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The present study, based on a typological survey of ca. 70 languages, offers a systematization of consonantal insertions by classifying them into three main types: grammatical, phonetic, and prosodic insertions. The three epenthesis types essentially differ from each other in terms of preferred sounds, domains of application, the role of segmental context, their occurrence cross-linguistically, the extent of variation and phonetic explication.
The present investigation is significantly different from other analyses of consonantal epentheses in the sense that it neither invokes markedness nor diachronic state of the processes under discussion. Instead, it considers the different nature of the epenthetic segments by referring to the representational levels and/or domains which are relevant for their appearance.
In this article we propose that there are two universal properties for phonological stop assibilations, namely (i) assibilations cannot be triggered by /i/ unless they are also triggered by /j/, and (ii) voiced stops cannot undergo assibilations unless voiceless ones do. The article presents typological evidence from assibilations in 45 languages supporting both (i) and (ii). It is argued that assibilations are to be captured in the Optimality Theoretic framework by ranking markedness constraints grounded in perception which penalize sequences like [ti] ahead of a faith constraint which militates against the change from /t/ to some sibilant sound. The occurring language types predicted by (i) and (ii) will be shown to involve permutations of the rankings between several different markedness constraints and the one faith constraint. The article demonstrates that there exist several logically possible assibilation types which are ruled out because they would involve illicit rankings.
Since the advent of nonlinear phonology many linguists have either assumed or argued explicitly that many languages have words in which one or more segment does not belong structurally to the syllable. Three commonly employed adjectives used to describe such consonants are 'extrasyllabic', 'extrametrical' or 'stray'. Other authors refer to such segments as belonging to the 'appendix'. [...] Various non-linear representations have been proposed to express the 'extrasyllabicity' of segments [...]. The ones I am concerned with in the present article analyze [...] consonants [...] structurally as being outside of the syllable [...]. For transparency I ignore here both subsyllabic constituency as well as higher level prosodic constituents to which the stray consonants are sometimes assumed to attach. For reasons to be made clear below I refer to syllables [...] in which the stray consonant is situated outside of the syllable, as abstract syllables.
This study investigates supralaryngeal mechanisms of the two way voicing contrast among German velar stops and the three way contrast among Korean velar stops, both in intervocalic position. Articulatory data won via electromagnetic articulography of three Korean speakers and acoustic recordings of three Korean and three German speakers are analysed. It was found that in both languages the voicing contrast is created by more than one mechanism. However, one can say that for Korean velar stops in intervocalic position stop closure duration is the most important parameter. For German it is closure voicing. The results support the phonological description proposed by Kohler (1984).
U radu se na temelju vlastitih terenskih istraživanja i literature prikazuje suglasnički sustav južnomoslavačkih kajkavskih govora, njegov inventar, distribucija i podrijetlo, na primjeru triju govora – Kutinskoga Sela, Osekova i Okešinca. Prikazuju se zajedničke i razlikovne značajke triju navedenih govora. Južnomoslavački kajkavski govori pripadaju južnomoslavačkomu ili donjolonjskomu dijalektu.
Nakon kratkoga prikaza geografskoga položaja zagorskoga mjesta Šemnice Gornje u radu se na osnovi vlastitoga terenskog istraživanja i dostupne literature iznose fonološka obilježja govora toga mjesta. Opisuje se naglasni sustav i unutar toga razlike koje se mogu uočiti u odnosu na osnovnu kajkavsku akcentuaciju, te obilježja samoglasničkoga i suglasničkoga sustava.
Ključne riječi: Šemnica Gornja ; govor ; naglasni sustav; samoglasnički i suglasnički sustav
We measure face deformations during speech production using a motion capture system, which provides 3D coordinate data of about 60 markers glued on the speaker's face. An arbitrary orthogonal factor analysis followed by a principal component analysis (together called a guided PCA) of the data has showed that the first 6 factors explain about 90% of the variance, for each of our 3 speakers. The 6 derived factors, therefore, allow us to efficiently analyze or to reconstruct with a reasonable accuracy the observed face deformations. Since these factors can be interpreted in articulatory terms, they can reveal underlying articulatory organizations. The comparison of lip gestures in terms of data derived factors suggests that these speakers differently maneuver the lips to achieve contrast between /s/ and /R/. Such inter-speaker variability can occur because the acoustic contrast of these fricatives is shaped not only by the lip tube but also by cavities inside the mouth such as the sublingual cavity. In other words, these tube and cavity can acoustically compensate each other to produce their required acoustic properties.
Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich der phonetischen Motivation phonologischer Palatalisierungsprozesse, bei welchen Vorderzungenvokoide die Palatalisierung (bzw. Affrizierung) vorangehender Plosive bewirken. Durch akustische Analysen zu deutschen und bulgarischen stimmlosen alveolaren und velaren Verschlußlauten wird der Einfluß nachfolgender vorderer Vokoide und des tiefen Vokals /a/ auf die geräuschähnliche Phase nach der plosiven Verschlußlösung der Konsonanten untersucht. Zum Zwecke der Überprüfung einer nach universellen phonologischen Prinzipien formulierten Hierarchie der wahrscheinlichen Inputkandidaten für Palatalisierungen werden akustische Messungen zur Zeitdauer und zu den spektralen Eigenschaften des konsonantischen Segments in wortinitialen Konsonant-Vokoid-Sequenzen vorgestellt. Die Ergebnisse der Studie unterstützen nur teilweise die vorgeschlagene Hierarchiehypothese und zeigen, daß sprachspezifische Besonderheiten einen Einfluß auf die Anordnung der Elemente der Hierarchie ausüben.
The present article is a follow-up study of the investigation of labiodentals in German and Dutch by Hamann & Sennema (2005), where we looked at the perception of the Dutch labiodental three-way contrast by German listeners without any knowledge of Dutch and German learners of Dutch. The results of this previous study suggested that the German voiced labiodental fricative /v/ is perceptually closer to the Dutch approximant /ʋ/ than to the corresponding Dutch voiced labiodental fricative /v/. These perceptual indications are attested by the acoustic findings in the present study. German /v/ has a similar harmonicity median and a similar centre of gravity to Dutch /ʋ/, but differs from Dutch /v/ in these parameters. With respect to the acoustic parameter of duration, German /v/ lies closer to the Dutch /v/ than to the Dutch /ʋ/.
This paper evaluates trills [r] and their palatalized counterparts [rj] from the point of view of markedness. It is argued that [r]s are unmarked sounds in comparison to [r ]s which follows from the examination of the following parameters: (a) frequency of occurrence, (b) articulatory and aerodynamic characteristics, (c) perceptual features, (d) emergence in the process of language acquisition, (e) stability from a diachronic point of view, (f) phonotactic distribution, and (g) implications.
Several markedness aspects of [r]s and [rj] are analyzed on the basis of Slavic languages which offer excellent material for the evaluation of trills. Their phonetic characteristics incorporated into phonetically grounded constraints are employed for a phonological OT-analysis of r-palatalization in two selected languages: Polish and Czech.