Linguistik
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Article (1215)
- Part of a Book (784)
- Conference Proceeding (455)
- Working Paper (254)
- Review (181)
- Preprint (122)
- Book (108)
- Part of Periodical (64)
- Report (58)
- Doctoral Thesis (23)
Language
- English (1686)
- German (1054)
- Croatian (298)
- Portuguese (120)
- Turkish (43)
- Multiple languages (24)
- French (21)
- mis (16)
- Spanish (7)
- Polish (4)
Has Fulltext
- yes (3282) (remove)
Keywords
- Deutsch (436)
- Syntax (152)
- Linguistik (127)
- Englisch (123)
- Semantik (112)
- Spracherwerb (97)
- Phonologie (86)
- Rezension (77)
- Kroatisch (68)
- Fremdsprachenlernen (67)
Institute
- Extern (438)
- Institut für Deutsche Sprache (IDS) Mannheim (113)
- Neuere Philologien (43)
- Sprachwissenschaften (43)
- Universitätsbibliothek (4)
- Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaften (3)
- Gesellschaftswissenschaften (2)
- Medizin (2)
- Präsidium (2)
- SFB 268 (2)
In this article we propose that there are two universal properties for phonological stop assibilations, namely (i) assibilations cannot be triggered by /i/ unless they are also triggered by /j/, and (ii) voiced stops cannot undergo assibilations unless voiceless ones do. The article presents typological evidence from assibilations in 45 languages supporting both (i) and (ii). It is argued that assibilations are to be captured in the Optimality Theoretic framework by ranking markedness constraints grounded in perception which penalize sequences like [ti] ahead of a faith constraint which militates against the change from /t/ to some sibilant sound. The occurring language types predicted by (i) and (ii) will be shown to involve permutations of the rankings between several different markedness constraints and the one faith constraint. The article demonstrates that there exist several logically possible assibilation types which are ruled out because they would involve illicit rankings.
Glide formation, a process whereby an underlying high front vowel is realized as a palatal glide, is shown to occur only in unstressed prevocalic position in German, and to be blocked by specific surface restrictions such as *ji and *“j. Traditional descriptions of glide formation (including derivational as well as Optimality theoretic approaches) refer to the syllable in order to capture its conditions. The present study illustrates that glide formation (plus the distribution of long and short tense /i/) in German can better be captured in a Functional Phonology account (Boersma 1998) which makes reference to stress instead of the syllable and thus overcomes problems of former approaches.
In the following study we present the results of three acoustic experiments with native speakers of German and Polish which support implications (a) and (b). In our experiments we measured the friction phase after the /t d/ release before the onset of the following high front vocoid for four speakers of German and Polish. We found that the friction phase for /tj/ was significantly longer than that of /ti/, and that the friction phase of /t/ in the assibilation context is significantly longer than that of /d/.
Dutch has a three-way contrast in labiodental sounds, which causes problems for native speakers of German in their acquisition of Dutch, since German contrasts only two labiodentals. The present study investigates the perception of the Dutch labiodental fricative system by German L2 learners of Dutch and shows that native Germans with no or little knowledge of the Dutch language categorize the Dutch labiodental voiced fricative and approximant as their native voiced fricative. Advanced learners, however, succeed in acquiring a category for the voiced fricative, illustrating that plasticity in the perception of a second language develops with the amount of exposure to the language.
This paper addresses remarks made by Flemming (2003) to the effect that his analysis of the interaction between retroflexion and vowel backness is superior to that of Hamann (2003b). While Hamann maintained that retroflex articulations are always back, Flemming adduces phonological as well as phonetic evidence to prove that retroflex consonants can be non-back and even front (i.e. palatalised). The present paper, however, shows that the phonetic evidence fails under closer scrutiny. A closer consideration of the phonological evidence shows, by making a principled distinction between articulatory and perceptual drives, that a reanalysis of Flemming’s data in terms of unviolated retroflex backness is not only possible but also simpler with respect to the number of language-specific stipulations.
The present study shows that though retroflex segments can be considered articulatorily marked, there are perceptual reasons why languages introduce this class into their phoneme inventory. This observation is illustrated with the diachronic developments of retroflexes in Norwegian (North- Germanic), Nyawaygi (Australian) and Minto-Nenana (Athapaskan). The developments in these three languages are modelled in a perceptually oriented phonological theory, since traditional articulatorily-based features cannot deal with such processes.
This paper reconciles the standpoint that language users do not aim at improving their sound systems with the observation that languages seem to improve their sound systems. Computer simulations of inventories of sibilants show that Optimality-Theoretic learners who optimize their perception grammars automatically introduce a so-called prototype effect, i.e. the phenomenon that the learner’s preferred auditory realization of a certain phonological category is more peripheral than the average auditory realization of this category in her language environment. In production, however, this prototype effect is counteracted by an articulatory effect that limits the auditory form to something that is not too difficult to pronounce. If the prototype effect and the articulatory effect are of a different size, the learner must end up with an auditorily different sound system from that of her language environment. The computer simulations show that, independently of the initial auditory sound system, a stable equilibrium is reached within a small number of generations. In this stable state, the dispersion of the sibilants of the language strikes an optimal balance between articulatory ease and auditory contrast. The important point is that this is derived within a model without any goal-oriented elements such as dispersion constraints.
In Ocotepec Mixe, the stem-initial sibilants /s tÉs ß/ undergo a palatalization process when the prefix /j/ is added. Descriptions of other Mixe languages report that this palatalization is realized either as addition of a glide (in the case of the alveolar and retroflex sibilants) or as a change in the primary place of articulation (in the case of the affricate). The acoustic measurements in the present study indicate that all palatalized sibilants in Ocotepec have an additional glide, unless they are followed by the high front vowel(s) /i (e)/, and that both the affricate and retroflex fricative show a consistent change in primary place of articulation under palatalization.
The present article illustrates that the specific articulatory and aerodynamic requirements for voiced but not voiceless alveolar or dental stops can cause tongue tip retraction and tongue mid lowering and thus retroflexion of front coronals. This retroflexion is shown to have occurred diachronically in the three typologically unrelated languages Dhao (Malayo-Polynesian), Thulung (Sino-Tibetan), and Afar (East-Cushitic). In addition to the diachronic cases, we provide synchronic data for retroflexion from an articulatory study with four speakers of German, a language usually described as having alveolar stops. With these combined data we supply evidence that voiced retroflex stops (as the only retroflex segments in a language) did not necessarily emerge from implosives, as argued by Haudricourt (1950), Greenberg (1970), Bhat (1973), and Ohala (1983). Instead, we propose that the voiced front coronal plosive /d/ is generally articulated in a way that favours retroflexion, that is, with a smaller and more retracted place of articulation and a lower tongue and jaw position than /t/.
Experimental data shows that adult learners of an artificial language with a phonotactic restriction learned this restriction better when being trained on word types (e.g. when they were presented with 80 different words twice each) than when being trained on word tokens (e.g. when presented with 40 different words four times each) (Hamann & Ernestus submitted). These findings support Pierrehumbert’s (2003) observation that phonotactic co-occurrence restrictions are formed across lexical entries, since only lexical levels of representation can be sensitive to type frequencies.
We show that loanword adaptation can be understood entirely in terms of phonological and phonetic comprehension and production mechanisms in the first language. We provide explicit accounts of several loanword adaptation phenomena (in Korean) in terms of an Optimality-Theoretic grammar model with the same three levels of representation that are needed to describe L1 phonology: the underlying form, the phonological surface form, and the auditory-phonetic form. The model is bidirectional, i.e., the same constraints and rankings are used by the listener and by the speaker. These constraints and rankings are the same for L1 processing and loanword adaptation.
At the outset of this dissertation one might pose the question why retroflex consonants should still be of interest for phonetics and for phonological theory since ample work on this segmental class already exists. Bhat (1973) conducted a quite extensive study on retroflexion that treated the geographical spread of this class, some phonological processes its members can undergo, and the phonetic motivation for these processes. Furthermore, several phonological representations of retroflexes have been proposed in the framework of Feature Geometry, as in work by Sagey (1986), Pulleyblank (1989), Gnanadesikan (1993), and Clements (2001). Most recently, Steriade (1995, 2001) has discussed the perceptual cues of retroflexes and has argued that the distribution of these cues can account for the phonotactic restrictions on retroflexes and their assimilatory behaviour. Purely phonetically oriented studies such as Dixit (1990) and Simonsen, Moen & Cowen (2000) have shown the large articulatory variation that can be found for retroflexes and hint at the insufficiency of existing definitions.
The present study argues that variation across listeners in the perception of a non-native contrast is due to two factors: the listener-specic weighting of auditory dimensions and the listener-specic construction of new segmental representations. The interaction of both factors is shown to take place in the perception grammar, which can be modelled within an OT framework. These points are illustrated with the acquisition of the Dutch three-member labiodental contrast [V v f] by German learners of Dutch, focussing on four types of learners from the perception study by Hamann and Sennema (2005a).
A common topic in recent literature on phonology is the question of whether phonological processes and segments are licensed by prosodic position or by perceptual cues. The former is the traditional view, as represented by e.g. Lombardi (1995) and Beckman (1998), and holds that segments occur in specific prosodic positions such as the coda. In a licensing by cue approach, as represented by Steriade (1995, 1999), on the other hand, segments are assumed to occur in those positions only where their perceptual cues are prominent, independent of the prosodic position. In positions where the cues are not salient, neutralization occurs.
Die Orthographie ist ein wichtiger Baustein des Fremdsprachenunterrichts, in der Schreiberwerbsforschung im Fremdsprachenkontext konzentrierte man sich dagegen auf Phänomene der Textgestaltung (z.B. Portman 1991). Es wird eine korpusbasierte Untersuchung von Orthographiefehlern in Texten fortgeschrittener Lernender des Deutschen als Fremdsprache (DaF) vorgestellt. Als Datengrundlage dient das Lernerkorpus Falko (fehlerannotiertes Lernerkorpus), ein Gemeinschaftsprojekt der Freien Universität und der Humboldt Universität Berlin (http://www2.hu-berlin.de/korpling/projekte/falko/FalkoKernBeschreibung.pdf). In diesem Korpus werden sog. Wortschreibungsfehler (vgl. Eisenberg 2004) analysiert werden. Die Untersuchung geht von der Annahme aus, dass sich, abgesehen von direkten Übertragungen, die Beschaffenheit der Orthographie einer Muttersprache (L1) nicht signifikant auf die Lernerorthographie (die Orthographie der Zielsprache) auswirkt. Diese Annahme soll an ausgewählten Wortschreibungsfehlern überprüft werden, so z.B. an fehlerhaften Dehnungs- und Schärfungsmarkierungen englischer DaF-Lernender. Sollte die L1 einen nachweisbaren Einfluss auf die Lernerorthographie haben, so müssten bspw. signifikant mehr Fehler bei der dem Englischen unbekannten Dehnungsgraphie mit Dehnungs-h auftreten als bei der dem Englischen bekannten Schärfungsgraphie mithilfe von Konsonantendopplung im Silbengelenk. Die Ergebnisse der Korpusuntersuchung werden in einem spracherwerbstheoretischen Rahmen diskutiert werden.
Iranica Armeno-Iberica : Studien zu den iranischen Lehnwörtern im Armenischen und Georgischen
(1993)
Enthält die beiden Bände: [Hauptbd.] Materialien. Die hier vorgelegten Untersuchungen zeigen deutlich, daß das Problem der Herkunft iranischer Lehnwörter im Altgeorgischen in keiner Weise pauschal abgehandelt werden kann, und daß statt dessen jeder Einzelfall einer eigenen Uberprüfung bedarf. Dennoch zeichnen sich auf ihrer Basis bereits neue Ansätze für eine Lösung der anstehenden Problematik ab. Die Sprachwissenschaft war bisher davon ausgegangen, daß ein mitteliranisches Lexem im Georgischen normalerweise "via armeniaca" entlehnt wurde; wer für eine direkte Übernahme aus dem Mitteliranischen argumentieren wollte, mußte Kriterien heranziehen, die gegen eine armen. Vermittlung sprachen. Akzeptiert wurden in diesem SInne v.a. Wörter, die im Armenischen selbst nicht bezeugt waren, ferner aber auch solche, deren Lautstand im Georgischen und Armenischen Differenzen aufwies. Bei einem Paar wie arm. apizar und georg. abezar- ist dies zwar sicher zutreffend, da sich das armen. und das georg. Wort durchaus zwei verschiedenen miran. Strata zuweisen lassen. Immer dann, wenn die lautlichen Unterschiede eine Folge der innerarm. Vokalschwächung darstellen wie etwa im Falle von arm. visap und georg. veSap- < miran. *vesäp oder arm. ankoyz und georg. nigoz- < miran. *nigoz-, hat das letztere Kriterium jedoch keine entscheidende Aussagekraft, da das Georgische in solchen Fällen den früheren Lautstand des armen. Wortes bewahrt haben könnte; die betreffenden Fälle wären dann als Entlehnungen aus einem vorhistorischen Zustand des Armenischen aufzufassens . Die gleiche Annahme kann, zumindest im Falle parthiseher Entlehnungen, auch gegen das erstgenannte Kriterium ins Feld geführt werden, da das Fehlen eines Lehnwortes im Armenischen immer durch seinen Verlust in vorhistorischer Zeit erklärbar ist. Ein solcher Fall könnte z.B. bei dem hier behandelten Ifaran- gegeben sein, wenn man die vorgeschlagene iran. Etymologie akzeptiert, nach der das Wort die typisch "armen." Vertretung von miran. -0- durch -r- aufweisen müßte. Außerdem kann das Fehlen eines iran. Etymons im Armenischen prinzipiell auch auf einer zufalligen Nichtbezeugung beruhen. Auf der Basis dieses methodologischen Dilemmas bleibt die Entscheidung v.a. im Bereich der zahlreichen parth. Entlehnungen letztlich eine Glaubensfrage. Die hier vorgelegten Untersuchungen legen gegenüber dem als unzureichend erweisbaren älteren Verfahren nun ein umgekehrtes Vorgehen nahe. Sie führen zu der methodoIogischen Forderung, ein mitteliran. Wort im Altgeorgischen prinzipiell als eigenständige Entlehnung anzusehen, wenn nicht spezifische Kriterien für eine Übernahme aus dem Armenischen sprechen. ...
Relating propositions : subordination and coordination strategies in a polysynthetic language
(1998)
This paper discusses the relationship between the morphological structure of language and its syntactic structure. Although it is primarily a single language which is analysed in detail, namely, Inuktitut, an Eskimo language of the Canadian Eastern Arctic, the findings seem to be of general relevance.
In the following I will discuss grammatical structures of Inuktitut, an Eskimo language spoken in the Canadian Eastern Arctic. Inuktitut is a polysynthetic language exhibiting an exceedingly elaborate verbal inflectional system including polypersonal marking. Furthermore, Inuktitut features free word order and optionality of noun phrases crossreferenced with the predicate. But Inuktitut also exhibits a number of features which seem to contradict the possibility of its being a "pronominal argument language" -- or as I would prefer to express it, a morphological argument language.
Research on a variety of structurally different languages suggests that information is assigned to grammatical form in way of preferred representations of arguments. These preferences can be captured by four interacting constraints which are based on the analysis of spoken and written discourse. These constraints represent measurable discourse preferences: pragmatically unmarked utterances seem to follow them blindly and widely. Consequently, the preferences motivating these constraints seem to represent the default structuring of discourse in immediate relation to elementary grammatical form. Discourse is no longer viewed as acting upon grammatical form, but as being ‘grammatical’ itself.
The Inuit inhabit a vast area of--from a European point of view--most inhospitable land, stretching from the northeastern tip of Asia to the east coast of Greenland. Inuit peoples have never been numerous, their settlements being scattered over enormous distances. But nevertheless, from an ethnological point of view, all Inuit peoples shared a distinct culture, featuring sea mammal and caribou hunting, sophisticated survival skills, technical and social devices, including the sharing of essential goods and strategies for minimizing and controlling aggression.
Inuktitut : Affixliste
(2003)
Sprachwandel
(2004)
Nicht zuletzt durch die Entwicklung und Verbreitung der sogenannten Neuen Medien ist das Thema 'Medialität' im gesamten Bereich der Geistes- und Kulturwissenschaften virulent geworden. Im Rahmen der aktuellen Diskurse um den Begriff des Mediums ist zu beobachten, daß dieser Ausdruck häufig unterschiedslos auf so verschiedene Referenzobjekte wie Internet, Fernsehen, Printmedien, Computer, Schrift, Bilder, Schallwellen u. v. a. bezogen wird. Das Medium orale Sprache gerät dabei sonderbarerweise häufig aus dem Blickfeld. - Warum ist dies so?
Woher kommt das neuerwachte Interesse an Sprachrichtigkeit? Woher kommt die ausgeprägte sprachliche Unsicherheit, die auch bei vielen hochgebildeten Menschen den Wunsch entstehen lässt, von Sprachpflegern über ihr Ureigenstes, nämlich ihre Muttersprache, belehrt zu werden? Obwohl Antworten auf diese Fragen letztlich spekulativ bleiben, wage ich doch die These, dass eine Ursache hierfür die Rechtschreibreform ist, die von einem Großteil der Bevölkerung nach wie vor nicht angenommen wird, die insgesamt weder zur Vereinfachung noch zu einer höheren Einheitlichkeit geführt hat; die aber andererseits ein öffentliches Nachdenken und Diskutieren über Sprachrichtigkeit in Gang setzte. – Jedenfalls ist die Verunsicherung ein Faktum, das von Linguisten nicht ignoriert werden sollte.
Ausgangspunkt: Die Kritik am "Zwei-Welten-Modell": Die grundlegende linguistische Unterscheidung zwischen "Sprache" und "Sprechen" ist im Rahmen der neueren Debatten um Sprachmedialität wieder verstärkt thematisiert und kritisiert worden. Lässt sich dieses schulbildende, in der Linguistik geradezu eherne Begriffspaar überhaupt noch sinnvollerweise aufrechterhalten? Oder muss es mindestens umdefiniert, vielleicht sogar gänzlich verworfen werden? Hat sich insbesondere die auf Chomsky zurückgehende Unterscheidung von Sprachkompetenz und -performanz nicht von selbst ad absurdum geführt, nachdem der linguistische Kognitivismus chomskyscher Provenienz Sprache als lebendiges Phänomen, als Medium menschlicher Kommunikation, vollständig aus dem Blick verloren hat? Führt nicht schon die scheinbar harmlose linguistische Differenzierung zwischen einer Sprachregel und ihrer Anwendung zu einer irreführenden und unangemessenen Verdinglichung von Sprache? ...
Die Themen Sprachrichtigkeit und Sprachidentität haben in Deutschland seit einiger Zeit Hochkonjunktur. Der 'Sprachpfleger' Bastian Sick, in der massenmedialen Berichterstattung stereotyp als gleichermaßen "kompetent" wie "lustig" und "gar nicht oberlehrerhaft" angepriesen, verkauft seine Kolumnensammlungen millionenfach und füllt bei seinen Lesungen mühelos ganze Konzertsäle. Der Verein Deutsche Sprache, Speerspitze der Anglizismenkritik im deutschsprachigen Raum, hat nach eigenen Angaben mittlerweile fast 30.000 Mitglieder. Betrachtet man diese Protagonisten des öffentlichen Sprachdiskurses aus linguistischer Perspektive, so stellt man fest, dass sich die von ihnen propagierte Sprachauffassung in der Regel an einer alten Metapher orientiert – der biologistischen Metapher von Sprache als einem Organismus: Ein Organismus kann geboren werden und sterben; er kann krank werden und verfallen, er ist – um es mit einem Ausdruck von Jürgen Spitzmüller zu sagen – eine klar "abgrenzbare Einheit". Ein Sprachsystem erscheint somit als ein abgeschlossenes organisches Gebilde, welches es zu erhalten gilt und das durch schädliche Einflüsse von außen in seiner Identität gefährdet ist.
The medium of (oral) language is mostly disregarded (or overlooked) in contemporary media theories. This "ignoring of language" in media studies is often accompanied by an inadequate transport model of communication, and it converges with an "ignoring of mediality" in mentalistic theories of language. In the present article it will be argued that this misleading opposition of language and media can only be overcome if one already regards oral language, not just written language, as a medium of the human mind. In my argumentation I fall back on Wittgenstein’s conception of language games to try to show how Wittgenstein’s ideas can help us to clear up the problem of the mediality of language and also to show to what extent the mentalistic conception of Chomskyan provenance cannot be adequate to the phenomenon of language.
Ziel des vorliegenden Aufsatzes ist es, zu einer neuerlichen Diskussion der Begriffe 'Medium' und 'Kommunikation' in der Linguistik beizutragen. Dabei versuche ich insbesondere, den philosophisch-kulturwissenschaftlichen Diskurs, in welchem die Themen 'Medialität' und 'Perfonnanz' seit längerer Zeit intensiv diskutiert werden, zu dem in der Angewandten Linguistik geläufigen Modell der Kommunikationsformen in Beziehung zu setzen und Möglichkeiten einer Verbindung dieser beiden Diskurse zumindest anzudeuten. Der Aufsatz gliedert sich in vier Abschnitte: Zunächst werden einige geläufige Mediendefinitionen vorgestellt. Im zweiten Kapitel stelle ich dann die Frage 'Ist Kommunikation ein Transportvorgang?', um auf dieser Grundlage im dritten Kapitel eine alternative Medienkonzeption vorzustellen. Im letzten Kapitel wird dieser Medienbegriff dann sowohl vom Begriff des Zeichensystems, als auch von dem der Kommunikationsform abgegrenzt.
Sprache als kranker Organismus : linguistische Anmerkungen zum Spiegel-Titel "Rettet dem Deutsch!"
(2007)
Als ich im Juli 2002 vor der Philosophischen Fakultät der Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf meinen Habilitationsvortrag über populäre Anglizismenkritik hielt, ahnte ich noch nicht, zu welchen Aufgeregtheiten ich damit bzw. mit der Veröffentlichung im Sprachreport (4/2002: 4-10) und im Internet (http://www.phil-fak.uniduesseldorf.de/germ1/mitarbeiter/niehr/anglizismen. html) Anlass geben würde. Ich hatte in dieser Veröffentlichung aufgezeigt, dass die Kriterien, die der Verein deutsche sprache (VDS) zur Grundlage seiner sprachkritischen Beurteilung von Anglizismen heranzieht, nicht nur einer linguistischen Überprüfung nicht standhalten, sondern auch für die Sprachpraxis völlig ungeeignet sind.
Betrachtet man im Rückblick, welche linguistischen Themen in der jüngeren Vergangenheit die Öffentlichkeit bewegt haben, dann fallen einem vor allem die Rechtschreibreform, die Bestrebungen der feministischen Linguistik, die Klage über den Verfall oder Niedergang der deutschen Sprache und in diesem Zusammenhang auch Bedenken gegen einen übermäßigen Anglizismen-Gebrauch im Deutschen ein.
Noch nie haben vom Aussterben bedrohte Sprachen so sehr im Mittelpunkt linguistischer Forschung gestanden wie in den vergangenen zehn bis 15 Jahren. Seitdem sich die UNESCO das Thema zu Eigen gemacht hat, sind in Europa und Übersee verschiedene Förderprogramme ins Leben gerufen worden, die sich zum Ziel setzen, Bestandsaufnahmen, linguistische Dokumentationen und Initiativen zu unterstützen, um »endangered languages« zu bewahren oder sogar wiederzubeleben. Überall in der Welt sind seither Dutzende von Forscherteams unterwegs, um mit Computern, Tonbandgeräten und Video-Kameras Aufnahmen von Sprachen zu machen, von denen zu erwarten ist, dass sie das Ende dieses Jahrhunderts nicht »überleben« werden. Auch an der Universität Frankfurt stehen bedrohte Sprachen im Fokus linguistischer Forschung, wobei so unterschiedliche Weltgegenden wie der Kaukasus, Afrika, Sibirien und Südostasien im Mittelpunkt stehen.
Die nachfolgenden Sprichwörter sind von mir selbst unter den Bapedi gesammelt. Ich habe meine Kinderjahre unter diesem Volksstamm zugebracht und von frühester Jugend an als Missionarskind die Sprichwörter im Umgang mit meinen schwarzen Spielgefährten täglich gebraucht. Später habe ich als Lehrer über zwei Jahre tagtäglich und fast ausschließlich in dieser Sprache unterrichtet. Das Pedi hat verschiedene Dialekte. Ich habe die Sprichwörter aber in dem eigentlichen Pedi-Dialekt, der für alle schriftlichen Arbeiten der Missionare gebraucht wird, aufgezeichnet. Außer etwa 50-80 Sprichwörtern, die ich aus "Ditaba tsa Mechutachuta" einem von der Berliner Missionsgesellschaft herausgegebenen Pedi-Schullesebuch entnahm, sind meines Wissens die andern noch in keiner gedruckten Sammlung erschienen. Sie sind von mir persönlich mit Beihilfe von eingeborenen Hilfssammlern zusammengetragen) die von mir angeleitet waren. Beaconsfield bei Kimberley, den 23. Juni 1927. G. Kuhn.
The self-teaching hypothesis proposes that phonological recoding functions as a self-teaching mechanism enabling the learner to independently acquire an autonomous orthographic lexicon. Successful decoding encounters with novel letter strings provide opportunities to learn word-specific print-to-meaning connections. Although it may not playa central role in skilled word recognition, phonological recoding, by virtue of its self-teaching function, is regarded as critical to successful reading acquisition. This paper elaborates the self-teaching hypothesis proposed by Jorm and Share (1983), and reviews relevant evidence. Key features of phonological recoding include an item-based rather than stage-based role in development, the progressive "lexicalization" of the process of recoding, and the importance of phonological awareness and contextual information in resolving decoding ambiguity. Although phonological skills have been shown to be primary in reading acquisition, orthographic processing appears to be an important but secondary source of individual differences. This implies an asymmetrical pattern of dissociations in both developmental and acquired reading disorders. Strong relationships between word recognition, basic phonological processing abilities and phonemic awareness are also consistent with the self-teaching notion. Finally, it is noted that current models of word recognition (both PDP and dual-route) fail to address the quintessential problem of reading acquisition - independent generation of target pronunciations for novel orthographic strings.
Language planning for the Irish language in the Republic of Ireland has featured prominently in international language policy and planning literature over the years. Researchers in the field may not be up to date, however, with recent developments in the area of Irish language planning and their impact on the language ecology. This monograph describes the language planning situation in the Republic of Ireland in its historical and social contexts as well as delineating language policy and planning for the Irish language implemented over the past number of years, showing developments in education, community, media, religion and local politics.
Syntax-semantics interface
(2001)
In German, prosody interacts with quantifier scope. We investigate this interaction in inverse linking constructions. We present evidence from elicited production of linguistically naive speakers supporting the following two claims: 1) There are two kinds of inverse linking constructions of which only the prepositional type requires a marked intonation contour for inverse scope. 2) In the prepositional construction, a double focus contour is employed with inverse scope rather that a topic-focus (rise-fall) contour as previously assumed (Krifka 1998).
1. Für die Vertretung eines eine Nebenhandlung einführenden zweiten Rhemas im Satz lassen sich drei Haupttypen aufstellen: a) "finiter" Typus mit der fast ausschließlichen Vertretung durch Nebensätze; b) "nominaler" Typus mit der Vertretung durch Nominalbildungen, wie Partizipien und Verbalnomina, letztere mit vollständigem Paradigma und genitivischer Patiensbehandlung; c) "infinitivischer" Typus mit der Vertretung durch sogenannte "infinitivische Bildungen", die sich nach formalen und junktionalen Kriterien von den finiten Bildungen abtrennen lassen. Innerhalb der Haupttypen, spez. (da auf idg. Sprachraum dominant) innerhalb des "infinitivischen" Typus lassen sich die Einzelsprachen bzw. Sprachfamilien in Untertypen-Gruppen zusammenfassen. Dabei gibt es einheitliche und Misch-Typen, je nachdem, ob "infinitivische Bildungen" gleicher oder verschiedener Ausprägung vertreten sind. 2. Die Stufen entsprechen Zuständen auf dem Wege zur Erstarrung von rein nominalen Bildungen zu dem verbalen System zugeordneten "infinitivischen" Formen. Die Erstarrung eines nominalen Kasus zu einern "Absolutiv", d.h. einer nicht-nominalen und nicht-finiten Form mit koinzidenter Funktion (die Gleichzeitigkeit des zweiten Rhemas mit dem Prädikat angibt), hängt dabei an der Ubernabrne akkusativischer Rektion sowie der Herauslösung der Form aus dem paradigmatischen Zusammenhang. Die Erstarrung eines nominalen Kasus zu einem ("erweiterten") "Infinitiv", d.h. einer nicht-nominalen und nicht-finiten Form in mehreren syntaktischen und semantischen Funktionen (Subjekts- und Objektsfunktion, iussive und historische Funktion, hauptsächlich aber finale Funktion) zeigt sich ebenfalls an der Übernahrne akkusativischer Rektion und der Herauslösung aus dem Paradigma; dazu kommt aber noch, daß sich der Weg von der Abdeckung einer Funktion zu der mehrerer Funktionen bei dieser Formation nachvollziehen läßt: 3. Zu "Infinitiven" erstarrende Formen stehen ursprünglich in finaler Funktion. Der Übergang in die Objekts- bzw. Subjektsfunktion erfolgt in Verbindung mit prädikaten, die von solchen Verben repräsentiert werden, die der Form ihre finale Konnotation belassen, die aber gleichzeitig die Interpretation der Form als ("patientisches") Objekt bzw. als Subjekt ermöglichen. Dies ist der Fall bei vielen Verben, die man als "Modalverben" bezeichnen kann. Die Erstarrung der "infinitivischen" Formation ist vollzogen, wo die Interpretation als Objekt bzw. Subjekt obsiegt; hier kann die Form ins temporale wie diathetische System eingeordnet werden, und auch andere Funktionen abdecken. 4. Der Verlust der finalen Konnotation der Form macht es erforderlich, für die finale Funktion eine neue Vertretung zu bilden. Soweit hierzu wieder nominale, zu "Infinitiven" Übergehende Bildungen verwendet werden, liegt eine Restitution des durch den Haupttypus bestimmten Systems vor; ein Haupttypuswechsel, angezeigt durch die neue Abdeckung speziell der finalen Funktion durch Nebensätze, ist für den idg. Sprachraum selten (liegt z.B. beim Übergang vom Agr. zum Ngr. vor).
This paper addresses a set of issues related to language documentation that are not often explicitly dealt with in academic publications, yet are highly important for the development and success of this new discipline. These issues include embedding language documentation in the socio-political context not only at the community level but also at the national level, the ethical and technical challenges of digital language archives, and the importance of regional and international cooperation among documentation activities. These issues play a major role in the initiative to set up a network of regional language archives in three South American countries, which this paper reports on. Local archives for data on endangered languages have recently been set up in Iquitos (Peru), Buenos Aires (Argentina), and in various locations in Brazil. An important feature of these is that they provide fast and secure access to linguistic and cultural data for local researchers and the language communities. They also make data safer by allowing for regular update procedures within the network.
In this paper, we argue that difficulties in the definition of coreference itself contribute to lower inter-annotator agreement in certain cases. Data from a large referentially annotated corpus serves to corroborate this point, using a quantitative investigation to assess which effects or problems are likely to be the most prominent. Several examples where such problems occur are discussed in more detail, and we then propose a generalisation of Poesio, Reyle and Stevenson’s Justified Sloppiness Hypothesis to provide a unified model for these cases of disagreement and argue that a deeper understanding of the phenomena involved allows to tackle problematic cases in a more principled fashion than would be possible using only pre-theoretic intuitions.
Traditionally, parsers are evaluated against gold standard test data. This can cause problems if there is a mismatch between the data structures and representations used by the parser and the gold standard. A particular case in point is German, for which two treebanks (TiGer and TüBa-D/Z) are available with highly different annotation schemes for the acquisition of (e.g.) PCFG parsers. The differences between the TiGer and TüBa-D/Z annotation schemes make fair and unbiased parser evaluation difficult [7, 9, 12]. The resource (TEPACOC) presented in this paper takes a different approach to parser evaluation: instead of providing evaluation data in a single annotation scheme, TEPACOC uses comparable sentences and their annotations for 5 selected key grammatical phenomena (with 20 sentences each per phenomena) from both TiGer and TüBa-D/Z resources. This provides a 2 times 100 sentence comparable testsuite which allows us to evaluate TiGer-trained parsers against the TiGer part of TEPACOC, and TüBa-D/Z-trained parsers against the TüBa-D/Z part of TEPACOC for key phenomena, instead of comparing them against a single (and potentially biased) gold standard. To overcome the problem of inconsistency in human evaluation and to bridge the gap between the two different annotation schemes, we provide an extensive error classification, which enables us to compare parser output across the two different treebanks. In the remaining part of the paper we present the testsuite and describe the grammatical phenomena covered in the data. We discuss the different annotation strategies used in the two treebanks to encode these phenomena and present our error classification of potential parser errors.
Nous présentons ici différents algorithmes d’analyse pour grammaires à concaténation d’intervalles (Range Concatenation Grammar, RCG), dont un nouvel algorithme de type Earley, dans le paradigme de l’analyse déductive. Notre travail est motivé par l’intérêt porté récemment à ce type de grammaire, et comble un manque dans la littérature existante.
In the recent literature the phenomenon of long distance agreement has become the focus of several studies as it seems to violate certain locality conditions which require that agreeing elements in general stand in clause-mate relationships. In particular, it involves a verb agreeing with a constituent which is located in the verb's clausal complement and hence poses a challenge for theories that assume a strictly local relationship for agreement. In this paper we present empirical evidence from Greek and Romanian for the reality of long distance agreement. Specifically, we focus on raising constructions in these two languages and we show that they do not involve movement but rather instantiate long distance agreement. We further argue that subjunctives allowing long distance agreement lack both a CP layer and semantic Tense. However, since the embedded verb also bears phi-features, these constructions pose a further problem for assumptions that view the presence of phi-features as evidence for the presence of a C layer. Finally, we raise the question of the common properties that these languages have that lead to the presence of long distance agreement.
Die Ressource "Wissen" rückte in den letzten Jahrzehnten als Quelle wissenschaftlicher Innovation immer stärker ins Zentrum des Interesses. Diese Fokussierung mündete in eine Selbstreflexion der Wissenschaft und der wissenschaftlichen Disziplinen: Thematisiert werden vor allem die Art und Weise, wie Wissen gewonnen wird, sowie die damit zusammenhängende Frage nach der Konstruktion von Wissenschaftlichkeit, womit das Bewusstsein gleichzeitig auf die mehr und mehr sich auflösende Abgrenzung zwischen den Disziplinen beziehungsweise zwischen den drei hauptsächlichen Wissenschaftskulturen, von Natur-, Geistes- und Kultur- sowie Sozialwissenschaften gelenkt wird. Innerhalb und außerhalb der Universitäten bildeten und bilden sich nicht immer klar verortbare "trading zones" (Gallison 1997), in denen neue Formen und Techniken der Wissensproduktion und Wissensvermittlung geprüft, geübt und teilweise auch institutionalisiert werden. ...
Distributional approximations to lexical semantics are very useful not only in helping the creation of lexical semantic resources (Kilgariff et al., 2004; Snow et al., 2006), but also when directly applied in tasks that can benefit from large-coverage semantic knowledge such as coreference resolution (Poesio et al., 1998; Gasperin and Vieira, 2004; Versley, 2007), word sense disambiguation (Mc- Carthy et al., 2004) or semantical role labeling (Gordon and Swanson, 2007). We present a model that is built from Webbased corpora using both shallow patterns for grammatical and semantic relations and a window-based approach, using singular value decomposition to decorrelate the feature space which is otherwise too heavily influenced by the skewed topic distribution of Web corpora.
Parsing coordinations
(2009)
The present paper is concerned with statistical parsing of constituent structures in German. The paper presents four experiments that aim at improving parsing performance of coordinate structure: 1) reranking the n-best parses of a PCFG parser, 2) enriching the input to a PCFG parser by gold scopes for any conjunct, 3) reranking the parser output for all possible scopes for conjuncts that are permissible with regard to clause structure. Experiment 4 reranks a combination of parses from experiments 1 and 3. The experiments presented show that n- best parsing combined with reranking improves results by a large margin. Providing the parser with different scope possibilities and reranking the resulting parses results in an increase in F-score from 69.76 for the baseline to 74.69. While the F-score is similar to the one of the first experiment (n-best parsing and reranking), the first experiment results in higher recall (75.48% vs. 73.69%) and the third one in higher precision (75.43% vs. 73.26%). Combining the two methods results in the best result with an F-score of 76.69.
The aim of this paper is to address two main counterarguments raised in Landau (2007) against the movement analysis of Control, and especially against the phenomenon of Backward Control. The paper shows that unlike the situation described in Tsez (Polinsky & Potsdam 2002), Landau's objections do not hold for Greek and Romanian, where all obligatory control verbs exhibit Backward Control. Our results thus provide stronger empirical support for a theoretical approach to Control in terms of Movement, as defended in Hornstein (1999 and subsequent work).
The article analyzes the system of focus-sensitive particles and, to a lesser extent, clefts in Vietnamese. EVEN/ALSO/ONLY foci are discussed across syntactic categories, and Vietnamese is found to organize its system of focus-sensitive particles along three dimensions of classification: (i) EVEN vs. ALSO vs. ONLY; (ii) particles c-commanding foci vs. particles c-commanding backgrounds; (iii) adverbial focus-sensitive particles vs. particles c-commanding argument foci only. Towards the end of the paper, free-choice constructions and additional sentence-final particles conveying ONLY and ALSO semantics are briefly discussed. The peculiar Vietnamese system reflects core properties of the analogous empirical domain in Chinese, a known source of borrowings into Vietnamese over the millennia.
Introduction
(2007)
Semantics
(2007)
Morphology
(2007)
Introduction
(2007)
The annotation guidelines introduced in this chapter present an attempt to create a unique infrastructure for the encoding of data from very different languages. The ultimate target of these annotations is to allow for data retrieval for the study of information structure, and since information structure interacts with all levels of grammar, the present guidelines cover all levels of grammar too. After introducing the guidelines, the current chapter also presents an evaluation by means of measurements of the inter-annotator agreement.
Information structure
(2007)
Traces
(2007)
The present tense is vacuous
(2002)
The meaning of chains
(1998)
This thesis investigates the mechanisms applying in the interpretation of syntactic chains. The theoretical background includes a translation of syntactic forms into semantic forms and a model theoretic explication of the meaning of semantic forms. Simplicity considerations apply to all three stages of the interpretation process: syntactic derivation, translation into semantic forms, interpretation of semantic forms. Three main results are achieved. The first is that trace positions can have semantic content beyond what is needed for the semantic dependency of trace and binder. This extra content is some or all of the lexical material of the head of the chain, as expected on the copy theory of movement. Two independent arguments support this conclusion. One, discussed in chapter 2, is based on the distribution of Condition C effects, where novel interactions between variable binding, antecedent contained deletion and Condition C are observed. The second, developed in chapter 3, is based on conditions on the identity of traces observed in antecedent contained deletion constructions. Both arguments lead to the same generalizations about what lexical material of the head is interpreted in the trace position. The second main result is that lambda calculus is superior to both standard predicate logic and combinatorial logic as the mathematical model for the semantic mechanism mediating the dependency of trace (or bound pronoun) and binder. Chapter 4 argues this on the basis of the distribution of focus and destressing in constructions with bound pronouns. The third main result is that quantification must be allowed to range over pointwise different choice functions. Chapter 5 shows that quantification over individuals is insufficient, and that pointwise different choice functions are required. The result entails that the syntactic difference of A-chains and A-bar chains predicts a semantic difference in the type of the variable involved, which is argued to explain weak crossover phenomena. Chapters 6 argues that the interpretation procedures developed in the preceeding chapters account for all cases. It is shown that only traces of the type of individuals arise, and that scope reconstruction is a phonological phenomenon. The latter result also supports the T-model of syntax.
The lemmings theory of case
(1995)
The epistemic step
(2005)
DP is not a scope island
(2005)
Presupposition
(2007)
The status of quantifier raising in German and other languages where scope is fairly rigid is debated. The first part of this paper argues that quantifiers in German can undergo covert extraction out of coordinations, and therefore that quantifier raising is available in German. The second part argues that quantifier raising in German is constrained to never move one DP across another. This result might provide part of an explanation of scope rigidity in German.
Alexopoulou (2008) argues that Greek provides new evidence for the concept of binding illusions that was hypothesized by Fox and Sauerland (1996). Of special interest from my perspective is Alexopoulou’s argument that binding illusions arise not only with existential and universal quantifiers, but also with negative and interrogative quantifiers. The purpose of this note is to speculate on how to account for these kinds of binding illusions semantically building on Alexopoulou’s argument. In the following I refer to Alexopoulou’s (2008) paper as BIRG (Binding Illusions and Resumption in Greek) and to Clitic Left-Dislocation as CLLD. BIRG’s argument is based on the generalization concerning CLLD in Greek. Generally, a left-dislocated noun phrase cannot bind a pronoun in its clause in Greek.
On embedded implicatures
(2004)
The Gricean approach explains implicatures by assumptions about the pragmatics of entire utterances. The phenomenon of embedded implicatures remains a challenge for this approach since in such cases apparently implicatures contribute to the truth-conditional content of constituents smaller than utterances. In this paper, I investigate three areas where embedded implicatures seem to differ from implicatures at the utterance level: optionality, epistemic status, and implicated presuppositions. I conclude that the differences between the two kinds of implicatures justify an approach that maintains Gricean assumptions at the utterance level, and assumes a special operator for embedded implicatures.
Intermediate cumulation
(2001)
Implicated presuppositions
(2008)
It is widely believed that existential quantifiers can bring about the semantic effects of a scope which is wider than their actual syntactic scope (See Fodor & Sag (1982), Cresti (1995), Kratzer (1995), Reinhart (1995) and Winter (1995), among many others.) On the other hand, it is assumed that the syntactic scope of universal quantifiers can be determined unequivocally by the semantics. This paper shows that this second assumption is wrong; universal quantifiers can also bring about scope illusions, though in a very specific environment. In particular, we argue that in the environment of generic tense, universal quantifiers can show the semantic effects of a scope which is wider than the one that is actually realized at LF. Our argument has four steps. First, we show that in generic contexts, universal quantifiers escape standard “scope-islands” (Section 1). Second, we show how the effects of wide scope in generic contexts can be achieved without syntactic wide scope (Section 2.1). Third, we show that this result is actually forced on us, once we take seriously certain independent issues concerning the interpretation of generic tense (Sections 2.2 - 2.4). Finally, the semantics of generic tense and, in particular, its interaction with focus, will yield some intricate new predictions, which, as we show, are borne out (Sections 3 - 5).
Wie formt sich die Sprache im Kopf? : Kognitive Linguistik: Sprache, Grammatik und die Wissenswelten
(2005)
The paper presents an additional argument for a specific account of semantic binding: the flat-binding analysis. The argument is based on observations concerning sloppy interpretations in verb phrase ellipsis when the binder is not the subject of the elided VP. In one such case, it is important that one of the binders belong to the domain of the other. This case can be derived from the flat-binding analysis as is shown in the paper, while it is unclear how to account for it within other analyses of semantic binding.
Guess how?
(1996)
Quantificational determiners in Japanese can be marked with genitive case. Current analyses (for example by Watanabe, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, to appear) treat the genetive case marker in these cases as semantically vacuous, but we show that it has semantic effects. We propose a new analysis as reverse partitives. Following Jackendoff (MIT-Press, 1977), we assume that partitives always contain two NPs one of which is phonologically deleted. We claim that, while in normal partitives the higher noun is deleted, in reverse partitives the lower noun is deleted.