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Both China and the EU have nearly 30 years of legislative experience on GMOs. However, despite all the experience gained so far and theoretical analyses, due to the social concerns about GMO risk, both China and Germany are still encountering a decision-making dilemma on authorizing green GMOs. Therefore, the dissertation is dedicated to the issue of whether there is a possibility that this dilemma could be resolved by improving or reformulating the administrative risk decision-making mechanism regarding green GMOs. Specifically, the dissertation analyses four concrete questions: operation of classical decision-making on danger prevention, the challenges posed by uncertain risks, the theoretical legal response to uncertain risk, and the functioning of legally constituted decision-making mechanisms for GMOs in Germany/ the EU and China.
Conventionally, danger is a threshold for the executive to intervene in individual liberty. It can ensure the rationality of ex-ante intervention and further guarantee a balance between individual liberty and public safety. Regarding the danger prevention decision-making process, the executive authorities investigate the factual information at first; then, based on reliable and accessible common knowledge about the rule of causality, predict the degree of possible damage and the occurrence probability; at last, make ex-ante intervention decisions to interrupt the causality chain and avoid damages.
In the risk society, uncertain risk of GMOs is characterized as collectively wide-ranging, manufactured, high-technological, and value-oriented. The ex-ante intervention of the administration extends from danger to uncertain risk, i.e., risk precaution. The essential cause of uncertain risk is that humans do not have sufficient knowledge and have not yet grasped the rule of causality regarding new technologies. Due to the lack of a cognitive reference standard, it is not easy for the administration to judge the existence of risks and make rational decisions on risk precaution, which, consequently, amounts to losing the balance between individual freedom and public safety. Besides, if the authority makes a decision ad arbitrium, and expects learning by error, this may cause significant secondary risks.
In the risk management system, there are two primary, partly interrelated strategies to manage risk that are currently used: that is, knowledge generation and proceduralization. Specifically, to de-materialize the legislation, integrate multipartite participation in the decision-making process, and open the procedure for updating the information can contribute to the generation of the requisite knowledge. Proceduralization can assist with knowledge generation, promote the reconciliation of conflicting interests, compensate for material and legal deficits, and control the legitimacy of administrative behavior.
In the final chapter, the laws on GMOs in the EU, Germany, and China are analysed, especially under the perspective of the concrete risk decision-making mechanisms.
Overall, this dissertation argues that law can procedurally guarantee the independence and reliability of experts and ensure that access to public participation is open. But what the law can do to address public trust and scientifically uncertain risks, is limited.
Criminal law exceptionalism, or so I suggest, has turned into an ideology in German and Continental criminal law theory. It rests on interrelated claims about the (ideal or real) extraordinary qualities and properties of the criminal law and has led to exceptional doctrines in constitutional criminal law and criminal law theory. It prima facie paradoxically perpetuates and conserves the criminal law, and all too often leads to ideological thoughtlessness, which may blind us to the dark sides of criminal laws in action.
Pfälzische Rechtsgeschichten
(2021)
Private equity has grown remarkably in the last 30 years. Given its rise to prominence, exceptional profitability and a more prolific and publicly visible buyout activity, regulation in the private equity space seemed inevitable. The 2007 global financial crisis furnished an opportunity to doubt the industry’s role and magnify the key concerns, providing momentum for calls to regulate the industry more aggressively. Ultimately, the regulatory change came from the Alternative Investment Fund Managers Directive (AIFMD), which has been described as one of the most rigorously debated and controversial pieces of financial regulation to ever emerge from the European Union (EU).
The AIFMD is unique and unprecedented, yet there has been very little written about it in the context of private equity. Therefore, this thesis makes a contribution to this area of research by examining the implications of AIFMD for private equity and arguing that this EU Directive has a re-shaping effect on the industry that inevitably marks the end of the light-touch regulation in this area. Whilst the desire of policymakers to act and intervene decisively during market
downturns is understandable, there is a risk that the response may not be appropriate and result in a crisis-induced over-reaction.
This thesis demonstrates, amongst other things, that the AIFMD has created a particularly
complex regulatory regime which for the hitherto unregulated or lightly regulated fund managers has had a significant effect in the EU and beyond. Examples of the most impactful
provisions relate to authorisation, marketing, depositaries, acquisition of control, remuneration, and transparency and disclosure. The implication are wide-ranging, and there is a clear conflict between the opportunities (e.g. EU passport, AIFMD as a global brand) and threats (e.g. excessive compliance costs, exodus of fund managers from the EU), which depend on a firm’s size, domicile and the gap needed to be aligned between the pre- and post-AIFMD regime.
Although there will be no stark triumph of one position over another in the assessment of the AIFMD until all of its elements are fully implemented, overall the impact of the Directive has been material, requiring substantial work to comply with (or adapt to) the requirements, which in some cases are not only particularly onerous and costly, but also a bit misguided, discouraging, or fairly irrelevant.
Using loan-level data from Germany, we investigate how the introduction of model-based capital regulation affected banks’ ability to absorb shocks. The objective of this regulation was to enhance financial stability by making capital requirements responsive to asset risk. Our evidence suggests that banks ‘optimized’ model-based regulation to lower their capital requirements. Banks systematically underreported risk, with under reporting being more pronounced for banks with higher gains from it. Moreover, large banks benefitted from the regulation at the expense of smaller banks. Overall, our results suggest that sophisticated rules may have undesired effects if strategic misbehavior is difficult to detect.
This paper aims at an improved understanding of the relationship between monetary policy and racial inequality. We investigate the distributional effects of monetary policy in a unified framework, linking monetary policy shocks both to earnings and wealth differentials between black and white households. Specifically, we show that, although a more accommodative monetary policy increases employment of black households more than white households, the overall effects are small. At the same time, an accommodative monetary policy shock exacerbates the wealth difference between black and white households, because black households own less financial assets that appreciate in value. Over multi-year time horizons, the employment effects are substantially smaller than the countervailing portfolio effects. We conclude that there is little reason to think that accommodative monetary policy plays a significant role in reducing racial inequities in the way often discussed. On the contrary, it may well accentuate inequalities for extended periods.
In diesem Text werden, ausgehend von der Unterscheidung von Autorität und Autoritarismus, zunächst Entwicklungen im Gefahrenabwehrrecht (Polizeirecht) rekonstruiert, die sich autoritär kennzeichnen lassen. Die Entfesselung des (rechtsstaatlich gebändigten) Leviathan wird dann weiterverfolgt im Recht des Infektionsschutzes. Der Fokus liegt hier auf den anti-corona Gesetzen zum Schutz der Bevölkerung der Jahre 2020 und 2021. In einer Art Gegenprobe wird der infektionsschutzrechtliche Autoritarismus daraufhin überprüft, ob er alternativlos war, problemlos auf die rechtsstaatliche Spur zurückgeführt werden oder sich als demokratisches Gemeinschaftsprojekt interpretieren lassen könnte.
Der Beitrag erläutert die Fragestellung, die Kernthesen und den juristischen Erkenntniswert einer „Ontologie des Immaterialgüterrechts“. Ihr Untersuchungsgegenstand ist die Frage, auf welchem Verständnis der Wirklichkeit, genauer: seines Schutzgegenstands, das IP-Recht beruht. Nicht die Seinsweise des Rechts wird analysiert, sondern die hiervon zu unterscheidende Seinsweise einer bestimmten Klasse von Rechtsobjekten, nämlich Immaterialgütern und insbesondere urheberrechtlichen Werken. Die diesbezügliche ontologische und historische Betrachtung ergibt, dass es sich beim abstrakt-unkörperlichen Werk um eine sprachbasierte Konstruktion handelt, die als sozial-institutionelle Tatsache wirkmächtig ist, weil und soweit Menschen seit ca. 200 Jahren so sprechen und denken, als gäbe es unkörperliche Werke – obwohl diese metaphysische Annahme nicht plausibel ist. Der Beitrag erläutert weiter, dass sich das Urheber- und IP-Recht auf der Basis dieser Einsichten und einer alternativen, handlungs- und artefaktbasierten IP-Theorie besser erklären lässt als auf dem Boden des herrschenden Paradigmas vom abstrakten Immaterialgut bzw. Werk. Dies gilt sowohl im Hinblick auf die Dogmatik und Anwendungspraxis des geltenden Rechts als auch im Hinblick auf die ökonomische Analyse und den Rechtsvergleich. Die normativen Implikationen dieser deskriptiven Erkenntnisse sind hingegen begrenzt und richten sich vor allem an die Urheberrechtswissenschaft. Diese sollte tunlichst nicht mehr so reden und argumentieren, als existierten abstrakte Werke, die dem Berechtigten wie Sachen exklusiv zugeordnet sind.
The paper examines the importance of international labour standards for ESG reporting. International labour standards exist today for almost all working conditions. There are many reasons why ESG criteria should be based on these standards. This is already happening to some extent. However, the references to international labor standards should be expanded and the existing references deepened.
This article provides a novel explanation for the global intellectual property (IP) paradox, i.e. the consistent growth of the multilateral IP system in spite of mounting evidence that its effects are at best neutral if not disadvantageous for low-income and most middleincome countries and thus the majority of contracting states. It demonstrates that the multilateral IP system is deliberately structured as a virtual network that exhibits network effects similar to a social media platform, for example. The more members an IP treaty has, the more IP protection acceding states can secure for their nationals. Conversely, every accession enlarges the territory in which nationals of previous members can enjoy protection. Due to these increasing returns to adoption, signing up to and remaining part of the global IP network is attractive, irrespective of the immediate effects of a treaty.
According to the standard account, IPRs allocate objects to owners, just like ownership allocates real property. In this paper, I explain that this simplistic paradigm operates on the basis of three fictions: The first – truly Polanyian – fiction concerns IP subject matter that was originally not produced for sale but created for other purposes, e.g. private pleasure. The second fiction is that IP is treated as a marketable good whereas much IP, in particular works and signs, are embedded in communication. Finally, IP is a fictitious concept in that we speak of works, inventions, and other IP objects as of tangible commodities, where in fact IP objects only exist insofar and because we speak and regulate as if they exist as abstract “goods” of value.
Das LG Mannheim hat in einer Entscheidung einen sog. Faktencheck auf Facebook für lauterkeitsrechtlich unbedenklich erklärt. Die folgende Urteilsbesprechung zeigt jedoch, dass die Entscheidung weder in der Begründung noch im Ergebnis zu überzeugen vermag. Denn der konkrete Faktencheck ist geeignet, den Wettbewerb zwischen Nachrichtenseiten zu verfälschen.
Women are overrepresented in informal employment in the Indian labour market. They also devote more time to unpaid care work than men do. The poor working conditions of women are attributable to this double burden of work. Due to the lack of regulatory measures to protect the interest of informal women workers along with rigid gender norms, women’s participation in paid work is drastically reduced. As far as unpaid care work is concerned, feminist economists have been striving to make such work visible for a long time now. There have been some developments in labour statistics, with time use surveys quantifying women’s paid and unpaid contributions to the economy. This article delves into the examination of unpaid care work in India with the help of the Indian government’s recent Time-use Survey. It attempts to study the connection between paid work and unpaid care work and its implications for the working conditions of women in India. Finally, it evaluates the ‘right to work’ as a possible solution by using the example of employment guarantee schemes in India.
Large companies are increasingly on trial. Over the last decade, many of the world’s biggest firms have been embroiled in legal disputes over corruption charges, financial fraud, environmental damage, taxation issues or sanction violations, ending in convictions or settlements of record-breaking fines, well above the billion-dollar mark. For critics of globalization, this turn towards corporate accountability is a welcome sea-change showing that multinational companies are no longer above the law. For legal experts, the trend is noteworthy because of the extraterritorial dimensions of law enforcement, as companies are increasingly held accountable for activities independent of their nationality or the place of the activities. Indeed, the global trend required understanding the evolution of corporate criminal law enforcement in the United States in particular, where authorities have skillfully expanded its effective jurisdiction beyond its territory. This paper traces the evolution of corporate prosecutions in the United States. Analyzing federal prosecution data, it then shows that foreign firms are more likely to pay a fine, which is on average 6,6 times larger.
Der Beitrag stellt dar, wie Online-Plattformen in den Bereichen Urheberrecht, Hassrede und Desinformation in der EU reguliert wurden. Die Analyse ergibt einen Regulierungskreislauf, der in vier Phasen ablief. Bis zum Jahrtausendwechsel war es die Legislative, die einen allgemeinen gesetzlichen Rahmen für die Online-Kommunikation in Gestalt von Äußerungsverboten und Haftungsprivilegierungen definierte. Dieser Rahmen wurde im folgenden Jahrzehnt von den Betreibern der neu entstehenden Plattformen unter Ausnutzung ihres privatautonomen Gestaltungsspielraums implementiert. In der dritten Phase ab ca. 2010 verschärften die Judikative und die Exekutive die sich aus dem allgemeinen gesetzlichen Rahmen ergebenden Mindestanforderungen an die Bekämpfung von Urheberrechtsverletzungen, Hassrede und Desinformation. In der vorläufig letzten Phase des Regulierungskreislaufs ab 2017/2018 ergriff wieder der Gesetzgeber die Initiative, indem die Standards, die in den Phasen zwei und drei entwickelt worden waren, kodifiziert und teilweise nochmals angehoben wurden. Damit ist der Kreislauf der unionalen Plattformregulierung allerdings nicht zu seinem Ende gekommen. Vielmehr ist bereits erkennbar, dass sich nun wieder eine eher experimentell-tastende Phase privatautonomer Implementierung und ko-regulativer Fortentwicklung des neuen gesetzlichen Rahmens anschließt. Der Beitrag schließt mit einer kurzen Bewertung dieser Entwicklung hin zu mehr hoheitlicher Kommunikationskontrolle.
In den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten sind Anmeldungen von Rechten des geistigen Eigentums (intellectual property, IP) bzw. Verletzungsklagen wiederholt an der unzureichenden Bestimmtheit des exklusiv beanspruchten Gegenstands gescheitert. Ihren Ausgang nahm diese Entwicklung im Markenrecht mit Entscheidungen des EuGH (Stichworte: Sieckmann, Heidelberger Bauchemie, Dyson, IP Translator, Oy Hartwall) und später auch des BGH (Stichwort: UHU). Die markenrechtlichen Grundsätze strahlten auf das Designrecht (Stichworte: Sporthelm, Mast-Jägermeister) und zuletzt auch auf das Urheberrecht (Stichwort: Levola) aus. Im Folgenden werden die maßgeblichen Urteile zur Schutzfähigkeit von Zeichen, Designs und Werken zusammengetragen und systematisiert. Dabei treten zwei Aspekte eines Bestimmtheitsgebots zu Tage, die, wie abschließend zu zeigen sein wird, auch im Patentrecht gelten
Der Beitrag nimmt kritisch zum gegenwärtig anhängigen EU-Gesetz über digitale Dienste (Digital Services Act, DSA) Stellung. Die Kernthese lautet: Big Tech muss reguliert werden, aber nicht wie im DSA vorgesehen. Zur Untermauerung dieser Position werden fünf grundlegend problematische Aspekte des DSA benannt. Es wird gezeigt, dass die derzeit verhandelten Fassungen des DSA (1) die Vertragsfreiheit nicht kommunikationsmächtiger Vermittlungsdienste missachten, (2) automatisiertes Overblocking begünstigen, (3) auch legale, aber in unspezifischer Weise „schädliche“ Äußerungen ins Visier nehmen, (4) einen vagen und für die Kommunikationsregulierung generell unpassenden Risikopräventionsansatz verfolgen und (5) eine Kommunikationsüberwachungsbürokratie errichten, die ihrerseits keinen zureichenden öffentlich-demokratischen Kontrollen unterliegt. Als Reaktion auf diese Befunde wird vorgeschlagen, (1) nur sehr großen Online-Plattformen inhaltliche Vorgaben im Hinblick auf ihre AGB zu machen, (2) die Verpflichtung/Berechtigung zum Einsatz automatischer Moderationssysteme auf offensichtlich rechtswidrige Inhalte zu beschränken, (3) im DSA auch keine indirekten Pflichten zur Unterdrückung legaler, aber „schädlicher“ Inhalte vorzusehen, (4) das systemische Risiko des Art. 26 Abs. 1 Buchst. c DSA ersatzlos zu streichen und (5) die DSA-Bürokratie staatsfern auszugestalten und einer parlamentarischen Kontrolle zu unterwerfen.