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This paper presents an account of the position of sentence adverbials in Norwegian within a left-branching HPSG-like grammar design. The assumed left-branching structures open for a treatment of Object Shift in Norwegian as part of a wider phenomenon referred to as the Adverb Argument Intersection Field. The approach is compared to the standard P&P analysis of Object Shift and it is shown that the two approaches make similar predictions regarding basic clause structures with full NP arguments. However, while one in P&P is forced to assume a secondary phonological movement in order to account for the position of unstressed pronoun objects with regard to sentence adverbials, no extra assumptions need to be made in the proposed account.
Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic have several relativization patterns, including relative clauses with and without relativizers and adjectival modification patterns. Previous generative work has targeted several phenomena, but there is no analysis which covers all relativization patterns in any generative framework. We present an HPSG analysis that covers these phenomena in a uniform manner. Based on Doron and Reintges (2005), we show that the crosslinguistically unusual syntax of adjectival modifiers is a language-internally expected variant of participial modifiers as found in English. We also present the first HPSG analysis of Arabic broad subjects and argue that they are selected as specifiers, accounting for the similarities between broad subjects and ordinary subjects.
Recent years have witnessed a renewal of interest in variable morph ordering, the situation where the position of a morph in the word is not constant. These situations present a challenge to extant inferential-realisational approaches to morphology (Stump, 2001), insofar as these adopt implicitly or explicitly an a-morphous approach to morphological composition (Anderson, 1992). In this paper we will first review the typology of known variable morph ordering phenomena in inflection. We then argue that the challenges can be met by making a distinction between paradigmatic opposition classes and syntagmatic position classes, and show that this distinction can readily be implemented in HPSG while keeping the amorphous assumption.
In this paper I explore the logical range of sentential negation types predicted by the theory of HPSG. I find that typological surveys confirm that attested simple negation strategies neatly line up with the types of lexical material given by assuming Lexical Integrity and standard Phrase Structure Grammar dependencies. I then extend the methodology to bipartite negation and derive a space of predicted sentential negation types. I present details of the analysis for each type and relevant examples where possible.
Backshift is a phenomenon affecting verb tense that is visible as a mismatch between some specific embedded contexts and other environments. For instance, the indirect speech equivalent of a sentence like 'Kim likes reading', with a present tense verb, may show the same verb in a past tense form, as in 'Sandy said Kim liked reading'. We present a general analysis of backshift, pooling data from English and Romance languages. Our analysis acknowledges that tense morphology is ambiguous between different temporal meanings, explicitly models the role of the speech time and the event times involved and takes the aspectual constraints of tenses into consideration.
Verbal suffix-repetition construction in Korean: A constraint- and construction-based approach
(2012)
There are various Verbal Suffix-Repetition (VSR) constructions in Korean, where suffixes such as -kena/tun(ci)/tun(ka) are attached to the repeated verbs. Calling the VSR Choice-denying Repeated Verbs construction, Lee (2011) claims that the following verb of the VSR, which can be replaced with mal-, should contain a negative but the preceding verb should be affirmative in the VSR construction which disallows any NPI within it. Unlike Lee (2011), we claim that the verbs in the VSR can freely occur either in the preceding position or in the following one regardless of their Neg value so long as they share the same verbal suffix forms such as -tun(ka). Furthermore, NPIs may occur within the VSR construction if they occur with a negative predicate within the same clause. To implement the findings above into HPSG, we have proposed the two lexical entries for mal-, the VSR Construction Rule, and the NPI Clause-mate Constraint. These tools enable us to account for the idiosyncratic properties of the VSR constructions under this constraint- and construction-based approach.
The Korean double nominative construction exhibits various properties distinguished not only from ordinary subject-object clauses but also from nominative complement constructions. Particularly, the second NP, not the initial NP, triggers the honorific agreement with the verb. I argue that the first NP of the construction is identified as a sentential specifier which exists in addition to the subject (cf. Major subject in Yoon 2004). The sentential specifier can be justified as the characteristic of the topic-prominent language in the sense of Li and Thompson (1976). Specifically I claim that any elements that satisfy the aboutness condition can be the sentential specifier. Finally, I show that HPSG's valence value and an optional lexical rule provides an elegant treatment of the construction; SPR list in a sentence level can be utilized for the sentential specifier (cf. Kim et al. 2007).
This paper presents an analysis of Danish free relative constructions. Fol- lowing Bresnan and Grimshaw (1978) we will adopt a wh-head (in Danish hv-head) analysis where the hv-phrase is the head of an NP. Also following Bresnan and Grimshaw (1978) we will propose an analysis which does not involve a filler-gap dependency between the hv-phrase and the gap in the sis- ter clause. Instead we will propose that the gap in the sister clause is bound off by a constructional constraint. In this way the analysis will be shown to differ from previous HPSG wh-head analyses of free relatives.
In HPSG relative clauses have been analyzed in terms of phonologically empty heads in Pollard and Sag (1994) and in terms of a complex system of phrase types in Sag (1997). Modern Standard Arabic has a distinction between relative clauses with a definite antecedent, which are introduced by a special complementizer, and relative clauses with an indefinite antecedent, which are 'bare' clauses. Analyses eschewing empty heads and assuming a complex system of phrase types face a number of problems. An analysis in which relatives with an indefinite antecedent are headed by a phonologically empty complementizer is more satisfactory. Thus, in the case of Arabic, the approach of Pollard and Sag (1994) seems preferable to the approach of Sag (1997).
This paper describes free relative constructions in Modern Standard Arabic (henceforth, MSA) and aims to provide an HPSG analysis for them. MSA has two types of free relative constructions. One, which is introduced by the complementizer ?allaði, looks just like a relative clause. The other, which is introduced by the elements man and maa, which also appear to be complementizers, does not look like a relative clause. Both types can be analysed in term of unary-branching structures (as NPs consisting just of a CP). In ?allaði free relatives, the NP and the value of SLASH can be coindexed via the value of MOD on the CP. In man and maa free relatives, the NP and the value of SLASH must be coindexed directly.