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Objectives: To assess and compare the efficacy and safety of autogenous tooth roots (TRs) and autogenous bone blocks (ABs) for combined vertical and horizontal alveolar ridge augmentation and two-stage implant placement.
Materials and Methods: A total of 28 patients in need of implant therapy and vertical ridge augmentation were allocated to parallel groups receiving either healthy autogenous tooth roots (e.g., retained wisdom teeth) (n = 14, n = 15 defects) or cortical autogenous bone blocks harvested from the retromolar area (n = 14, n = 17 defects). After 26 weeks of submerged healing, the clinical reduction in ridge height (RH) deficiency was defined as the primary outcome.
Results: Both surgical procedures were associated with a similar mean reduction in RH deficiency values, amounting to 4.48 ± 2.42 mm (median: 4.25; 95% CI: 3.08–5.88) in the TR group and 4.46 ± 3.31 mm (median: 3.00; 95% CI: 2.54–6.38) in the AB group (p = .60, Mann–Whitney U-test). In all patients investigated, the reduction in RH deficiency values allowed for an adequate implant placement at the respective sites. The frequency of complications (e.g., soft tissue dehiscences) was low (TR: n = 4; AB: n = 0).
Conclusions: Up to staged-implant placement, both TR and AB grafts appeared to be associated with comparable efficacy and safety for combined vertical and horizontal alveolar ridge augmentation.
In our presentation we will outline the verb system of Lelemi and concentrate on certain “focal” aspects which are of primary interest to us. Lelemi has two TAMP paradigms: one constituting the so-called “simple tenses”, the other the so-called “relative tenses” (Allan 1973), although not every “simple tense” has a counterpart in the “relative tenses”. The simple paradigm is formed by subject prefixes (prefixed pronouns for 1st or 2nd person and noun class pronouns for 3rd persons) and the verb form whereas the relative paradigm is build up by the obligatory use of an external subject noun, an invariable verb prefix, and the verb form. While the simple paradigm is used in quite a lot of syntactic environments the relative paradigm only shows up in relative clauses with the subject being the head as well as in subject and sentence focus constructions including questions concerning the subject. We will show some interesting interactions between the grammatical expression of focus and the verb system and sketch the grammaticalisation path of the morpheme nà.
Low tone spreading in Buli
(2003)
In Buli, tone indicates lexical information as well as grammatical information. The changing of tone patterns regularly observed on lexemes is covered best by an autosegmental approach with autonomous tonal and segmental tiers. It reveals considerable deviations between underlying and surfacing tones at several morpho- yntactic points. Realization of tone is sometimes oppressed or delayed. Cause for such disturbances is in all cases a low tone which spreads to the right and affects following high tones with different results. The aim of this paper is to show how L spreading acts and how it is integrated in the system of tonal contrast.
This article discusses the divergent status of the two particles lé and lá in the grammar of Konkomba, a Gur language (Niger-Congo) of the Gurma subgroup. While previous studies claim that both particles are focus markers, this author argues that only the particle lá should be analyzed as a pure pragmatic device. Distributional studies suggest that the use of particle lé, on the other hand, is only required under specific focus conditions, and primarily represents a syntactic device.
Research on adverbials in sentence-medial position in the North- Ghanaian Gur language Buli suggests that the language offers two divergent slots for adverbials between subject and verb. Special attention is paid to the group of sentence-medial deictic temporal adverbials. While they have the potential to develop into tense markers, this process seems to depend on special information structural conditions.
The paper investigates focus marking devices in the scarcely documented North-Ghanaian Gur language Konkomba. The two particles lé and lá occur under specific focus conditions and are therefore regarded as focus markers in the sparse literature. Comparing the distribution and obligatoriness of both alleged focus markers however, I show that one of the particles, lé, is better analyzed as a connective particle, i.e. as a syntactic rather than as a genuine pragmatic marker, and that comparable syntactic focus marking strategies for sentence-initial constituents are also known from related languages.