sociality and inclusivity. Ubuntu's precepts and workings are severely tested in these times of rapid change and multiple responsibilities. Africans negotiate their social existence between urban and rural life, their continental and transcontinental distances, and all the market forces that now impinge, with relationships and loyalties placed in question. Between ideal and reality, dreams and schemes, how is Ubuntu actualized, misappropriated and endangered? The book unearths the intrigues and contradictions that go with inclusivity in Africa. Basing his argument on the ideals of trust, conviviality and support embodied in the concept of Ubuntu, Francis Nyamnjoh demonstrates how the pursuit of personal success and even self-aggrandizement challenges these ideals, thus leading to discord in social relationships. Nyamnjoh uses a popular Ivorian drama with the same title to substantiate life-world realities and more importantly to demonstrate that new forms of expression, from popular drama to fiction, thicken and enrich the ethnographic component in current anthropology.
In Compagnon ! Journal d'un noussi en guerre: 2002-2011 Garvey tells the story of intimate and professional life in Côte dIvoire during a decade of civil war. During that period Garvey played an important role in the paramilitary group FLGO-Abidjan, part of the militarised wing of the so-called patriotic movement who supported President Laurent Gbagbo. Compagnon! is the outcome of the collaboration of Marcus Mausiah Garvey and the anthropologist Karel Arnaut which began in 2009 when Garvey showed Karel his autobiography-in-progress. Since that day both became companions in a long, challenging but often intensely creative and reflective literary project which led, among other things, to this book.
This book questions the politicization/depoliticization of women's and feminists' organizations in the context of globalization. It explores some African pathways, in particular those of South Africa and Senegal. Extending beyond the notions of neoliberalism and 'gender digital divide', the author is searching, through the ICT use of those organizations, the inhibiting factors or the genesis of political action, and particularly the mechanisms of institutionalization. Palmieri shows that the impact of ICT and gender inequality combine to worsen and accelerate social hierarchies and may paradoxically create spaces where non-dominated gendered knowledge emerge. She dissociates domination and power. This book introduces new directions for feminist epistemology. Contemporary societies, strongly foot-printed by digital connection, are mixing the coloniality of power and patriarchy, and this dual system of domination can produce epistemic creation.
When an Anglophone takes up the challenge to write in French and for those who think they have the monopoly of the French language, the result is exhilarating for the reader. This is regarding poetry born of the plume of Bill F. Ndi. Though this is not his first collection in the French language, The Crossroads: Black or Blackened smacks with the poets lexical usage and the imagery the words evoke to awaken the readers conscience of the misdeeds plaguing the society. The word choices are just and à propos. Esthetically and rhythmically, the poems in this volume jolt the readers senses.
This book starts from the premise that the advent of mobile telephony in Mali coincided with economic liberalization, internationalization of trades and new balances in social spaces such as the Bamako market and the Center and Northern regions of Mali already under stress and / or major reconfigurations. These have resulted in increasing the mobility made ??both inside and outside the country (migrants and displaced persons, etc.); the appearance of new figures of businessmen, entrepreneurs, traders and changing trade routes. However, these mobilities produce original territories circulations and various exchanges that can not be understand in the exclusive setting of the local society. Perceived as pens or territorial ghettos, they are also anchors in cities. Centralities invisible and often confused with other businesses, these territories are also internalized operators forming networks between cities and the countryside. The investigated sites are representative of different scales: links, networks and territories across the Sahel and Sahara, and lastly of the territory enclosed within national boundaries, and finally across small parts of that territory, Douentza and the edges of the Sahara, the region of Kidal. In all cases it came to study in parallel, the social structure, the nature of territories or networks and actors that produce them, their links with urban areas, institutions, groups of actors embedded in these territories and movements registered by the use and ownership of the phone.
Using linguistic stylings as subversive as the messages nestled between the lines, Vakunta s Requiem for Ongola in Camfranglais: Cameroonian poetics presents a scathing critique of the corruption of democracy into democraziness running rampant in the Sick Man of Africa . Written in Camfranglais, this is resistance poetry at its best: tokking through the mouth of the voiceless , the author pulls no punches in condemning the country s roi fain ant, the perverted acceptance of feymania, the reduction of the national Constitution into toilet paper, and the general climate of impunity that has created an atmosphere of frustration and hopelessness. Calling upon the redeeming power of the Word Speak truth! these verses deftly navigate through the multilingual lexicon of a new, African hybrid language, providing an insider s account of the real stakes at hand in Ongola, the Ewondo word for Yaound .
How does one think about the form of the State in its management of conflicting ethnic groups in positive light in Africa in the present and in the future? Ethnic reality in Africa continues to be the principal determining factor of individual and collective existence, constituting an obstacle to the normal operation of its States, which often fail or collapse. In the global era, the re-organisation of power and of thought in plural societies leads to socio-political and geopolitical stabilisation. The author here argues for the implementation of 'deliberative democracy' or 'governance under the tree' as a synthesis of liberal and republican democracy based on the 'win-win' principle, different from majoritarian democracy where the 'winner takes all'. The theory of the multinational state thus proposes a constitutional, political and conceptual innovation in the plural societies of the 21st century: it entails restructuring the imagination to allow a global shift in African political thought, its needs, desires, quests, expectations and hopes.
Teachers, through their pedagogical appropriation of information and communication technology (ICT) are sometimes bewildered - as if in the middle of a new ocean. Behind them is all they have learned, and before them lies so much they do not know and that invites exploration. They accompany their students and invite others to join them in this journey. They do their best to learn, deepen their teaching, and perhaps also, through their example and their actions, encourage the revitalization of the school system. Internet is like a sea of knowledge, in a changing world, where one has to navigate with great enthusiasm, curiosity and skill, as well as patience, impatience and perseverance. Let the experiences of Malian teachers shared in this book inspire you.
? La vérité blesse ? ou encore ? la vérité est une pilule amère à avaler ? sont des adages depuis fort longtemps passés de mode. Cependant, dans La Logorrhée du poète ou lHistoire des Camerouns en 33 gouttelettes, le poète évoque et symbolise dune manière nouvelle et dune esthétique fascinante le mal-vivre de Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia avec ses frères/voisins de la République du Cameroun. Le premier ayant choisi (en 1961) la fédération avec la République du Cameroun qui nen voulut point au départ, sen veut et pour ce, cherche à défaire cette relation sans fondement ni base. Ce vouloir étant accueilli par une brutalité sanguinaire et féroce na laissé à ce poète engagé que le choix dexposer la laideur de la tyrannie, de la tuerie, de linsouciance, et de lhypocrisie de ceux sensés gouverner. Les sévices subis par le peuple du Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia semblent souligner la volonté du poète à faire valoir aux Ambazonians, leur droit de quête de liberté. Cette prise de position rappelle la perspective Sartrienne de lengagement littéraire. Bref, ce recueil est riche sur le plan esthétique et aussi historique de fond en comble.
Pour Qui File La Comete
(2017)
The appearance of a comet in some African beliefs is taken as a bad omen. In the 1960s, appeared in this imaginary land a comet whose shape resembles that of a sword and it can be seen only at dawn. People at once related this appearance with sad events. Soon after the appearance of the comet this land experienced painful events of civil war. Adouma, the main character of the story and son of a Marabout (an Islamic scholar), has attended both schools, Coranic and French. He lived through this troubled period which took place between 1960 and 1990. He waged war and also endured the harms of war. It is an enthralling and moving narrative that combines fantastic story with auto-fiction.
Clairvoyant who has lived in France for the past 24 years, expresses himself at times with a virulent violence that only an exile living in a perpetual nostalgia of his/her native land can understand. His words directed at the rulers of his native country is not always flattering, a euphemism not to say discourteous or accusatory. Poet with moral probity, he however slips into obsequiousness when expressing his anger that can easily be styled great immorality.
Bourgeon Divin: Témoignages
(2012)
Ce livre dévoile un matériel ethnographique innovant, notamment, des événements dans lesquels des individus font face au super naturel, tel la réaction à la mort d'un enfant dont l'opération chirurgicale était considérée comme la réponse aux prières à Dieu, la manière dont des étudiants Africains ont fait face à de mauvais esprits dans leurs vies, comment des Africains ont expérimenté le phénomène de miracle avec une toile de fond qui marie les religions importées (Christianisme et Islam) avec leurs croyances traditionnelles. Le matériel est aussi d'un intérèt certain pour les lecteurs engagés dans la recherche du dialogue entre les religions en vue de trouver des solutions aux conflits du monde moderne. C'est un livre qui va bousculer nos croyances. Lire par exemple ce qui se passe lorsqu'un musulman fait face au Christ dans le récit du chapitre 5. Le témoignage de Mevoutsa au chapitre 6 est une illustration parfaite de ce que les Africains attachés à leurs cultures traditionnelles croient que Dieu peut utiliser les guérisseurs traditionnels pour manifester sa présence parmi les hommes.
Women's access to land resources has been the subject of several studies and publications. However, few have explored this issue from the perspective of gender, and citizenship rights of rural women. In addition, researchers and development practitioners have lamented the acute shortage of reliable data and statistics, disaggregated by several perspectives (gender, ethnicity, agro-ecological location, among others) allowing detailed analyses of women's access to land in Senegal. This book has attempted to meet these interrelated demands. Combining quantitative and qualitative methods, and interrelated perspectives (law, economics, politics, geography, etc.), it confirms some knowledge but shows a differentiation of the systems of exclusion of women in the access and control of land resources, systems that appear to be related to socio-cultural realities specific to each agro-ecological zones of Senegal. While providing opportunities to identify the links between access to land and strengthening the citizenship of Senegalese women, this book presents the challenge of adopting an inclusive and collaborative demarche in the struggle for women's access to agricultural land in particular.
Ousmane Semb ne started writing by 1952. The Black Docker, his first novel inspired by the Marseille experience was published in 1956 by Debresse. In 1957, Amiot Dumont published O Pays, mon beau Peuple, a caustic critic of the colonial plight. This second inaugural piece, clearly autobiographical and sentimental is followed up by a vast knowledge of the strike of the Dakar-Niger railway workers: God s Bits of Wood published in 1960 by Livre Contemporain. In 1961, Pr sence Africaine pulished his collection of short stories, Volta que, in 1964 the first volume of l Harmattan which is a replay of the 28th September 1958 referendum in black Africa and in 1966 Vehi-Ciosane followed by The Money Order. To this date with six published novels and a renown Cinematographer, Ousmane Semb ne with the help of his sharp pen and his critical and observant look decides to examine the fate that the new bourgeoisie and the administrative bureaucracy mete on the downtrodden of this ignominious beauty, Dakar, the Capital of an African nation in the wake of independence. Thanks to a money order that Ibrahima Dieng wants to cash, the film maker/writer takes this character through the urban administrative labyrinth, through neighbourly disputes and through family life in the neighbourhood, highlighting and pointing in passing the crossings, abuses, vices and vicissitudes which make up this segment of life, in every aspect, exemplary. The story unfolds with the arrival of a postman carrying a letter and a problematic money order; it ends on the image of the postman handing a letter to Dieng, when a woman carrying a baby on her back comes in and interrupts them to expose the origins of her misfortunes, asking for help.
Through her Letters written to Friends, to her opponents: priests, magistrates, politicians, including the king, Elizabeth Hooton leaves a captivating testimony of her fights for and of her activism in quest of the Truth, Freedom, Justice and equity for all as well as peace on earth and within the Quaker movement. Hers was a fight and quest far from any guided by egoism pure and simple or by personal interest. She was driven by her interest in the common good of all and everywhere. In History of civilizations we have actors who fade away unnoticed or at times are just ignored whereas their contributions to the said civilizations as small as they might be have contributed tremendously in shaping without doubt the same civilizations. Elizabeth Hooton falls within this category of people whose contribution to contemporary English civilization and above all to the feminist movement can be read between the lines of the fragments of these letters; she wrote to her Friends and to the political leaders of England during an era of great changes which radically transformed the English society i.e. 17th Century England. She expresses herself in very caustic terms as a way of affirming the rights to equality of the oppressed woman and other marginals of the society of her time. She anchors her fight on the axis of a universal and Universalist quest for equality, a Quaker ideal.
Soleil et ombre
(2010)
In this collection, Bill F. NDI resorts to more sagacious versification (rhyme constraints, alliterations and at times the alexandrine) in which appear marked influences of many a French poet. Some of his more audacious poems bring to mind Calligrams and typography of Appolinaire and Paul Éluard respectively.
Réussite scolaire, Faillite Sociale : Généalogie mentale de la crise de l'Afrique Noire Francophone
(2010)
Two volumes of school textbooks have notably led to self repulsion and attraction by the other peculiar to the black African elite. These are the collection put together by the missionary brothers Macaire and Grill: Mamadou et Bineta authored by Andre Davesne alone or in collaboration with J. Gouin. To have an understanding of the kind of scholar produced by the foreign school in the colonies a century after, it is worthwhile retracing the itinerary, followed through readings by generation of pupils, to know the sources that fed their imagination. Out of tune with the universe of their birth, unable to efficiently concretize school teaching, but having certainly perceived that education and education alone is the new pedigree of distinction, school pupils have had to simulate the appropriation of fetishist models of knowledge without necessarily assimilating the spirit of the new civilization and much less taking the challenge to preserve self integrity redeemed through a complaisant dependence that spares from taking any action by fear of doing wrong or being called to order by the overbearing world. If not, how can one explain, in spite of the material and symbolic crises, that the elite since independence have not initiated a discursive strategy for another effective school system? Now, with aspiration or repugnance to discontinuity, the intentions are to rid Africa of the unhealthy residual French complexes in order to engage on the path of double acknowledgement and difference. This seems the most likely to restore trust amongst the peoples and to assure the endorsement of men worthy of being called such.
If Each One Of Us Would Be God? Is a hypothesis that rejects the logic of religious institutions with their ability to limit the evolution of human consciousness, since the reality of our existence within religions is defined as fixed. If each one of us would be God, we would return into the deepness of our absolute consciousness and be in contact with our true selves. This challenging statement awakens the conscious deadening of a Supreme human being, as the search for our spiritual identity has nothing to do with the collective degree that is dictated by religious rules, which creates dependency. It is a process of individualism that makes each one of us responsible for our own being. We can be in contact with God from the moment we become conscious of All and Nothing. As God is primarily All and Nothing (love and hate, good and evil), to be able to connect with All (Love), we must transform ourselves into All and Nothing and deepen our understanding on inner brightness and darkness, which pushes us to carry valuable moral judgements on our own acts. If Each One of Us Would Be God? courageously opens up the debate over Biblical statements. However, in order to fully understand the Bible?s dialectic, the duty of each one of us remains the deepest search of the fundamental truth of oneself to accomplish our spirituality.
It is more than forty seven years ago that the Federation of black African students in France (FEANF) organised its first seminar in Paris on the relationship between black African literature and politics. The significance of the event came from the fact that literature served as a vehicle for unmasking traitors in Africa. This was also an opportunity for African students to define the role of literature in political struggles and to appreciate correctly and objectively the commitments of African writers in French. At no time was it a question of over emphasising the importance of this type of work in relation to the immense political challenges in the liberation struggle of African countries. Despite their ideological, religious and philosophical differences, African intellectuals were all committed to African independence and unity, and the need for a critical appraisal of the contribution of African literature in this regard. Participants at this seminar accomplished this task in serenity and with much lucidity. The young generation of pupils and students have the right to know the opinions of their elders who took part, in various degrees and for various reasons, in the struggles for independence on the African continent.
The recent pirate activities on the horn of Africa have sparked interest in a phenomenon which in the years of yore characterised the high seas i.e. hostage taking. Combating this ill is the primary objective of the present treatise. Through his autobiographical narrative, The Fighting Sailor Turn'd Peaceable Christian, Thomas Lurting (1632-1713) distinguishes himself as one of the emblematic defendants of the early Quaker ideals for International Peace. In this treatise Lurting takes the fight for these ideals to the maritime scene. Most of the narrative takes place on board the Bristol Frigot, ship on board of which he was convinced. Despite staunch opposition facing the rise of Quakerism in the maritime milieu, which at the time was characterised by the spirit of belligerence, the determination of Quakers to die for their convictions, their pacific resistance ended up appealing to many a seaman who became convinced also. Numerous warring and fighting scenes constitute the ingredients for Lurting's plot development. And most especially the '...True Account of George Pattison's Being Taken by the Turks; and How Redeemed by [...], Without Bloodshed, Putting the Turks on Shoar in their Own Country....' Lurting makes of this episode the turning point around which he articulates his spiritual journey to illustrate the very Quaker ideal for an everlasting universal brotherhood and pacifism. Thomas Lurting was born in 1632, probably in Ireland. But he spent his childhood in London where at the age of fourteen he was impressed and forcefully taken to war in Ireland where he spent roughly two years. Upon his return to London, he was turned over into the Bristol Frigot, one of the war vessels belonging to Admiral Blake's fleet. On board this same ship he became convinced of the evils of war and decided to quit warring for the merchant service. He was however impressed many a times into the navy. He published his spiritual autobiography, The Fighting Sailor Turn'd Peaceable Christian. in 1710. Three years later, he passed away on the 30th March 1713, at the age of 81 in London and was laid to rest at Burmondsey. Translated and edited with introductory notes by William F. NDI, (Ph.D.) in Languages, Literatures, Contemporary and Translation Studies. Author of numerous articles and book chapters on early Quakerism and its influence on contemporary ideas and mentalities, world peace and politics, literature in general and the autobiographical and epistolary genres in particular. He has held teaching positions at the Paris school of languages, the University of Queensland, the University of the Sunshine Coast and currently teaches at Deakin University in Melbourne, Victoria, Australia.
This collection is produced by a trio which in reverse order recalls the trio Senghor, Csaire, Damas; one African and two Caribbeans who were flag bearer of a protest for the recognition of fundamental rights of which Blacks were deprived of. In the same vein, the Clervoyant, Ndi and Vakunta trio: a Caribbean and two Africans in a globalised world dissect and trace, through their poetry the horrible affliction of postcolonial pain Blacks suffer from in spite of the fight put up by their predecessors for the obtainment of fundamental human rights. For this trio, the black pen will continue to bleed until the pain is buried. That will be the only way for all from English speaking Cameroon to Haiti to lead a life worthy of its name.
Bi Tirga
(2011)
Leonard Bi Tirga, son of a poor peasant, is a studious pupil. Due to shortage of finances, he has to leave school to make ends meet and pursue his studies. Leonard becomes a sweatshop labourer. As a young labourer, his life like that of his peers is hard. The pay rate is low and the work is hard. With his friends, they engage in trade union activism. A series of complicated and trying events reinforces their conviction to militate. Thus, Leonard and his friend Camille become Union leaders. Leonard's character trait and uprightness explains the book title, Bi Tirga. In the Moore language, this means a well educated, honest, hardworking, courageous and well-behaved youth.
L'Evad de K... derives from a true story. The story begins with a flash back showing the hero in jail. Cegalo, an adolescent, lives in a difficult family. His father is a kind of headsman unable to educate his son. He strongly believes in the virtue of violence as a means of educating. The son ends up in delinquency. Robbery of tourists, especially white men is his favourite activity. After a hold-up, he is arrested and kept in custody. Unable to control him, the prison authorities decide to send him to the famous Prison of K...This prison is the most secure of the country and nobody has ever escaped from it. In order to survive, many prisoners are condemned to eat all that they can find, even mice. The law in that jungle is 'kill before you are killed'. During a nightmare, his late grandmother appears and orders him to return to his village. It's the beginning of a fantastic and dreadful adventure. He decides to escape from the Prison of K... He succeeds and after covering 300 km on foot, disguised as a mad man to avoid policemen. His aim is quite simple. He wants to return to jail in order to be judged normally, according to the new penal procedure code in force. He kidnaps the Senior Divisional Officer, the Attorney at law and the prison chief and returns to the cell. After the judgement, he is set free. He reconciles with his parents and above all finds Rosy, his childhood love.
Assessing the impact of twenty-five years of action to promote the discontinuation of female circumcision (FGM) in Francophone West Africa, should consider a key issue: the contribution of the digital revolution, and how young people - girls and boys - have been associated. As victims, subjects, objects, actors, citizens, leaders and family and community stakeholders, FGM is for them a matter of concern. Youth, ICTs and FGM reveal gender issues that must be transversally integrated in public, private, citizen and personal development policies. This is the main message of this book, which presents the results of an innovative action research conducted by ENDA Tiers Monde, with the participation of girls and boys in Burkina Faso, Mali and Senegal. The study is in the French language.
We henceforth would open our eyes, as obscene dancers of moving kidneys, as songs burning with sexual aches, alarm bells in the stomach of emptiness, today constitute our revolution. For Ada Bessomo, Obili, a residential area in Yaounde, capital of Cameroon, is the epitome of bitterness itself. How does one, in such a context, reconcile self esteem, a recollection of better days and love for a country that flexes its muscles against your breath, almost as if to test your patience, to suffocate its very future?
(De)connexions identitaires hadjeray : Les enjeux des technologies de la communication au Tchad
(2013)
The recent history of Africa is characterised by the 'revolution' in information and communication technologies (ICT), specifically in the sector of mobile telephony, which reconsiders the challenges pertaining to identity in African societies. In this book, we follow the manifestation of such dynamic forces in the Hadjeray society in Guera, Tchad, a society that has suffered a history of political violence, mobility and failures. The study shows the role of the Chadian government in the implementation of ICT and explains how government logics have amplified. Through the analysis of the changes in the economic and social spheres, occurring due to mobile telephony, we discover the identity issues that are also informed by the feeling of fear, which is part of the Chadian history of violence. However, the ways in which the Hadjeray adopt this new technology also leave them with a means to escape the logic of violence and disruption. It is mostly a dynamic force that occurs amongst the youth who, by making use of mobile networks, discover another mode of identification, between the ethnic group and the more global identity, and find through it a political voice.
Armour Sucré
(2013)
Nerisha Yanee Dewoo writes in this book of poetry, her love for her people, love in its entire glory, Mauritian love...
The poems in this collection are a mirror reflecting the goings-on in the nooks and crannies of the Republic of Cameroon. Crafted in the lingo of the man in the street, these poems speak for the voiceless in Cameroon, for all those who live on the fringe of a rich Cameroonian society. The themes broached are numerous, namely the culture of impunity, the vicious cycle of corruption, abuse of power, influence peddling, rape of the constitution, electoral gerrymandering, and the ineptitude of national bourgeoisie to name but a few. In sum, Speak camfranglais pour un renouveau ongolais is a clarion call for a new deal in Cameroon.
La radicalisation est devenue un mot désignant notre monde en couleurs négatives. Ce livre cherche à comprendre ce que cest que la radicalisation au Sahel et aux Pays-Bas ? Est-elle seulement négative? Quelle diversité de processus sociaux et politiques se trouve derrière ce concept? Les biographies de personnes nous dévoilent les messages cachés dans ce genre de dynamiques. Y a-t-il au fond un désir de changement social? Autant de questions soulevées, traitées, (partiellement) répondues, et autant dautres que la lecture de ces recueils de textes aussi divers quintéressants, ne manqueront pas de susciter au lecteur contemporain.
Armee et politique au Niger
(2008)
Niger's political history has lacked a synthesis on the army's involvement in politics since independence. The country is a fertile ground for such analysis. Between 1964 and 1999, the country witnessed three successful military coups during the democratisation process (April 1974, January 1996, and April 1999) and at least four military coup attempts (1964, 1975, 1976, 1983). In its forty years of independence, Niger has been under military rule for twenty-one years. It has also experienced seven different institutional regimes while four out of the six presidents who headed the country were soldiers. Niger evolved from the Second to the Fifth Republic in less than ten years - from the national conference (November 1991) to the last military coup (April 1999). In statistical terms, Niger has been witnessing a military coup or a military coup attempt every five-years since 1974. In addition to that, the country recorded seven mutinies and various other forms of troop rebellion between December 1963 and August 2000. In terms of institutional instability, Niger's record is unparalleled in Africa. A study on the army is therefore more needed than ever before. The recurrence with which the military appears on the political scene imposes another way of looking at Niger's army. A critical analysis of the military phenomenon, if not an assessment, would help envisage new prospects for Niger's future. This work, which was undertaken by a multi disciplinary team, suggests an analysis, from a historical and sociological perspective, of the long-standing involvement of the army in politics (the apparition of war leaders in the 19th century, the transition from colonial army to national army, the politicisation of the army and the emergence of 'military-politicians', the army sociology.). It aims at providing an answer to a key question: Why is the army so deeply involved in politics in Niger? It reveals how a significant military component has been gradually built up in Niger's political arena to become a highly dynamic political entrepreneur, able to compete with civilian politicians. The work shows, on the one hand, the significance of socio-political and economic contexts that promote the propensity for military interventionism, and on the other hand the transformations within the army that explain its propensity to intervene. It relates two decades of 'military rule', analyses their modes of legitimating, organising and managing power, gives an assessment of their economic policies and sheds light on women's role in that institution, which was thus far a men's business.
The book highlights, the gradual change in the status of the land and relationships with land in Mali in general and in the Niger river basin in particular. It is suggested that despite these inevitable transformations, institutional reforms need to be measured. They must be done in a prudent, methodical way with patience and determination while taking into account certain realities to mitigate its impact on the rural populations.
This book discusses various issues related to university governance in Africa, with a specific focus on current dynamics. It provides an understanding of the changes in the governance structures of higher education institutions. The book will appeal to those who wish to transform Africa in the context of the knowledge economy.
When, why and how can religion and culture be both sources, and places of expression for fundamentalisms, particularly in relation to politics? Those are the central questions asked throughout this book alongside a discussion on the result when religion, strenthened by culture, is used as a political tool to access moral and social power. Cultural and religious messages often form the basis of decisions, laws and programs made in politics, and have a direct effect on society in general, and on women and gender relations in particular. The various forms taken by fundamentalisms in some African countries and the contexts under which they have emerged, the ways in which they (re)shape identities and relationships between men and women are also analysed in this book. These fundamentalisms are frequently sources of concern in social debates, in feminist and feminine organizations as well as in academia and politics. The manipulation of cultures and religions are becoming progressively political, and consequently can cause social discrimination, or even physical, moral, and symbolic violence.
Achieving a new integration of Africa into the world economy in the neoliberal era prompts discussion of the success and failure of economic policies undertaken so far in African countries; And how to address the factors that currently hamper Africa's development in a globalized economy. What does globalization mean for Africa? What changes does it imply? Which models of development impose, and under what conditions? A comprehension essay is presented in this book.
CODESRIA, UNFEMMES and UNESCO, partner in research, the results of which for Senegal are set out in this book. It has been found that, despite their demographic weight, women are still marginalized in key sectors of the economy. Compared to men, they are less educated (often for cultural reasons), less paid, more likely to work in the informal sector, with a higher level of vulnerability and vulnerability. Faced with neoliberal globalization, they are the greatest victims of economic, financial and political crises. At the sociopolitical level, they continue to be subjected to multiple and multifaceted violence and are still very little involved in making decisions governing their lives and their society. Moreover, the social division of labor in households reinforces, more than ever, the invisibility of the tasks linked to their role of reproduction.
To claim its culture, to demand its right to cultural diversity or to proclaim its belonging to a group of believers and to seize the flag of that belief in order to perpetrate actions that are then called 'holy', to terrorize others by imposing their vision Of things and its law, are undoubtedly two of the most worrying features of the entry of our societies in the twenty-first century which is beginning. This is why the texts gathered here have been judged to be appropriate, to open a serious and methodical reflection on religion and culture in Africa at the threshold of the 21st century. The contributions gathered in this volume are opened by an interrogation and, rather than closed, end with an opening on research horizons. There is something here to open up and nourish the inquiries which alone or in structured groups the specialists in the sciences of man are invited to imagine and lead on the religion and culture of Africa today.
This multidisciplinary work shows the movement today of academic research in social sciences in Senegal.
The struggle for independence and the unity of African countries was at its peak during the period between 1945 and 1960. These testing times turned out to be the formative years of the young Amady Aly Dieng, and set the stage for an eventful life of commitment and challenges of all sorts for someone who ? along with other young African students, many of whom later became leaders of their respective countries ? integrated the leadership of student organizations in France, honing his militant skills at the forefront of the intellectual and political struggle for independence and the unity of the nascent sovereign nations. Amady Aly Dieng?s memoirs are primarily meant to inspire young Africans toward taking action towards true independence and development. These memoirs reflect the historic evolution of youth militancy in Africa and are to serve as an inspiration to leaders of Africa today and tomorrow.
The advent of formal independence in former French colonies in Black Africa meant the dawn of a new era: the struggle against neocolonialism. African students rallying around this struggle became new strangers and targets for expulsion out of France. The French government of the time resorted, therefore, to massive expulsions against their labour and political organizations. The implementation in 1956 of the Loi-cadre Gaston Defferre ? meant to divide up Black Africa under French dominion ? and the ensuing explosion of the two great AOF and AEF federations along with the cancellation of scholarship federal commissions will considerably weaken the Fédération des étudiants d?Afrique noire en France (FEANF) [African Student Federation in France] in favour of territorial sections. This meant that African governments were to take charge of their own students. In turn, the former used their embassies and scholarship territorial commissions to squelch those student organizations that were hostile to their collaboration with the French authorities. Among the repressive strategies were the cancellation of scholarships and grants to hotels and residences that were reserved for their students (La Maison de la Côte d?Ivoire, du Gabon, de la Haute Volta, du Congo, d?AOF), the creation of pro-government associations such as that of the Senegalese Progressive Union (UPS), the Student Movement for the African and Malagasy Organization (MEOCAM), and the National Union for Students of Côte d?Ivoire (UNECI). This marked the beginning of the decline of the Fédération des étudiants d?Afrique noire en France (FEANF). The worm had entered the fruit of unity with the implementation of the Loi-cadre.
This book on Professor Samir Amin retraces his family origins, intellectual itinerary, political struggles as well as his experience in economic policy formulation in Egypt, Mali and many other countries. The fundamentals which shaped Samir Amin's thinking, directed his life-long work and influenced his action spawned from his early discovery in high school of Marxism and Historical Materialism, used as a scientific analysis of the history of human societies. This book also highlights Samir Amin's invaluable contribution to the struggle against capitalism through his indefatigable fight to deconstruct the concepts that are used to disguise the true face of historical capitalism, which is nothing but an unabashed pursuit for accumulation and dispossession of dominated countries and peoples. Through a series of interviews with Samir Amin, the author unravels the poignant and great ideas which have been at the heart of his intellectual and political fight for the last half century. The author also provides a selection of texts which includes an exhaustive bibliography, with all published writings of Samir Amin in French. This rich work is meant for a large readership - students, researchers, teachers, political leaders and citizens who are interested in the phenomenon of globalisation and its impact on the so-called 'under-developed countries.
An analysis of natural resources in the Central African Republic has shown that the country has a strong national potential and a diversified ecosystem. However, the economy has drastically deteriorated over the years owing to mismanagement. As a result, people's welfare has become increasingly critical, reaching now the level of what can be called 'acute misery'. While studying issues of governance and the stabilisation of the economic system, this book pays a special attention to the analysis of the structural and contextual evolution of the economy of the Central African Republic. The study is a longitudinal assessment of the acts and undertakings spanning from the colonial times through 2003. A consideration of which tool to use to reach a particular economic goal requires, first and foremost, asking the question: 'If the goal is reached, are we capable of stabilizing the system?' This book is written as a guide for political decision making and a rational basis for economic policy making, through its analysis of the possible implications of instruments of target-oriented economic policy, the possible usage of rare resources, the costs of particular decisions, the sacrifice incurred by particular choices, etc. The major concern is about what the economist can bring in to prevent blind decision making: what rules can decision makers put in place to improve living conditions in the community.
How really worth are the African endogenous knowledge and know-how? Why and how can we promote this inheritage, while the so-called western scientific model looks like the best means of knowing and mastering the world? This book answers these questions by examining ifa, a West-African system of knowledge and practices which a narrow knowledge reduces to a fanciful divinatory art, an art then logically 'perceived as inconsistent and theoretically useless'. Yet, more than a divinatory art, ifa, when we submit it to analysis, appears to be an organized set of knowledge and researches, a science in the making. What makes us really think that way is the intellectual vocation that defines ifa, the rigor of the logical operations that it implies and which recalls in one way or the other the game of implicit mathematics, the objectivity requirement which is valued by the actors of the system and rests on a genuine critical tradition. This opinion is also based on the weight of myths upon which ifa rests and which constitute an important granary where a prominent set of knowledge is packed. Beyond the establishment of the consistency and the limitations of ifa, this book has strived to define a 'method' of examination and validation of the knowledge which has emerged out of the official scientific system. In fact, the questions which arise from it are finally intended to give a new foundation to philosophy of sciences and to epistemology.
Re-thinking African Economies for Development is delivered in the particularly historic context of the fiftieth independence anniversary of most African countries. This moment, therefore, calls for an assessment and suggestions for new alternatives. African countries have been searching for models of development since attaining political independence. Taking cognizance of the fact that African economies are today stuck in an impasse, many innovative ideas are proffered by the contributors to this book for new development strategies. These ideas are essentially hinged upon the successful experience of countries in Asia and Latin America, and the need to reform the State and bring about development. African intellectuals are called upon in this book to rise up to their responsibility for the production of innovative knowledge that can be used by public and private sector decision makers to raise their communities out of poverty. In this publication, issues of industrialization and diversification of African economies are raised again to decry their limited specialization which exacerbates their vulnerability toward crises. This, to a large extent, is at the root of Africas marginal status in global trade. Special attention ought to be given to those thousands of micro-economy stakeholders who are actually the backbone of African economies. Regional integration is more and more seen as an imperative for economic development in the context of Africas small sized countries that often fall prey to a great deal of political instability. The issue of financing of development is re-visited, and new ideas are put forth to better channel foreign direct investment and public revenue towards building a more viable monetary and financial system.
The dramatic sociopolitical crisis which befell Côte d'Ivoire in September 2002 gave birth to an unprecedented political zeal. Immigration, the other, ethno-nationalism, nationalism, patriotism, civil war, youth at risk - such are the words that describe the Côte d'Ivoire' situation. Attempts to explain the 'crisis' in this country, known in recent past as 'relatively peaceful', mainly happen through media 'sensationalism'. This translates at the same time the almost complete control of the scoop media which renders the understanding of the situation only possible through such outlets. The ability of media professionals to coin words through which social history is reflected upon has the effect of complicating the task of social and human sciences while also appearing as stimulating at the same time. Understanding complex situations is now a crossroad of confusion between the simple and the simplified. The challenge for social and human sciences is, therefore, to resume its rightful place by presenting social and political realities in their complexity. Contributions in this book attempt to rid simple words of their excessive simplification to enable an understanding of social and political ills as well as the sense of history. This book is to be taken as a look from within. The challenge here is to take a step back and disconnect the real from the surprising which prevents a deep analysis of realities emanating from a historical process that is relatively long. At the heart of that process resides the paradoxical re-invention of the self through violence, though in the name of democracy. The 2010 post-electoral crisis and the intensity of the violence which characterized it are once again a demonstration of the relevance of the violence-democracy paradox and the on-going exercise of objectivity.
This book re-examines historical, ethnographic and anthropological productions in various spaces in Senegambia. Just like language, material culture in original forms is powerful in the transmission and affirmation of identity. Unfortunately, archeology has so far played a very minor role in this domain in Senegambia, as the discipline has been confined to the study of eras know as prehistoric and protohistoric, which are little known by story tellers and other traditional communicators. It is generally agreed that archeology generates more inclusive knowledge, given the fact that the essential source of identity for all societal strata is based on the production, consumption, rejection or recycling of material culture. This book democratizes knowledge generation by giving prominence to the social life and identities of ordinary individuals who are often invisible in written and oral sources.
A re-conceptualisation of the health question and approaches based on the questioning of dominant paradigms are therefore needed to confront the on-going health crisis and put Africa on track for development.
Reason is not the monopoly of any particular group or culture. It is a universal human quality. Nevertheless, it should be recognised that reason manifests itself differently from one culture to another. Do we therefore admit that these forms are distinctly plural or should we, on the contrary, recognise the possibility of a meeting and, if need be, of an ordered confrontation that would guarantee, beyond this obvious diversity, a unity of human reason? This book with contributions in both English and French is the result of a debate on this question, during a conference co-organised by UNESCO and the 'Centre Africain des Hautes Etudes de Porto-Novo' on the theme 'The Meeting of Rationalities' held in Porto-Novo in Benin in September 2002, during the 26th General Assembly of the International Board of Philosophy and Human Sciences (CIPH). Several well-known researchers participated in that debate, amongst whom Richard Rorty (United States), Meinrad Hebga (Cameroon), Harris Memel-Fot? (C?te d'Ivoire), and more than seventy philosophers, historians, anthropologists, literary critics, and psychoanalysts from various countries. Paulin J. Hountondji is a Professor of Philosophy at the National University of Benin Republic, joint-laureate of Mohamed El Fasi 2004 prize. He is the Director of the African Centre of Higher Education in Porto-Novo. The American version of his book ? philosophie africaine ? : critique de l'ethnophilosophie (Paris, Maspero 1976) (African philosophy, Myth and Reality, Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1983) was awarded the Herskovits Prize in 1984. The book is part of the 100 best African books of the 20th century selected in Accra in the year 2000. Hountondji has recently published The Struggle for Meaning: Reflections on Philosophy, Culture and Democracy in Africa (Ohio University Press, 2002) and edited several publications, including Endogenous Knowledge: Research Trails, (Dakar: CODESRIA, 1997). Paulin J. Hountondji has served as the Vice-President of the International Board of Philosophy and Human Sciences (CIPH) and also of CODESRIA.
This book highlights the importance of Pan-Africanism in view of reasserting its pivotal role in the economic integration of the continent. For Africans to co-exist and aspire to a much needed dynamic and social community, there is need for a common understanding of their shared histories and projects. The contributions analyse regional identities that derive from an observed syncretism between traditional culture, Islamic religion and modernity. The example of interregional relations is tangible proof of the difficult negotiation of imposed international axiological constraints. From this perspective, the new partnership between the North and the South ought to be the responsibility of all and sundry, in which social or state actors are capable of communicating and putting forward their various rationalities for discussion. In this way, the South-South dialectic will find its place: regionalisation will as such promote solidarity between peoples and the reinvention of great democratic values.
Algeria Facing Globalisation is a contribution by intellectuals (researchers, trade-unionists, members of associative movements) to the intellectual and material crisis which Algeria has gone through since the 1980s. The crisis, evident in the new economic downturn created by globalisation, has manifested itself through a genuine right of interference, then, at the end of the violence, through the search for new insertion into a world dominated by one super-power and by a neo-liberal economy. The contributions are strategic, assess public policies and their outcomes, and provide solutions for the crisis. Three of the contributions are of global interest and underscore, on the one hand, the crisis as turning point, with respect to Algeria's economic situation, and to trends in policies before 1988 (Mohamed Moulfi). On the other hand, the contributions underscore strategies by actors that are a disservice to reform policies and nurture corruption and the shambling of the economy (Rachid Tlem?ani). Five contributions are on sector-based policies: education (Ahmed Djebbar), banking and financial system (Fatima Zohra Oufriha), environment and sustainable development (Azzouz Kerdoun), rural development (Omar Benbekhti) and the implications of the law on Hydrocarbons (Farid Benyoucef). The authors assess the repercussions of external constraints (world market for oil and agricultural products, new information and communication technologies, and the financial market). The contributions on social movements (Ahmed Chouicha), women (Souad Bendjaballah and Fatima Zohra Sa?) and intellectuals (Tayeb Chenntouf) endeavour to assess the potentials of social transformation. Last but not least, the concluding contribution is an interim assessment of the situation (Tayeb Chenntouf). It provides potential means for solving the crisis: the setting up of a new historic block with its two essential components, namely, the development of a project for the future and mobilisation of social actors capable of implementing it. Today, once again, Algeria seems to be at the crossroads.
This book is an uncompromising analysis of Senegal's decentralisation policy in rural areas. It discusses the state's inability to promote local development, despite this being its main raison d'?tre in a context of poverty. To identify reasons for the shortcomings, the author goes beyond policy statements and explores, sociologically, the compatibility of the behaviour and the cultural context of actors with the pursuance of local development objectives. Yet, there are indeed solutions to the actors' lethargy and to the weak coverage of the initiatives undertaken. The solutions can be found in the methodical and civic mobilisation around more ambitious actions that are more adapted to receptive localities, though opened to modernity and perfectly anchored in the culture for positive results. Rosnert Ludovic Alissoutin holds a PhD in Law. Since 1995, he has been working as a consultant on development issues in Senegal and Africa, particularly local development issues. The particularity of his approach lies in the rejection of scientific exclusivism and recourse to a multi disciplinary, open and flexible analysis of the complexity of human development. It is this perspective that informed his doctoral thesis on La Gestion de l'eau en milieu aride, which discusses legal, anthropological, geographical, and sociological issues. For additional information on his profile and work, visit his website: http://www.ralissoutin.com.
' ''The 30th Anniversary of CODESRIA, held in Dakar in December 2003 under the theme ''''Intellectuals, Nationalism and the Pan-African Ideal'''', yielded an impressive crop of papers. This book brings together eight of the numerous papers presented on Regional Integration, Democracy and Pan-Africanism, amongst which are those by Bernard Founou-Tchuigoua, Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan and Alexis Adand?. Each author explores from a special angle questions related to regional integration, democracy or Pan-Africanism. The contributions explore the diversity of paradigms which have been forged or applied on the African continent during the last century, especially in the course of the liberation movement and early post- independence era. Indeed, these paradigms, which largely remain relevant, are re-appraised in the light of contemporary realities.'''
Pour faire face ? l'inefficacit? du mod?le ?tatique de d?veloppement des ann?es 1960-1970, les initiatives priv?es et l'entreprenariat ont ?t? encourag?s comme un moyen de sortir les ?conomies africaines au suddu Sahara de leur marasme chronique. Dans le cas de la R?publique d?mocratique du Congo, ce changement d'orientation ?conomique a entrain? l'?mergence de micro et petites entreprises qui -compte tenu deleur manque de structuration, de leur ?volution en marge du cadre l?gal, de leurs insuffisances intrins?ques ? pourvoir des emplois durables et deleur faible impact socio-?conomique- ont montr? leur limite quant ? leur capacit? de fournir un gage de d?veloppement durable. Avec une approche m?thodologique bas?e sur la micro-?conomie, la statistique et l'?conom?trie, ce livre scrute l'environnement ?conomique, mais aussi l?gal et financier dans lequel ?voluent les PME congolaises. Ce livre tente aussi de r?pondre aux questions li?es aux facteurs decroissance, aux conditions et m?canismes qui doivent constituer lesoubassement du d?veloppement des PME dans le contexte de la RDC. Un d?veloppement qui facilitera la transition vers l'?re de l'entreprise capitaliste moderne. Emmanuel-Gustave Kintambu Mafukuest Professeur titulaire ?l'Universit? de Kinshasa et ? l'Universit? Kongo ? Mbanza-Ngungu. Il estle directeur du Centre de promotion de la petite et moyenne entreprise(CEPRO/PME) et le coordonnateur du Groupe National de Travail (GNT)sur la RDC.
This book seeks to explain the events that have been taking place in C?te d'Ivoire since 1999 and which are commonly referred to as 'la crise ivoirienne' (the Ivorian crisis). It seems that the day to day interpretation of the events did not provide a satisfactory explanation of the deep fracture and that it was necessary to reconsider the essentialist theoretical categories that are striving to impose on us a false view, made cumbersome by ethnocentric prejudices. To avoid falling into the trap of the day to day interpretation of events will require an in-depth questioning of the causes of the foreseen collapse of the Ivorian model. Having a grasp on the historical meaning of facts is required in examining the sequence and interconnection of events which we always need to rule on the historical weight in order to gauge the tragic trend of the social dynamics. While looking for the causes of the social and political rift, the authors of this volume started by asking a central question: How does the weight of the modern Ivorian society formation intervene in the modalities of the actions of individuals and current collectivities? The brutal and violent fracture which the Ivorian social formation underwent brings forth, once again, the issue of collective identities and unveils, at the same time, the challenges related to the incomplete nature of the construction of 'Nation States' in Africa. In fact, it is a mistake to think that the crisis spontaneously started among partisan higher authorities and to ignore that behind the ostentatious declarations on National Unity, pre-colonial groups have not completely melted into the modern 'Nation'. Furthermore, in the process of 'national' social space formation, new social combinations emerge by continuously re-inventing themselves. It seems that the roots of current crises reside in the unprecedented transformation which contemporary African societies have been undergoing.
Très peu de personnes auront eu à traverser des temps aussi troublés que ceux que vécut Agathe Uwilingiyimana comme Premier ministre du Rwanda avant le génocide. Au sujet de cette femme de tête, ses idées et son action, bien des questions demeurent sans réponse. Qui la assassinée et pourquoi ? Aurait-elle tenté un putsch contre le Président Habyarimana ? Aurait-elle trempé dans le complot visant à assassiner ce dernier ? Comment entendait-elle sauver le pays du chaos et de la descente aux enfers après la disparition inopinée du Président de la République quelle avait si âprement combattu ? Était-elle maîtresse de ses décisions ou était-elle désinformée ou manipulée ? Pourquoi et comment cette enseignante récemment embarquée en politique a-t-elle été la cible privilégiée de la presse de caniveau, entre 1992 et 1994 ? Quel comportement exceptionnel a-t-elle eu pour que la patrie reconnaissante lélève au rang des héros dans lordre dImena ? Son royaume denfance, son adolescence et sa jeunesse préfiguraient-ils un destin si singulier ? À travers lectures, souvenirs, témoignages et anecdotes, son ami denfance nous offre un récit édifiant, court mais dense, qui nous fait découvrir la vie et la personnalité complexe et polymorphe de cette flamme éphémère dans la nuit rwandaise.
Issues of gender, marriage and family are at the heart of the main cultural wars of our time and have led to a number of legal and societal reforms in many African countries. These reforms, generally initiated by the state and dictated by the neoliberal model of human rights, often have to come to terms with local resistance, mainly from religious circles. What is the modus operandi of these reforms? What are the power relationships that structure them? How are they perceived and received by African societies? What are the terms of religious resistance? These questions are at the heart of this volume which examines the margins of docility and indocility of African societies to legal reforms aimed at promoting the neoliberal model of sexuality, marriage and the family. Emphasis is placed on the centrality of the state and the power struggle with other stakeholders in the deconstruction and reconstruction of gender relations. Few empirical studies have illustrated the issue of power struggles surrounding the social production of gender norms. This book is the outcome of an international conference organized at the Institute of Dignity and Human Rights of the Center for Research and Action for Peace (CERAP) in Abidjan, in June 2017, on the following theme: 'State, Religions and Gender in West and Central Africa'. The main objective of the conference was not only to highlight the results of a research project on the reception of the recent modification of the family code in Côte dIvoire but also to broaden the discussion to similar case studies in other countries of West and Central Africa such as Senegal, Niger, Benin, Cameroon and Mali.
Eastern Dan-French dictionary, preceded by a grammar sketch, is the first and only dictionary of this language spoken in Western Côte d'Ivoire by half a million people. Both in dictionary and in the grammar sketch, lexical and grammatical tones are marked throughout. Polysemy and idiomatics are broadly represented, dictionary entries include abundant illustrative examples reflecting the cultural specifics of Dan. The dictionary has a French-Dan index. The publication is oriented both to Dan languages learners and professional linguists; it can be also used by the native speakers of Dan.
Western Dan-French dictionary is the first and only dictionary of this language spoken in Western Côte d'Ivoire by half a million people. In the Dictionary, lexical and grammatical tones are marked throughout. Polysemy and idiomatics are broadly represented, dictionary entries include abundant illustrative examples reflecting the cultural specifics of Dan. The dictionary has a French-Dan index. The publication is oriented both to Dan languages learners and professional linguists; it can be also used by the native speakers of Dan.
Ce travail, dont le titre est : Le modèle d’immersion réciproque en question : enseigner en classe bilingue à New York et à Francfort / Das Two-Way-Immersion Modell im Fokus: Zweisprachig unterrichten in New York und Frankfurt/Main, a pour objectif de répondre à la problématique suivante : Comment la conceptualisation du modèle d’enseignement bilingue d’immersion réciproque influence les pratiques éducatives (didactiques et pédagogiques) des enseignants, et pourquoi?
Afin de répondre à cette question, j’ai choisi d’étudier un modèle bilingue spécifique, le modèle bilingue d’immersion réciproque (ou « Two-Way-Immersion ») qui, dans la façon dont il intègre deux groupes d’élèves locuteurs de différentes langues qui apprennent les uns des autres, m’a semblé reposer sur une conceptualisation de l’enseignement bilingue dépassant une vision monolingue de ce dernier. Je montrerai dans la thèse, qu’en réalité, un même modèle peut se décliner différemment selon les choix didactiques et pédagogiques et selon les contextes de sa mise en œuvre et que seule une analyse approfondie peut permettre d’en révéler toute la complexité. À cette fin, j’ai observé des classes bilingues à New York et à Francfort, classes qui ont ensuite constitué mon terrain d’étude.
La thèse est organisée en 5 chapitres. Le premier chapitre propose un passage en revue de la littérature scientifique sur l’enseignement bilingue dans divers contextes. Le deuxième chapitre est consacré à la méthodologie de recherche que j’ai choisi d’utiliser pour explorer la complexité de mon objet de recherche. Les deux chapitres suivants proposent une analyse sociolinguistique de chaque contexte, New York (3) et Francfort (4). Le dernier chapitre, (5), est consacré à l’analyse des données récoltées (des entretiens, des observations de séances, des documents d’élèves et divers documents pédagogiques). Mon objectif, dans ce chapitre, est de montrer comment les orientations influencent les choix didactiques et pédagogiques des enseignants et ont un impact sur les pratiques de classe.
Many contemporary African writers remain trapped in the quest for a worldview, philosophy, supposing a single 'African' demesne to explain the entire continent, referring to a mythical past. Paulin Hountondji shows how these strange conceptual constructions have played a positive role in the resistance led by intellectuals of colonial rule: they responded to the negation of the oppression that it comprised of, but it was an ambiguous answer, especially because it was built on the principles derived from the works of European ethnologists, particularly the Père Tempels. Independence opened a new historical period; these philosophical elaborations changed direction: once an expression of anti-colonial resistance, they are nowadays an ideology that justifies and reinforces the dominance of the contemporary state; the intellectuals who create them are today only the 'griots' of the regimes in place. Analysing without complacency the work of Nkrumah, of the Cameroonian Towa, and of the Rwandan Kagamé, amongst others, Hountondji exposes and denounces this antagonism. To him, the critical project proposed in this book seems a necessary step on the way to 'the liberation of theoretical creativity,' the peoples of Africa and their full participation in the universal intellectual debate!
From my friendships and loves are born the lines herein. My greatest desire is that we must learn to love to the best of our abilities and not better than the Best of our abilities. Requesting the latter would be demanding the impossible. For me, every heart is filled with goodness and love that only a positive posturing and channeling of their energies can warrant the transcendence of these terrestrial realities to flirt with their divine counterparts.
La caricature française : journal sans abonnés et sans collaborateurs. No. XXV, 17 septembre 1836
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La caricature française : journal sans abonnés et sans collaborateurs. No. XXIV, 10 septembre 1836
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La caricature française : journal sans abonnés et sans collaborateurs. No. XXIII, 3 septembre 1836
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La caricature française : journal sans abonnés et sans collaborateurs. No. XXII, 27 aout 1836
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La caricature française : journal sans abonnés et sans collaborateurs. No. XVIII, 30 juillet 1836
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La caricature française : journal sans abonnés et sans collaborateurs. No. XVII, 23 juillet 1836
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La caricature française : journal sans abonnés et sans collaborateurs. No. XVI, 16 juillet 1836
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La caricature française : journal sans abonnés et sans collaborateurs. No. XV, 9 juillet 1836
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La caricature française : journal sans abonnés et sans collaborateurs. No. XIV, 2 juillet 1836
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La caricature française : journal sans abonnés et sans collaborateurs. No. XIII, 24 juni 1836
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