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This paper aims to provide a descriptive analysis of the changing patterns of labour market participation, non-participation and unemployment in Great Britain, Sweden and Germany. Since the mid 1970s, most European countries have experienced two parallel developments: on the one hand they have witnessed a huge growth in the proportion of women participating on the labour market. On the other however, they have experienced the return of mass unemployment and a growing insecurity of employment for those in work. In this paper, a typology of work histories is constructed using decade periods. Retrospective and panel data from Germany, Britain and Sweden are then used to compare the effects of different employment and welfare regimes on the proportions of respondents with different types of work histories and how these are combined with unemployment.
Überarbeitete Version des Arbeitspapiers "The dynamics of labour market participation, unemployment and non-participation in Great Britain, Sweden and Germany" / Wolfgang Strengmann-Kuhn. [Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main, Fachbereich Wirtschaftswissenschaften, Institut für Volkswirtschaftslehre]
This paper fits within a broader research programme concerned with the processes that link labour market precarity and social exclusion. Labour market insecurity manifests itself most directly in the form of unemployment, and other elements in the programme seek to measure the impact of precarity, and unemployment in particular, on poverty and social exclusion in the eight countries covered. One of the principal concerns of the programme is however the extent to which institutional differences across countries with respect to the labour market and social protection are a significant factor mediating the relationship between labour market precarity and social exclusion. This paper focuses on the effectiveness of cash transfers, the central element of social protection systems, in alleviating the effects of unemployment on income poverty. The structures of social protection systems vary greatly across European Union member states, and in many cases have altered significantly in recent years in response to high unemployment (see Hauser et al, 1998). Using data from the mid-1980s and the mid-1990s for six member countries, the paper compares the effectiveness of different systems in lifting or keeping the unemployed out of poverty, and how this has been affected by the way systems have responded to the challenges produced by developments in the labour market in the past decade. The specific role of social insurance-based unemployment-linked transfers versus other cash transfers is also considered, to assess the extent to which social insurance has been able to cope with changes in the labour market over the period. The data come from a variety of national large-scale household surveys. The paper is structured as follows. Section 2 discusses the data and methods to be employed in measuring the impact of cash transfers on poverty risks for the unemployed. Section 3 looks at the overall risks of poverty for the unemployed before and after cash transfers, and how these changed between the mid-1980s and mid-1990s. Section 4 looks at the role of social insurance-based unemployment payments versus other cash transfers. Section 5 examines the extent to which the impact of transfers varies by gender and by duration of unemployment. Section 6 highlights the key patterns identified and what these tell us about the relationship between the type of welfare regime a country operates and effectiveness in alleviating poverty among the unemployed.
Untersuchung der Konformation und Dynamik von RNA mit Hilfe fluoreszierender Farbstoffmoleküle
(2010)
Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Untersuchung der konformationellen und elektronischen Eigenschaften sowie der Dynamik verschiedener RNA-Systeme. Zur Durchführung dieser Experimente wurde zusätzlich zu bereits vorhandenen statischen und zeitaufgelösten Absorptionsspektrometern im Rahmen dieser Arbeit eine Apparatur zur Messung von Fluoreszenzlebensdauern entwickelt, die durch die integrative Verwendung zweier verschiedener, etablierter Technologien (TCSPC und Aufkonvertierung) über einen weiten Zeitbereich von 9 Größenordnungen (100 fs - 0,1 ms) operiert. Mit diesem Aufbau konnten neben den RNA-Studien wichtige Beiträge zum Verständnis der Isomerisierung eines Retinalproteins, des Transportprozess des Membrantransportproteins TbSMR und der im Infraroten liegenden Fluoreszenz des Radikalkations von Astaxanthin gewonnen werden. Der Schwerpunkt der vorliegenden Arbeit liegt auf der Untersuchung verschiedener RNA-Systeme: So werden die optischen Eigenschaften einer 1-Ethinylpyren-modifzierten RNA-Adeninbase allein und in RNA-Strängen eingebunden untersucht. Statische Fluoreszenzmessungen zeigen einen ausgeprägten Ladungstransfercharakter des Chromophors und eine generell große Wechselwirkung zwischen Ethinylpyren und Adenin, die in einer substanziellen Änderung der optischen Eigenschaften des Pyrens resultiert. Die Untersuchung der schnellen Photodynamik von Pyrenadenin zeigt zudem eine Verringerung der Lebensdauer von Pyren um etwa 2 Größenordnungen. Pyrenadenin zeigt sowohl Fluoreszenz eines neutralen (100-200 ps), als auch eines energetisch tiefer liegenden Ladungstransferzustands (1-2 ns). Die Formationszeit des Ladungstransferzustandes fällt mit steigender Polarität des Lösemittels. Eingebunden in Modell-RNA-Stränge ist Fluoreszenzquantenausbeute des Chromophors ein deutlicher Indikator für seine Interkalation. Nur in der stabileren Umgebung von GC-Basenpaaren ist das Pyren in der Lage, sich dauerhaft innerhalb des Duplex aufzuhalten, während in einer flexibleren AU-Umgebung eine Position außerhalb des RNA-Duplex präferiert wird. Transiente Absorptionsmessungen zeigen, dass die Photophysik des in RNA eingebundenen Pyrenadenins nur kleine Variationen im Vergleich zur Photophysik des Labels allein aufweist. Die deutliche Abnahme der Quantenausbeute des interkalierten Chromophors geht hauptsächlich auf Kosten der langlebigeren Ladungstransferfluoreszenz, so dass interkaliertes Pyren insgesamt schneller in den Grundzustand zurückkehrt als nicht interkaliertes. Mit Hilfe eines doppelt modifizierten Duplex, bei dem sich jeweils ein Farbstoff an einem der beiden Stränge befindet, kann nachgewiesen werden, dass aufgrund von Exzimerwechselwirkungen eine Verschiebung des Fluoreszenzmaximums von 35 nm auftritt. Kurzzeitspektroskopische Messungen zeigen Signale, die als Superposition von Monomeren und Exzimeren interpretiert werden können, wobei die Lebensdauer des letzteren mit 18,5 ns die der Monomerkomponente um ein Vielfaches übertrifft. Ein weiterer Teil dieser Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit einer Studie zur Bindung des fluoreszenten Liganden Tetrazyklin an das Tetrazyklin bindende Aptamer. Hier wird auf Basis verschiedener Mutanten mit Hilfe des TCSPC eine Analyse der Stabilität der Bindetasche sowie mit der Stopped-Flow-Methode eine Beobachtung des Bindungsprozesses durchgeführt. Insgesamt folgt die Bindung des Tetrazyklins an das Aptamer einer zweistufigen Kinetik, deren zweiter Schritt irreversibel ist. Die Bindung läuft, verglichen mit anderen Aptameren, sehr schnell ab. Während die Mutationen von A13 und A50,die direkte Kontakte zum Substrat bilden, nur einen leichten Einfluss auf beide Bindungsschritte ausüben, führt eine Mutation der für die Präformation verantwortlichen Base A9 zu einer Verlangsamung des Bindungsprozesses um mehr als einen Faktor 20 durch eine immens gesteigerten Rückreaktionsrate des ersten Bindungsschritts. Hieraus lässt sich schließen, dass bei fehlender Präformation des Aptamers nur wenige Tetrazyklinmoleküle ein für vollständige Bindung geeignetes Aptamer vorfinden. Die Bindung an A13 und A50 geschieht bereits im ersten Schritt des Bindungsprozesses. Ferner konnte anhand von Lebensdauermessungen gezeigt werden, dass nach dem Wildtyp die Mutante A9G die stabilste Bindetasche aufwies. Das Fehlen eines direkten Kontaktes wirkt sich deutlich stärker aus. Insbesondere führt die Abwesenheit der Fixierung des Gegenions durch A50 zu der instabilsten Bindetasche. Wie in dieser Arbeit gezeigt wird, ist die zeitaufgelöste optische Spektroskopie insbesondere in Verbindung mit fluoreszierenden Molekülen ein ausgezeichnetes Mittel zur Beobachtung von Struktur und Dynamik von RNA. Die Empfindlichkeit von Fluoreszenz auf die Veränderung der Umgebung des Chromophors erlaubt es, Konformationsdynamik und elektronische Konfigurationen in Echtzeit zu beobachten.
Empirische Wohlstandsanalysen können prinzipiell anhand dreier Indikatoren durchgeführt werden: Anhand des Privaten Verbrauchs, anhand des verfügbaren Einkommens oder anhand des Nettovermögens.1 Während es für die Definition der Indikatoren des Privaten Verbrauchs und des verfügbaren Einkommens zumindest einigermaßen akzeptierte internationale Konventionen gibt, ist dies bezüglich der Definition des privaten Vermögens nicht annähernd der Fall. Im Unterschied zu den Volkseinkommensrechnungen sind Volksvermögensrechnungen im internationalen Maßstab deutlich weniger gut ausgebaut. Dies mag damit zusammenhängen, daß bei einer Bestandsgröße wie dem privaten Vermögen Aspekte der Verwertung, Nutz-ung, sozialen Absicherung wie auch der Verleihung von Macht2 intensiver zum Tragen kommen als bei einer Stromgröße wie dem privat verfügbaren Haushaltseinkommen. Aus welchen Bestandteilen sich das Gesamtvermögen zusammenzusetzen hat, ist daher einem heftigeren Diskurs als bei den anderen Wohlstandsindikatoren ausgesetzt. Es herrscht beispielsweise Uneinigkeit darüber, ob das Human- oder das Sozialvermögen sinnvolle Vermögenskomponenten sind. Eine eher negative Einschätzung in diesem Zusammenhang wird üblicherweise damit begründet, daß beide potentiellen Gesamtvermögensbestandteile das Kriterium der interpersonellen Veräußerbarkeit nicht bzw. nur unzureichend erfüllen.1 Auch ist die Forschung vor zum Teil schwer überwindbare Bewertungsprobleme einzelner Vermögenskomponenten gestellt, und zwar stärker als bei den beiden anderen Wohlstandsindikatoren, bei denen zumindest die überwiegende Anzahl an Teilelementen mittels nachvollziehbarer Marktpreise vergleichsweise einfach bewertet werden kann. Hinzu kommt die schlechtere Datenlage hinsichtlich der Erfassung privaten Vermögens im Vergleich zum Privaten Verbrauch bzw. verfügbaren Haushaltseinkommen, was nicht zuletzt auf die - in Befragungen - (noch) größere Sensibilität der Interviewten bezüglich der Beantwortung vermögensbezogener Fragen im Vergleich zu den beiden anderen Wohlstandsindikatoren zurückzuführen ist. Alles in allem bleibt festzuhalten, daß allein die Deskription der Höhe und Verteilung privat gehaltenen Vermögens eine höchst komplexe Aufgabe ist. Es ist daher keineswegs unwahrscheinlich, daß verschiedene Vermögensanalysen selbst auf einer einheitlichen Datengrundlage zu zum Teil entgegengesetzten Aussagen gelangen werden. Diesen letztgenannten Gedanken aufgreifend, werden in der vorliegenden Studie in beispielhafter Form drei auf Basis der Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichprobe (EVS) 1988 durchgeführte Analysen zur bundesdeutschen Vermögensverteilung privater Haushalte einer vergleichenden Betrachtung unterzogen. Es wird gezeigt, an welchen Stellen Abweichungen zwischen den einzelnen Studien auftreten und worauf diese (vermutlich) zurückzuführen sind. Das vorliegende Arbeitspapier ist wie nachfolgend aufgebaut. Kapitel 2 vermittelt einen Eindruck von der Datenbasis, auf der die drei genannten Studien jeweils basieren, Kapitel 3 schildert kurz die Konstruktionselemente der drei behandelten Analysen, und in Kapitel 4 werden in einer Gegenüberstellung der drei Studien Unterschiede kausal herausgearbeitet. Es folgt in Kapitel 5 eine Bewertung der Untersuchungsergebnisse.
In diesem Bericht wurde das in [Pae02] eingeführte Verfahren "GenDurchschnitt" auf die symbolischen Daten zweier Datenbanken septischer Schock-Patienten angewendet. Es wurden jeweils Generalisierungsregeln generiert, die neben einer robusten Klassifikation der Patienten in die Klassen "überlebt" und "verstorben" auch eine Interpretation der Daten ermöglichten. Ein Vergleich mit den aktuellen Verfahren A-priori und FP-Baum haben die gute Verwendbarkeit des Algorithmus belegt. Die Heuristiken führten zu Laufzeitverbesserungen. Insbesondere die Möglichkeit, die Wichtigkeit von Variablen pro Klasse zu berechnen, führte zu einer Variablenreduktion im Eingaberaum und zu der Identifikation wichtiger Items. Einige Regelbeispiele wurden für jeden Datensatz genannt. Die Frühzeitigkeit von Regeln lieferte für die beiden Datenbanken ein unterschiedliches Ergebnis: Bei den ASK-Daten treten die Regeln für die Klasse "verstorben" früher als die der Klasse "überlebt" auf; bei den MEDAN-Klinikdaten ist es umgekehrt. Eine Erklärung hierfür könnte sein, dass es sich im Vergleich zu den MEDAN-Klinikdaten bei den ASK-Daten um ein Patientenkollektiv mit einer anderen, speziellen Patientencharakteristik handelt. Anhand der Ähnlichkeit der Regeln konnten für den Anwender eine überschaubare Anzahl zuverlässiger Regeln ausgegeben werden, die möglichst unähnlich zueinander sind und somit für einen Arzt in ihrer Gesamtheit interessant sind. Assoziationsregeln und FP-Baum-Regeln erzeugen zwar kürzere Regeln, die aber zu zahlreich und nicht hinreichend sind (vgl. [Pae02, Abschnitt 4]). Zusätzlich zu der Analyse der symbolischen Daten ist auch die Analyse der metrischen MEDAN-Klinikdaten der septischen Schock-Patienten interessant. Ebenfalls ist eine Kombination der Analysen der metrischen und symbolischen Daten sinnvoll. Solche Analysen wurden ebenfalls durchgeführt; die Ergebnisse dieser Analysen werden an anderer Stelle präsentiert werden. Weitere Anwendungen der Generalisierungsregeln sind denkbar. Auch eine Verbesserung des theoretischen Fundaments (vgl. [Pae02]) erscheint sinnvoll, da erst das Zusammenspiel theoretischer und praktischer Anstrengungen zum Ziel führt.
Performance and storage requirements of topology-conserving maps for robot manipulator control
(1989)
A new programming paradigm for the control of a robot manipulator by learning the mapping between the Cartesian space and the joint space (inverse Kinematic) is discussed. It is based on a Neural Network model of optimal mapping between two high-dimensional spaces by Kohonen. This paper describes the approach and presents the optimal mapping, based on the principle of maximal information gain. It is shown that Kohonens mapping in the 2-dimensional case is optimal in this sense. Furthermore, the principal control error made by the learned mapping is evaluated for the example of the commonly used PUMA robot, the trade-off between storage resources and positional error is discussed and an optimal position encoding resolution is proposed.
The structure of the compulsory pension system (CPS) in the Federal Republic of Germany has been changed fundamentally. The federal government has decided to introduce a private pension system on a voluntary basis. The payments to this voluntary system are to constitute a capital stock to supplement the payments of the compulsory pension system. Comprehensive fiscal subsidies will be introduced to support this change to the pension system. This paper discusses the special situation of families with children. The second section investigates the extent to which families with children were able to accumulate private wealth in the last ten years in Germany. In the third section the main features of the intended changes to the compulsory pension system are described, and an overview of the planned fiscal subsidies is provided. In the fourth and final section we attempt to evaluate the changes with particular attention to the situation of families.
Die Struktur der Gesetzlichen Rentenversicherung (GRV) in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland ist grundsätzlich geändert worden. Die Bundesregierung hat die Einführung einer zusätzlichen privaten Alterssicherung auf freiwilliger Basis beschlossen. Hierdurch soll ein Kapitalstock gebildet werden, der die Leistungen der GRV ergänzt. Zur Förderung dieser Systemänderung der Alterssicherung werden umfangreiche fiskalische Unterstützungsmaßnahmen eingeführt. Im Rahmen des hier vorliegenden Beitrags wird auf die besondere Situation der Familien mit Kindern eingegangen. Im zweiten Abschnitt wird untersucht, inwieweit Familien mit Kindern in den letzten zehn Jahren in Deutschland in der Lage waren, privates Vermögen aufzubauen. Im dritten Abschnitt werden die beabsichtigten Änderungen des Systems der gesetzlichen Rentenversicherung in den Grundzügen dargestellt, und es wird ein Überblick über die geplanten fiskalischen Fördermaßnahmen gegeben. Im abschließenden vierten Abschnitt wird eine Bewertung der Änderungen vor allem in Bezug auf die Situation von Familien versucht.
This investigation of the wealth of private households as a possible indicator for the prosperity of a society indicated a strong increase in wealth for the Federal Republic of Germany since 1970. This applies both to the macro-economic results of the financial accounting of the Deutsche Bundesbank and to the micro-economic results of the Income and Consumption Surveys of the Federal Statistical Office. However, substantial differences become clear in the content expressed by these two different sets of data. While the financial accounting of the Deutsche Bundesbank shows an increase of net assets of around 808 per cent over 27 years (from 1.3 trillion DM in the year 1970 to 12.1 trillion DM in 1997), calculations on the basis of the Income and Consumption Surveys yield a corresponding value of only 280 per cent in a 25-year period, with a substantially lower overall magnitude in later investigations (from 2.2 trillion DM in 1973 to only 8.3 trillion DM in 1998). Investigation of the EVS data pointed out the great importance of property for the wealth situation of private households. However, not every household has property in the form of housing and real estate. In West Germany, ownership rates have increased substantially since 1962. However, since 1993 these rates have stagnated at about 50 per cent. The analysis of the distribution of wealth for West German households yielded a decline in the concentration of wealth in the period from 1973 to 1993, both in terms of the shares of total wealth held by individual quintiles of households, and as expressed by the Gini coefficients. However, this trend did not continue in the years between 1993 and 1998. For the year 1998 it can be determined that the lowest 40 per cent of households in West Germany had practically no wealth, while the highest quintile claimed over 60 per cent of total assets. For East Germany, strong tendencies are established toward adapting to the values in the West German Länder. This concerns first the absolute level of net assets, even though in 1998 these amounted to just 38 per cent of the analogous value in West German households, in terms of the average value per household. Similarly, the ownership rates of housing and real estate also rose dramatically after reunification. The inequality of the distribution of wealth in East Germany was reduced somewhat by this broader basis of real-estate ownership over the course of time, such that the Gini coefficient decreased slightly in the period from 1993 to 1998. However, it is also true for the new Länder in the Federal Republic that the lowest 40 per cent of households have practically no wealth, while the highest quintile of East German households claim over 70 per cent of total assets, even higher than its share in West Germany. Furthermore, the distribution of wealth is remarkably congruous in East and West Germany. Both the distribution of wealth as expressed by the quintile values and the results of the Gini coefficients yield similar results, whereby the trend in both regions is toward convergence. The similarity of these results must be regarded as nothing less than amazing, considering that the two regions followed different economic models for over forty years: the social free-market economy (Soziale Marktwirtschaft) in the Federal Republic of Germany, and the socialist planned economy (Sozialistische Planwirtschaft) in the German Democratic Republic.
Die Entwicklung des aggregierten Privatvermögens und seine Verteilung in Deutschland seit 1970
(2002)
Die hier vorgestellte Untersuchung des Vermögens privater Haushalte als ein möglicher Indikator für den Wohlstand einer Gesellschaft hat für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland einen starken Anstieg der Vermögen seit 1970 aufgezeigt. Dies gilt sowohl für die makroökonomischen Resultate der Finanzierungsrechnung der Deutschen Bundesbank als auch für die mikroökonomischen Ergebnisse der Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichproben des Statistischen Bundesamts. Allerdings werden auch wesentliche Unterschiede im Aussagegehalt der einzelnen Datensätze deutlich. Während die Finanzierungsrechnung eine Steigerung des Nettovermögens um 808 Prozent in 27 Jahren aufweist (von 1,3 Billionen DM im Jahr 1970 auf 12,1 Billionen DM im Jahr 1997) lautet der entsprechende Prozentwert auf der Berechnungsbasis der Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichproben nur 280 Prozent in 25 Jahren bei einer wesentlich niedrigeren Gesamthöhe in späteren Untersuchungen (von 2,2 Billionen DM im Jahr 1973 auf nur 8,3 Billionen DM im Jahr 1998). Die Untersuchung der Daten der EVS hat aufgezeigt, welch große Bedeutung das Immobilienvermögen für die Vermögenssituation der privaten Haushalte hat. Allerdings ist es nicht so, dass alle Haushalte über Eigentum an Grund- und Hausbesitz verfügen. In Westdeutschland hat es zwar eine starke Steigerungen der Eigentümerquote seit 1961 gegeben. Seit 1993 ist jedoch eine Stagnation bei etwa 50 Prozent zu konstatieren. Die Analyse der Vermögensverteilung nur bezogen auf die westdeutschen Haushalte hat im Zeitraum von 1973 bis 1993 eine abnehmende Konzentration sowohl bei der Betrachtung der Anteile einzelner Haushaltsquintile am Nettogesamtvermögen als auch bei der Analyse des Gini-Koeffizienten ergeben. Allerdings hat sich dieser Trend in den Jahren bis 1998 nicht weiter fortgeführt. Für das Jahr 1998 ist in Westdeutschland feststellbar, dass die unteren 40 Prozent der Haushalte über praktisch kein Vermögen verfügen, während das oberste Quintil über 60 Prozent des Gesamtvermögens aufweisen kann. Für Ostdeutschland sind starke Anpassungstendenzen hin zu den Werten der westdeutschen Bundesländer festzustellen. Dies betrifft einerseits die absolute Höhe der Vermögenswerte, auch wenn diese bisher nur 38 Prozent des entsprechenden Wertes westdeutscher Haushalte bei einer Betrachtung der Durchschnittswerte je Haushalte im Jahr 1998 erreichen. Andererseits ist auch die Eigentümerquote an Haus- und Grundbesitz nach der Wiedervereinigung stark angestiegen. Durch dieses Immobilieneigentum auf breiterer Basis wird die Ungleichheit der Vermögensverteilung in Ostdeutschland im Zeitablauf etwas verringert, so dass der Gini-Koeffizient in den Jahren von 1993 zu 1998 leicht gesunken ist. Jedoch kann auch für die neuen Bundesländer festgestellt werden, dass die unteren 40 Prozent der Haushalte über praktisch kein Vermögen verfügen, während das oberste Quintil ostdeutscher Haushalte sogar über 70 Prozent des Gesamtvermögens aufweisen kann. Feststellbar ist weiterhin eine hohe Übereinstimmung der Vermögensverteilung in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Sowohl die Vermögensverteilung auf der Basis der Quintilswerte als auch die Resultate der Gini-Koeffizienten weisen ähnliche Ergebnisse auf, wobei eine starke Angleichungstendenz zwischen beiden Landesteilen gegeben ist. Diese Ähnlichkeit der Ergebnisse kann nur als erstaunlich bezeichnet werden, wenn man bedenkt, dass beide Landesteile für über 40 Jahre unterschiedlichen wirtschaftspolitischen Leitbildern gefolgt sind – die Bundesrepublik Deutschland der sozialen Marktwirtschaft und die Deutsche Demokratische Republik der sozialistischen Planwirtschaft.
Einkommensverteilung in Deutschland : Strukturanalyse der Ungleichheit nach Einkommenskomponenten
(2000)
Ergebnisse von Verteilungsanalysen fallen je nach der Bezugseinheit - Haushalt oder Person - recht unterschiedlich aus. Dies gilt sowohl für das Niveau von Verteilungsindikatoren und deren Entwicklung im Zeitverlauf, als auch hinsichtlich der Beiträge einzelner Einkommens- und Abgabearten zu der gemessenen Ungleichheit. Auf der Basis der Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichproben 1988 und 1993 und unter Verwendung der "älteren OECD-Skala" hat sich gezeigt, dass die Ungleichheit der personellen Verteilung der Nettoäquivalenzeinkommen im Beobachtungszeitraum in den alten Ländern zugenommen hat, aber nach wie vor wesentlich gleichmäßiger als die unveränderte Verteilung der Haushaltsnettoeinkommen auf Haushalte ist. In den neuen Ländern ist der Unterschied zwischen der haushaltsbezogenen und der personenbezogenen Einkommensverteilung noch deutlicher bei insgesamt geringerer Ungleichheit als in den alten Ländern. Auch die Zerlegung der aggregierten Ungleichheit nach Einkommenskomponenten führt zu teilweise abweichenden Ergebnissen in Abhängigkeit von der Bezugseinheit, da bei einzelnen Haushaltstypen im Durchschnitt jeweils unterschiedliche Einkommensarten dominieren. Entgegen gängigen Vorstellungen über Verteilungsstrukturen zeigt sich allerdings generell, dass die Verteilungsungleichheit zum größten Teil durch die Bruttoeinkommen aus unselbständiger Arbeit bestimmt wird. Zwar sind die Selbständigen- und Vermögenseinkommen erwartungsgemäß wesentlich ungleicher verteilt, durch ihren vergleichsweise geringen Anteil am Gesamteinkommen ist ihr Einfluss auf die Gesamtverteilung aber - insbesondere in Ostdeutschland, aber auch in Westdeutschland - begrenzt. Dies wird bei der Analyse der personellen Verteilung allerdings weniger deutlich als bei der Bezugnahme auf Haushalte. Wiederum im Gegensatz zu verbreiteten Annahmen wird die Ungleichheit der Verteilung der Haushaltseinkommen durch staatliche Transferzahlungen nicht oder nur unwesentlich gemildert. Dies ist aber nur auf den ersten Blick überraschend, da nur ein geringer Teil der Transfers vorrangig vertikalen, interpersonellen Umverteilungszielen dient. Die Leistungen der Sozialversicherung und vergleichbarer Systeme bezwecken hauptsächlich eine intertemporale Umverteilung und Lebensstandardsicherung bei Eintritt bestimmter Risikotatbestände (Alter, Tod des Ernährers, Unfall, Arbeitslosigkeit, Krankheit), so dass sie die Verteilung der Einkommen aus unselbständiger Arbeit abgeschwächt wiederspiegeln. Demzufolge geht auch von ihnen keine merkliche Verminderung der Ungleichheit der Nettoeinkommensverteilung auf der Haushaltsebene bzw. sogar eine leichte Erhöhung der Ungleichheit der personellen Verteilung der Nettoäquivalenzeinkommen in Westdeutschland aus. Aber selbst von den steuerfinanzierten Transfers geht unter Bezugnahme auf Haushalte insgesamt nur ein sehr geringer nivellierender Effekt aus. Hier wird die konzeptionelle Schwäche des analytischen Ansatzes am ungewichteten Haushaltseinkommen besonders deutlich. Denn mit dem Haushaltseinkommen wird ohne eine Berücksichtigung der Haushaltsgröße und -struktur die Bedarfssituation der Haushaltsmitglieder, die für viele steuerfinanzierte Transfers maßgeblich ist, nur unzureichend erfasst. Dementsprechend erweist sich der ausgleichende Effekt der Transfers der Gebietskörperschaften unter Bezugnahme auf Personen als recht deutlich, wenn auch in Westdeutschland im Vergleich zum Anteil am Einkommensaggregat als unterproportional. Bei einer weiteren Aufspaltung des heterogenen Komplexes der steuerfinanzierten Transfers in das einkommensunabhängige Kindergeld, Einkommensübertragungen mit Entschädigungscharakter und Transfers mit dem vorrangigen Ziel vertikaler Umverteilung zeigt sich aber auch für Westdeutschland eine weit überproportionale Reduzierung der Ungleichheit der Verteilung der Nettoäquivalenzeinkommen durch i. e. S. bedarfsabhängige Transfers. Absolut gesehen macht der ausgleichende Effekt zwar in den alten Ländern weniger als ein Zehntel, in den neuen Ländern ungefähr ein Fünftel der entsprechenden Effekte der persönlichen Steuern aus; unter Berücksichtigung des geringen Volumens der Transfers mit vorwiegend vertikaler Ausrichtung ergibt sich aber eine recht hohe Effizienz. Sie scheint in Westdeutschland zwischen 1988 und 1993 allerdings etwas zurückgegangen zu sein, ähnlich wie der ausgleichende Einfluss der persönlichen Steuern. Schließlich zeigt sich für das Kindergeld eine nur mäßige relative Reduzierung der Ungleichheit der personellen Einkommensverteilung, die 1993 in West- wie in Ostdeutschland nur ungefähr zwei Dritteln des Anteils am Einkommensaggregat entspricht. Dies ist angesichts der horizontalen Ausrichtung des Familienlastenausgleichs in Deutschland nicht verwunderlich, könnte aber für eine Zieldiskussion im Zusammenhang mit Reformüberlegungen Anlass geben.
Ziel der hier vorgestellten Arbeit ist es, einen Eindruck über die Größenordnung der Kosten eines Bürgergeldmodells als alternatives Grundsicherungssystem zu gewinnen. Dazu wurde eine formale („impact“-) Partialinzidenzanalyse mit Hilfe einer statischen Simulation auf der Basis von Mikrodaten der Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichproben 1983 und 1988 durchgeführt. Die Ergebnisse können nur als ungefähre Orientierungspunkte interpretiert werden, zumal sie sich auf den Transferbereich beschränken. Bei der Konkretisierung des sozio-kulturellen Existenzminimums wurde im wesentlichen an das bestehende Sozialhilferecht angeknüpft, und für das anzurechnende Einkommen wurde schwerpunktmäßig ein Transferentzugssatz von 50% unterstellt. Die Berechnungen führen zu erheblichen Mehrkosten des Bürgergeldmodells gegenüber dem gegenwärtigen Nebeneinander verschiedener Mindestsicherungsleistungen (mit deutlich höheren Transferentzugssätzen), die z. gr. T. durch die auch oberhalb des Existenzminimums (bis zu dessen doppeltem Betrag) bestehenden potentiellen Ansprüche bedingt sind. Die Nettokosten hätten 1988 fast ein Drittel des Aufkommens der Lohn- und Einkommensteuer ausgemacht, so daß die hier vorgestellte Reformvariante als kaum finanzierbar bezeichnet werden kann. Es wäre wohl utopisch anzunehmen, daß die möglichen positiven Anreizeffekte des verminderten Transferentzugssatzes zu einer Senkung des Bürgergeldvolumens in ähnlicher Größenordnung führen würde. Mit Blick auf die Gegenwart ist zudem zu bedenken, daß seit der Wiedervereinigung das Transfervolumen im Falle der Einführung eines Bürgergeldes wesentlich höher als in der hier präsentierten Simulationsrechnung ausfallen dürfte, und zwar auch in Relation zum Volkseinkommen. Denn die schrittweise Angleichung der Einkommen in Ostdeutschland an das westdeutsche Niveau bewirkt, daß in der Übergangszeit die Haushaltseinkommen in den neuen Bundesländern vergleichsweise häufiger und tendenziell stärker unterhalb des Existenzminimums liegen als in Westdeutschland - es sei denn, für Ostdeutschland würde das relevante Existenzminimum deutlich niedriger als hier vorgeschlagen definiert; dies wäre aber nicht sinnvoll und politisch kaum tragbar. Eine Reform der sozialen Mindestsicherung nach dem Muster einer Negativen Einkommensteuer würde also zu erheblichen Mehrkosten führen. Bei allen Vorteilen, die ein Bürgergeldsystem mit 50%igem Transferentzugssatz haben mag, ist die Finanzierungsfrage völlig offen; bei höherem Transferentzugssatz wäre das Problem zwar weniger gravierend, aber nicht gelöst.
Die langfristige Entwicklung der personellen Einkommensverteilung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland
(1998)
In diesem Beitrag zur Frage nach dem Ausmaß von Einkommensarmut von Familien stehen zwei Aspekte im Mittelpunkt. – Zum einen ist im Vorfeld von Verteilungsanalysen die Art der Einkommensgewichtung in Mehrpersonenhaushalten zu klären. Nach Abwägung verschiedener Ansätze zur Ableitung einer Äquivalenzskala wurde eine Präferenz für ein institutionell orientiertes Gewichtungsschema, approximiert durch die alte OECD-Skala, begründet. – Zum anderen wurde der Einfluss der Frauenerwerbsbeteiligung auf die Einkommenssituation von Familien mit Kindern empirisch untersucht. Von prekären Einkommensverhältnissen und Einkommensarmut sind vor allem Familien mit geringfügig beschäftigter oder nichterwerbstätiger Partnerin sowie Alleinerziehende – Letztere wiederum bei fehlender Erwerbstätigkeit besonders stark – betroffen, wobei in den neuen Ländern die Situation wesentlich brisanter ist als in den alten Ländern. Bei politischen Maßnahmen sollten Erwerbswünsche der Frauen und Bedürfnisse der Familien berücksichtigt werden. Von daher sind Transfers im Rahmen des Familienleistungsausgleichs und die öffentliche Förderung von Kinderbetreuungseinrichtungen nicht als konkurrierende, sondern eher als komplementäre Konzepte zu diskutieren.
Es gehört zu den Mindestansprüchen des Sozialstaats, bedürftigen Personen ein soziokulturelles Existenzminimum zu sichern. In Deutschland sollen gegenwärtig insbesondere die Leistungen der Sozialhilfe und der Grundsicherung für Arbeitsuchende dafür sorgen, dass dieses Minimalziel erreicht wird. Ob dies gelingt, ist jedoch fraglich, da erhebliche Teile der Bedürftigen ihnen zustehende Leistungen nicht in Anspruch nehmen. Die Statistiken über Leistungsempfänger/innen geben also nur "die halbe Wahrheit" über Bedürftigkeit in Deutschland wieder. Vor der Hartz-IV-Reform kamen auf drei Grundsicherungsempfänger/innen mindestens zwei, eher drei weitere Berechtigte, die von ihrem Anspruch keinen Gebrauch machten. Dabei waren einige gesellschaftliche Gruppen von verdeckter Armut besonders stark betroffen: alleinstehende Frauen, Paarhaushalte mit erwerbstätigem Haushaltsvorstand und Altenhaushalte. Die Einführung des Arbeitslosengeldes (Alg) II im Zuge der Hartz-IV-Reform konnte zwar die verdeckte Armut von früheren Arbeitslosenhilfebeziehenden vermindern. Doch andere Bedürftige, insbesondere Erwerbstätigenhaushalte mit geringem Einkommen, nehmen offensichtlich ihnen zustehende Leistungen nach wie vor häufig nicht in Anspruch. Die Gründe für das Phänomen der verdeckten Armut sind vielfältig. Wesentliche Ursachen sind offenbar, dass viele Bedürftige die relevanten gesetzlichen Regelungen nicht kennen oder mit der Inanspruchnahme staatlicher Hilfeleistungen Stigmatisierungsängste verbinden. Dem könnte entgegengewirkt werden, indem offensiv über bestehende Ansprüche informiert und ein vorurteils- und diskriminierungsfreies Klima im Umgang mit Hilfebedürftigen gefördert wird.
Im vorliegenden Papier werden drei Ansätze zur Reform des Familienleistungsausgleichs (FLA) mit jeweils zwei Varianten dargestellt und hinsichtlich ihrer fiskalischen Effekte und Wirkungen in verschiedenen Segmenten der Einkommensverteilung systematisch verglichen. – Mit dem weitestgehenden Konzept, der Kindergrundsicherung, wird ein Existenz sicherndes und zu versteuerndes Kindergeld in Höhe von monatlich 502 Euro bzw. 454 Euro pro Kind vorgeschlagen. Die bisherigen kindbedingten Freibeträge und mehrere Sozialleis-tungen könnten entfallen bzw. reduziert werden. – Daneben werden Kindergelderhöhungen auf einheitlich 238 Euro bzw. 328 Euro pro Kind und Monat, die allen Kindern – auch denen im SGB II-Leistungsbezug – zugute kommen sollen, untersucht. Das Kindergeld wäre wie bisher nicht zu versteuern, die bisherigen kindbedingten Freibeträge würden aber entfallen. – Schließlich wird der Vorschlag einer deutlichen Erhöhung des Kinderzuschlags bei reduzierter Mindesteinkommensgrenze und Wegfall der Höchsteinkommensgrenze erörtert. Zudem ist bei diesem Ansatz ein nochmals erhöhter Kinderzuschlag bei Alleinerziehenden – analog zum Mehrbedarfszuschlag nach dem SGFB II – (erste Variante) oder eine Herabsetzung der Transferentzugsrate auf Nichterwerbseinkommen von 100% auf 70% (zweite Variante) vorgesehen. Die zu erwartenden fiskalischen Belastungen der einfachen Kindergelderhöhung (ohne Be-steuerung) können ohne Weiteres hochgerechnet werden (16 bzw. 35 Mrd. Euro p. a.), die der anderen Reformmodelle sind aber ohne mikroanalytische Fundierung unter Berücksichtigung der Einkommensverteilung kaum abschätzbar. Zwar lassen sich auch die Bruttokosten der Kindergrundsicherung auf einfachem Wege ermitteln (Multiplikation der Kindergeld-Kinder mit der Betragshöhe), die Aggregate der davon abzusetzenden zahlreichen Einsparungen bei anderen Sozialleistungen und insbesondere der Steuermehreinnahmen sind allerdings nicht offensichtlich. Eine erste Überschlagsrechnung hat ergeben, dass die Nettokosten der ersten „großzügigen“ Variante der Kindergrundsicherung (502 Euro) denen der Kindergelderhöhung auf das sächliche Existenzminimum (322 Euro) ohne Besteuerung ungefähr gleich sind (in der Größenordnung von 35 Mrd. Euro). Eine genauere Quantifizierung kann aber nur auf der Ba-sis repräsentativer Mikrodaten und eines Simulationsmodells erfolgen, da insbesondere der Besteuerungseffekt der Kindergrundsicherung von der faktischen Einkommensverteilung abhängt. Auch eine Kostenschätzung für die Kinderzuschlagsreform bedarf mikroanalytischer Verfahren; ungeachtet dessen würde diese auf einen begrenzten Einkommensbereich gerichte-te Reform aber eindeutig die geringsten Kosten verursachen. Für einen systematischen Vergleich der Verteilungswirkungen der Reformvorschläge werden in der vorliegenden Arbeit Modellrechnungen für zwei ausgewählte Haushaltstypen präsen-tiert. Dabei wird deutlich, dass mit dem vergleichsweise begrenzten Konzept der Ausweitung des Kinderzuschlags die Situation von Familien in prekären Einkommensverhältnissen bis zu Familien der unteren Mittelschicht deutlich verbessert werden könnte. Inwieweit dieser Effekt eintreten würde, hängt allerdings auch vom Inanspruchnahmeverhalten ab; bisher ist die Nicht-Inanspruchnahme von Kinderzuschlag und Wohngeld weit verbreitet. Zudem würde sich die Situation der ärmsten Familien, die auf SGB II-Leistungen angewiesen sind, nicht verbessern, und am oberen Rand würden die Entlastungseffekte des FLA als Folge der kind-bedingten Freibeträge weiterhin mit dem elterlichen Einkommen zunehmen. Demgegenüber würden sich bei den Varianten der Kindergelderhöhung (ohne Besteuerung) die deutlichen Verbesserungen gegenüber dem Status quo gleichmäßig über das Einkommensspektrum vom Niedriglohnsegment – bei unverändert problematischen Effekten des Kinderzuschlags (Ein-kommensbruchstelle bei Höchsteinkommensgrenze) – bis in obere Schichten verteilen und erst am oberen Rand mit steigendem Einkommen sinken (infolge des Wegfalls der bisherigen kindbedingten Freibeträge). Die Förderungen durch die Kindergrundsicherung schließlich würden am stärksten im unteren und unteren Mittelbereich ausfallen und – im Gegensatz zu anderen Konzepten – insbesondere verdeckte Armut systembedingt, also quasi „automatisch“, weitgehend abbauen. Im oberen Mittelbereich und hauptsächlich in höheren Schichten würden die Transfers dagegen mit zunehmendem Einkommen kontinuierlich abnehmen. Insgesamt würde dies zu einem vergleichsweise stetig steigenden Verlauf des verfügbaren Familieneinkommens führen; die wegen der hohen Transferentzugsraten des Kinderzuschlags – gegebenenfalls in Kombination mit Wohngeld – häufigen Befürchtungen negativer Arbeitsanreize im unteren Einkommensbereich wären gegenstandslos. Inwieweit die hier diskutierten Reformkonzepte zu einem Abbau von Kinder- und Familien-armut und zu weniger Ungleichheit der personellen Einkommensverteilung führen können, lässt sich allein auf der Basis von Modellrechnungen allerdings nicht absehen. Dazu bedarf es detaillierter Analysen auf der Basis von repräsentativen Mikrodaten, die die faktische Ein-kommensverteilung abbilden und Simulationsrechnungen zur Quantifizierung der Effekte der Reformvarianten – unter Einbeziehung der Finanzierung der jeweiligen Nettokosten – ermöglichen. Daran wird im Projekt „Vom Kindergeld zu einer Grundsicherung für Kinder“ auf Basis der Daten des Sozio-ökonomischen Panels (SOEP) 2007 gearbeitet; die Repräsentativität des Datensatzes hinsichtlich des Nachweises von Einkommens-, insbesondere Transferar-ten wurde bereits geprüft – mit gutem Ergebnis.
Vom Kinderzuschlag zum Kindergeldzuschlag : ein Reformvorschlag zur Bekämpfung von Kinderarmut
(2007)
Ausgehend von einer kritischen Analyse des im Zuge der Hartz IV-Reform 2005 eingeführten Kinderzuschlags wird in der vorliegenden Studie ein Reformkonzept zur Bekämpfung von Kinderarmut entwickelt und eine quantitative Abschätzung der unmittelbaren Reformwirkungen vorgenommen. Bei der Gestaltung des Reformvorschlags wurde an Grundprinzipien des allgemeinen Familienleistungsausgleichs angeknüpft. Dieser sollte unabhängig von der jeweiligen Armutsursache das Existenzminimum des Kindes nicht nur von der Steuer freistellen, sondern im Bedarfsfall durch positive Transfers – mit einem Kindergeldzuschlag – gewährleisten. Dies erfordert a) die Aufstockung des Kindergeldes durch einen Zuschlag auf die Höhe des sächlichen Existenzminimums, also um maximal 150 Euro auf 304 Euro – bei Alleinerziehenden wegen besonderer Mehrbedarfe für das erste Kind um maximal 250 Euro auf 404 Euro; b) den Verzicht auf eine zeitliche Befristung des Kindergeldzuschlags; c) die Berücksichtigung des Familieneinkommen nach Abzug eines Freibetrages in Höhe des pauschalisierten Existenzminimums der Eltern bzw. des Elternteils (1.238 Euro bzw. 860 Euro); d) eine mäßige (mit Besteuerungsgrundsätzen vereinbare) Anrechnung des zu berücksichtigenden Einkommens – wir schlagen eine Transferentzugsrate von 50% vor; e) den Verzicht auf eine Berücksichtigung des Vermögens. Wesentliche Unterschiede des Reformkonzepts gegenüber dem derzeitigen Kinderzuschlag liegen in der Ersetzung der „spitzen“ Berechnung des elterlichen Existenzminimums durch eine Pauschale und in dem Verzicht zum Einen auf eine explizite Höchsteinkommensgrenze – aus der Transferentzugsrate ergibt sich freilich eine implizite Höchsteinkommensgrenze – und zum Anderen auf eine Mindesteinkommensgrenze. Es bleibt den Eltern also unbenommen, den Kindergeldzuschlag in Anspruch zu nehmen, selbst wenn ihre Einkommensverhältnisse und individuellen Wohnkosten auf einen höheren ALG II-Anspruch schließen lassen, den sie aber nicht wahrnehmen – sei es aus Stigmatisierungsangst, aus Unwissenheit, weil sie den Verweis auf kleine Ersparnisse befürchten oder sich von dem bürokratischen Aufwand abschrecken lassen. Aus vorliegenden Schätzungen geht hervor, dass aus den genannten Grün den das Ausmaß verdeckter Armut groß ist. Dem könnte durch einen vergleichsweise unbürokratischen Kindergeldzuschlag entgegengewirkt werden, insbesondere wenn der Leistungsträger, also die Familienkasse, verpflichtet wird, bei sehr geringem Einkommen des Antragstellers diesen auf möglicherweise bestehende höhere ALG II-Ansprüche hinzuweisen. Zur Abschätzung der unmittelbaren Reformwirkungen wurde ein Mikrosimulationsmodell entwickelt und mit den Daten des Sozio-ökonomischen Panels 2006 in mehreren Varianten gerechnet. Auf der Basis einer bereinigten Stichprobe ergeben sich – je nach Reformvariante – 3 Mio. bis 3,6 Mio. potenziell begünstigte Kinder, was etwa einem Sechstel bzw. einem Fünftel aller Kinder, für die Kindergeld bezogen wird, entspricht. Unter den Kindern von Alleinerziehenden würde die Empfängerquote mit gut einem Drittel weit überdurchschnittlich ausfallen. Die fiskalischen Bruttokosten des Reformmodells würden sich auf 3,7 Mrd. bzw. 4,5 Mrd. Euro jährlich (11% bzw. 13% der derzeitigen Kindergeldausgaben) belaufen; sie würden durch einige Einsparungen beim nachrangigen Wohngeld, bei ausbildungsbedingten Transfers sowie beim ALG II – sofern einige Anspruchsberechtigte den Bezug des Kindergeldzuschlags vorziehen – etwas vermindert werden. Der durchschnittliche Zahlbetrag pro Bedarfsgemeinschaft mit Anspruch auf Kindergeldzuschlag liegt bei 190 Euro p. M., der Median bei 150 Euro. Mit dem insgesamt begrenzten Mittelaufwand kann eine erhebliche Verminderung relativer Einkommensarmut von Familien erreicht werden. Die derzeit bei etwa 18% liegende Armutsquote von Kindern, für die Kindergeld bezogen wird, würde nach Einführung des Kindergeldzuschlags um etwa vier Prozentpunkte zurückgehen, die aller Mitglieder in den Familien von 16% um drei Prozentpunkte. Mit etwa zwei Dritteln lebt der größte Teil der potenziellen Anspruchsberechtigten in erwerbstätigen Familien, und die relative stärkste Verminderung der Armutsquote ergibt sich bei Familien mit Vollzeiterwerbstätigkeit. Die mit dem Kindergeldzuschlag zu bewirkende Verminderung von Kinderarmut würde wegen der hohen Erwerbsquote von Familien also mit einem Abbau von Armut trotz Arbeit einhergehen. Besonders große Reformwirkungen zeigen sich bei den Alleinerziehenden, für welche die Simulation eine Reduzierung der derzeit bei 40% liegenden Armutsquote um etwa acht Prozentpunkte ergibt. Dennoch verbliebe die Armutsquote auch nach Einführung des Kindergeldzuschlags auf einem bedrückend hohen Niveau. Dies ist ganz überwiegend auf die große Zahl der Alleinerziehenden mit Bezug von ALG II und Sozialgeld bzw. Sozialhilfe zurückzuführen, die annahmegemäß nach der Reform im Grundsicherungsbezug verbleiben, den vorrangigen Kindergeldzuschlag also nicht in Anspruch nehmen. Bei den Paarfamilien zeigt sich – relativ gesehen – ein ähnlicher Effekt des Kindergeldzuschlags wie bei den Alleinerziehenden; die Armutsquote von derzeit 12,5% würde um ein Fünftel auf 10% zurückgehen. Dabei fällt die Reformwirkung umso größer aus, je mehr Kinder in der Familie leben. Bei den trotz Einführung des Kindergeldzuschlags unter der relativen Armutsgrenze verbleibenden Paarfamilien handelt es sich zu einem geringeren Teil als bei den Alleinerziehenden um Empfänger von nachrangigen allgemeinen Grundsicherungsleistungen und zu einem größeren Teil um Fälle, bei denen auch das um den Kindergeldzuschlag erhöhte Einkommen die Armutsgrenze nicht erreicht. Ihre Situation würde sich dennoch durch die Reform erheblich verbessern, da die relative Armutslücke im Durchschnitt von 21% auf 14% zurückgehen würde; dies entspricht einer Einkommenserhöhung von durchschnittlich 267 Euro. Abschließend bleibt darauf hinzuweisen, dass der hier vorgestellte Reformvorschlag lediglich als erster Schritt zu einer allgemeinen Grundsicherung für Kinder zu verstehen ist. Er wurde unter dem Aspekt einer schnellen Umsetzbarkeit entwickelt, sollte aber weiter reichende Überlegungen nicht verdrängen. Diese haben nicht nur das sächliche Existenzminimum des Kindes, sondern darüber hinaus den verfassungsgerichtlich festgestellten Betreuungs- und Erziehungs- oder Ausbildungsbedarf (BEA) in den Blick zu nehmen. Er wird im Rahmen der Einkommensbesteuerung durch einen Freibetrag berücksichtigt (§ 32 Abs. 6 EStG), ist in die Bemessung des hier vorgestellten Kindergeldzuschlags aber nicht eingegangen. Eine systematische Weiterentwicklung des Familienleistungsausgleichs im Steuerrecht würde die Einführung eines einheitlichen (Brutto-) Kindergeldes zur Abdeckung von sächlichem Existenzminimum und BEA erfordern, das entsprechend der Leistungsfähigkeit der Eltern, also nach dem allgemeinen Einkommensteuertarif, zu versteuern wäre (Lenze 2007).