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We address three properties of Turkish morphology and VP coordination: the identification of tense and aspect values across conjuncts, the optional omission of affixes on non-final conjuncts coordinated with the word ve and the obligatory sharing of scopal modals across conjuncts in coordination structures with the affix -ip. For the modals in an -ip structure, we propose an analysis that uses syntactic features to trigger the application of a construction at the level of the coordinated VP introducing the scopal predications. Our analysis is implemented in a small HPSG grammar and tested against datasets confirming the functionality and consistency of the analysis.
Since Pollard and Sag (1994) it has been assumed that raising involves full structure sharing, whereas a control verb merely shares the content of one of the lower verb's arguments. This has been considered a property of the phenomena, despite the fact that Pollard and Sag (1994) present this syntactic difference as a hypothesis confirmed for Icelandic only. In this paper we discuss the difference between raising and control from the perspective of Dutch and German passives. It has already been shown by Van Noord and Kordoni (2005) that the secondary object passives in these languages are raising structures, in which the case of the raised argument changes. In this paper we provide additional evidence for the raising analysis, and we propose a new analysis, which allows for a uniform account of Dutch and German passives as raising structures. Przepiorkowski and Rosen (2004) show that control may exhibit case transmission; the data presented in this paper shows that raising may not. Therefore, we claim that the distinction between raising and control is found in theta-role assignment. Syntactically they tend to behave differently, but they may also behave in the exact same way.