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Multicomponent Tree Adjoining Grammars (MCTAG) is a formalism that has been shown to be useful for many natural language applications. The definition of MCTAG however is problematic since it refers to the process of the derivation itself: a simultaneity constraint must be respected concerning the way the members of the elementary tree sets are added. This way of characterizing MCTAG does not allow to abstract away from the concrete order of derivation. In this paper, we propose an alternative definition of MCTAG that characterizes the trees in the tree language of an MCTAG via the properties of the derivation trees (in the underlying TAG) the MCTAG licences. This definition gives a better understanding of the formalism, it allows a more systematic comparison of different types of MCTAG, and, furthermore, it can be exploited for parsing.
Die Theorie des sprachlichen Lernens und Lehrens ist bis in die siebziger Jahre des 20. Jahrhunderts hinein eine "Meisterlehre" (Müller-Michaels 1980) gewesen. Große Vorbilder eines Volkes (z.B. Mose), Leiter philosophischer Schulen (z.B. Platon) oder Äbte von Klöstern (z.B. Augustinus) und schließlich staatlich geprüfte Oberstudiendirektoren (z.B. Ulshöfer) beschrieben den jüngeren Kollegen, was sich beim Lehren der Sprache über Jahrzehnte bewährt habe: wie man am besten den Sprachunterricht erteile (Müller 1922, Seidemann 1973, Ulshöfer 1968, Essen 1968). Mit der Etablierung der Sprachdidaktiken an den Universitäten ist das Konzept der "norm-setzenden Handlungswissenschaften" Müller-Michaels 1980, Ivo 1975) entwickelt worden. Der Forscher (nicht mehr als Meister der Praxis ausgewiesen) untersucht die Prozesse des sprachlichen Lehrens und Lernens, indem er im "Feld" des Praktikers Erhebungen anstellt, um anschließend die erhobenen Daten einer Hypothesenprüfung zu unterziehen. Als Handlungsfeld wird besonders die Schule berücksichtigt. Die Methoden der Forschung sind vorwiegend "quasi-experimentell". In der Nachfolge der Sprachtheorie Chomsky´s (Chomsky 1965) sind die experimentellen Ansätze zur Untersuchung des Spracherwerbs, der Spracherwerbsstörung und der betreffenden Interventionen entwickelt worden (de Villiers/ de Villiers 1970, Hörmann 1978). Ort der Untersuchung ist das Labor. Das Design dieser Sprachdidaktik (bzw. Psycholinguistik, Kognitionswissenschaften etc.) ist experimentell (z.B. Herrmann 2004). Alle drei Konzepte stehen sich in vielerlei Hinsicht antagonistisch gegenüber. Sie auseinander zu halten - und andererseits mit Gewinn aufeinander zu beziehen -, gehört zu den Basis-Fähigkeiten der linguosomatischen Berufe und ihrer zugrundeliegenden Theorie (Beispiel Sprachlehrberufe, Phoniatrie, Sprachheil-Sonderpädagogik, psychosomatische Sprachtherapien). Daher sind die signifikanten Gegensätze der drei Konzepte herauszuarbeiten und ihre widerstrebenden Konsequenzen aufeinander zu beziehen.
The present work reports two experiments on brain electric correlates of cognitive and emotional functions. (1) Studying paranormal belief, 35-channel resting EEG (10 believers and 13 skeptics) was analyzed with "Low Resolution Electromagnetic Tomography" (LORETA) in seven frequency bands. LORETA gravity centers of all bands shifted to the left in believers vs. sceptics, and showed that believers had stronger left fronto-temporo-parietal activity than skeptics. Self-rating of affective attitude showed believers to be less negative than skeptics. The observed EEG lateralization agreed with the ‘valence hypothesis’ that posits predominant left hemispheric processing for positive emotions. (2) Studying emotions, positive and negative emotion words were presented to 21 subjects while "Event-Related Potentials" (ERPs) were recorded. During word presentation (450 ms), 13 microstates (steps of information processing) were identified. Three microstates showed different potential maps for positive vs. negative words; LORETA functional imaging showed stronger activity in microstate #4 (106-122 ms) for positive words right anterior, for negative words left central; in #6 (138-166 ms) for positive words left anterior, for negative words left posterior; in #7 (166-198 ms), for positive words right anterior, for negative words right central. In conclusion: during word processing, the extraction of emotion content starts as early as 106 ms after stimulus onset; the brain identifies emotion content repeatedly in three separate, brief microstate epochs; and, this processing of emotion content in the three microstates involves different brain mechanisms to represent the distinction positive vs. negative valence.
This paper examines the development of periphrastic constructions involving auxiliary "have" and "be" with a past participle in the history of English, on the basis of parsed electronic corpora. It is argued that the two constructions represented distinct syntactic and semantic structures: while the one with have developed into a true perfect in the course of Middle English, the one with be remained a stative resultative throughout its history. In this way, it is explained why the be construction was rarely or never used in a number of contexts, including past counterfactuals, iteratives, duratives, certain kinds of infinitives and various other utterance types that cannot be characterized as perfects of result. When the construction with have became a true perfect, it was used in such contexts, regardless of the identity of the main verb, leading to the appearance of have with verbs like come which had previously only taken be. Crucially, however, have was not spreading at the expense of be, as the be perfect had never been used in such contexts, but rather at the expense of the old simple past. At least until the end of the Early Modern English period, the shift in the relative frequency of have and be perfects is to be explained in terms of the expansion of the former into new contexts, while the latter remained stable. A formal analysis is proposed, taking as its starting point a comparison with German which shows that the older English be perfect indeed behaves more like the German stative passive than its haben and sein perfects.
In this paper, we will argue for a novel analysis of the auxiliary alternation in Early English, its development and subsequent loss which has broader consequences for the way that auxiliary selection is looked at cross-linguistically. We will present evidence that the choice of auxiliaries accompanying past participles in Early English differed in several significant respects from that in the familiar modern European languages. Specifically, while the construction with have became a full-fledged perfect by some time in the ME period, that with be was actually a stative resultative, which it remained until it was lost. We will show that this accounts for some otherwise surprising restrictions on the distribution of BE in Early English and allows a better understanding of the spread of HAVE through late ME and EModE. Perhaps more importantly, the Early English facts also provide insight into the genesis of the kind of auxiliary selection found in German, Dutch and Italian. Our analysis of them furthermore suggests a promising strategy for explaining cross-linguistic variation in auxiliary selection in terms of variation in the syntactico-semantic structure of the perfect. In this introductory section, we will first provide some background on the historical situation we will be discussing, then we will lay out the main claims for which we will be arguing in the paper.
In this paper I seek to account for the productive word-formation process resulting in the current proliferation of un-nouns, the semi-legitimate offspring of Humpty Dumpty´s un-birthday present (1871) and 7-Up´s commercial incarnation as The Un-Cola (1968), a construction that can be linked to the more well-established categories of un-adjectives and un-verbs, whose formation constraints we will also examine. Drawing on a large corpus of novel un-nouns I have assembled in collaboration with Beth Levin presented in the Appendices to this paper, I will invoke Rosch´s prototype semantics and Aristotle´s notion of PRIVATIVE opposites, defined in terms of a marked exception to a general class property, to generalize across the different categories of un-words. It will be argued that a given un-noun refers either to an element just outside a given category with whose members it shares a salient function (e.g. un-cola) or to a peripheral member of a given category (an unhotel is a hotel but not a good exemplar of the class-not a HOTEL hotel).
The retreat of BE as perfect auxiliary in the history of English is examined. Corpus data are presented showing that the initial advance of HAVE was most closely connected to a restriction against BE in past counterfactuals. Other factors which have been reported to favor the spread of HAVE are either dependent on the counterfactual effect, or significantly weaker in comparison. It is argued that the effect can be traced to the semantics of the BE perfect, which denoted resultativity rather than anteriority proper. Related data from other older Germanic and Romance languages are presented, and finally implications for existing theories of auxiliary selection stemming from the findings presented are discussed.
In the course of the ME period, HAVE began to encroach on territory previously held by BE. According to Rydén and Brorström (1987); Kytö (1997), this occurred especially in iterative and durational contexts, in the perfect infinitive and modal constructions. In Early Modern English (henceforth EModE), BE was increasingly restricted to the most common intransitives come and go, before disappearing entirely in the 18th and 19th centuries. This development raises a number of questions, both historical and theoretical. First, why did HAVE start spreading at the expense of BE in the first place? Second, why was the change conditioned by the factors mentioned by Rydén and Brorström (1987) and Kytö (1997)? Third, why did the change take on the order of 800 years to go to completion? Fourth, what implications does the change have for general theories of auxiliary selection? In this paper we’ll try to answer the first question by focusing on one the earliest clearly identifiable advance of HAVE onto BE territory – its first appearance with the verb come, which for a number of reasons is an ideal verb to focus on. First, come is by far the most common intransitive verb, so we get large enough numbers for statistical analysis. Second, clauses containing the past participle of come with a form of BE are unambiguous perfects: they cannot be passives, and they did not continue into modern English with a stative reading like he is gone. Third, and perhaps most importantly, come selected BE categorically in the early stages of English, so the first examples we find with HAVE are clear evidence for innovation. We will present evidence from a corpus study showing that the first spread of HAVE was due to a ban on auxiliary BE in certain types of counterfactual perfects, and will propose an account for that ban in terms of Iatridou’s (2000) Exclusion theory of counterfactuals.
It has often been noticed that one syntactic argument position can be realized by elements which seem to realize different thematic roles. This is notably the case with the external argument position of verbs of change of state which licenses volitional agents, instruments or natural forces/causers, showing the generality and abstractness of the external argument relation. (1) a. John broke the window (Agent) b. The hammer broke the window (Instrument) c. The storm broke the window (Causer) In order to capture this generality, Van Valin & Wilkins (1996) and Ramchand (2003) among others have proposed that the thematic role of the external argument position is in fact underspecified. The relevant notion is that of an effector (in Van Valin & Wilkins) or of an abstract causer/initiator (in Ramchand). In this paper we argue against a total underspecification of the external argument relation. While we agree that (1b) does not instantiate an instrument theta role in subject position, we argue that a complete underspecification of the external theta-position is not feasible, but that two types of external theta roles have to be distinguished, Agents and Causers. Our arguments are based on languages where Agents and Causers show morpho-syntactic independence (section 2.1) and the behavior of instrument subjects in English, Dutch, German and Greek (section 2.2 and 3). We show that instrument subjects are either Agent or Causer like. In section (4) we give an analysis how arguments realizing these thematic notions are introduced into syntax.
Verbs, nouns and affixation
(2008)
What explains the rich patterns of deverbal nominalization? Why do some nouns have argument structure, while others do not? We seek a solution in which properties of deverbal nouns are composed from properties of verbs, properties of nouns, and properties of the morphemes that relate them. The theory of each plus the theory of howthey combine, should give the explanation. In exploring this, we investigate properties of two theories of nominalization. In one, the verb-like properties of deverbal nouns result from verbal syntactic structure (a “structural model”). See, for example, van Hout & Roeper 1998, Fu, Roeper and Borer 1993, 2001, to appear, Alexiadou 2001, to appear). According to the structural hypothesis, some nouns contain VPs and/or verbal functional layers. In the other theory, the verbal properties of deverbal nouns result from the event structure and argument structure of the DPs that they head. By “event structure” we mean a representation of the elements and structure of a linguistic event, not a representation of the world. We refer to this view as the “event model”. According to the event model hypothesis, all derived nouns are represented with the same syntactic structure, the difference lying in argument structure – which in turn is critically related to event structure, in the way sketched in Grimshaw (1990), Siloni (1997) among others. In pursuing these lines of analysis, and at least to some extent disentangling their properties, we reach the conclusion that, with respect to a core set of phenomena, the two theories are remarkably similar – specifically, they achieve success with the same problems, and must resort to the same stipulations to address the remaining issues that we discuss (although the stipulations are couched in different forms).
In many languages, a passive-like meaning may be obtained through a noncanonical passive construction. The get passive (1b) in English, the se faire passive (2b) in French and the kriegen passive (3b) in German represent typical manifestations. This squib focuses on the behavior of the get-passive in English and discusses a number of restrictions associated with it as well as the status of get.
In this paper we investigate Greek, an optional clitic doubling language not subject to Kaynes generalization (Jaeggli 1982), and we argue that in this language, doubled DPs are in A-positions. We propose that Greek clitics are formal features that move, permitting DPs in argument positions. This leads to a typology according to which there are two types of clitic/agreement languages -configurational and nonconfigurational ones-, depending upon whether clitics are instantiations of formal features or not.
The paper is structured as follows. Section 2.1 introduces the basic classes of adjectives that constitute the factual core of the paper. Section 2.2 summarizes in greater detail the X° and the XP movement approaches to word order variation within the DP. Section 3 briefly discusses problems for both approaches. Sections 4.1, 5.1, and 5.2 draw from Alexiadou (2001) and contain a discussion of Greek DS and its relevance for a re-analysis of the word order variation in the Romance DP. Section 4.2 introduces refinements to Alexiadou & Wilder (1998) and Alexiadou (2001). Section 5.3. discusses certain issues that arise from the analysis of postnominal adjectives in Romance as involving raising of XPs. Section 6 discusses phenomena found in other languages, which at first sight seem similar to DS. However, I show that double definiteness in e.g. Hebrew, Scandinavian or other Balkan languages constitutes a different type of phenomenon from Greek DS, thus making a distinction between determiners that introduce CPs (Greek) and those that are merely morphological/agreement markers (Hebrew, Scandinavian, Albanian).
Class features as probes
(2008)
In this article, we adress (i) the form and (ii) the function on inflection class features in minimalist grammar. The empirical evidence comes from noun inflection systems involving fusional markers in German, Greek, and Russian. As for (i), we argue (based on instances of transparadigmatic syncretism) that class features are not privative; rather, class information must be decomposed into more abstract, binary features. Concerning (ii), we propose that class features qualify as the very device that brings about fusional infection: They are uninterpretable in syntax and actas probes on stems, with matching inflection markers as goels, and thus trigger morphological Agree operations that merge stem and inflection marker before syntax is reached.
The goal of this paper is to re-examine the status of the condition in (1) proposed in Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (2001; henceforth A&A 2001), in view of recent developments in syntactic theory. (1) The subject-in-situ generalization (SSG) By Spell-Out, vP can contain only one argument with a structural Case feature. We argue that (1) is a more general condition than previously recognized, and that the domain of its application is parametrized. More specifically, based on a comparison between Indo-European (IE) and Khoisan languages, we argue that (1) supports an interpretation of the EPP as a general principle, and not as a property of T. Viewed this way, the SSG is a condition that forces dislocation of arguments as a consequence of a constraint on Case checking.
In this paper we compare the distribution of PPs introducing external arguments in nominalizations with PPs introducing external arguments in the verbal domain. We show that several mismatches exist between the behavior of PPs in nominalizations and PPs in the verbal domain. This leads us to suggest that while PPs in the verbal domain are licensed by functional structure alone, within the nominal domain, PPs can also be licensed via an interplay of the encyclopaedic meaning of the root involved and the properties of the preposition itself. This second mechanism kicks in in the absence of functional structure.
Structuring participles
(2008)
In this paper we discuss three types of adjectival participles in Greek, ending in -tos and –menos, and provide a further argument for the view that finer distinctions are necessary in the domain of participles (Kratzer 2001, Embick 2004). We further compare Greek stative participles to their German (and English) counterparts. We propose that a number of semantic as well as syntactic differences shown by these derive from differences in their respective morpho-syntactic composition.
In this paper we investigate the distribution of PPs related to external arguments (agent, causer, instrument, causing event) in Greek. We argue that their distribution supports an analysis, according to which agentive/instrument and causer PPs are licensed by distinct functional heads, respectively. We argue against a conceivable alternative analysis, which links agentivity and causation to the prepositions themselves. We furthermore identify a particular type of Voice head in Greek anticausative realised by non-active Voice morphology.
In the recent literature there is growing interest in the morpho-syntactic encoding of hierarchical effects. The paper investigates one domain where such effects are attested: ergative splits conditioned by person. This type of splits is then compared to hierarchical effects in direct-inverse alternations. On the basis of two case studies (Lummi instantiating an ergative split person language and Passamaquoddy an inverse language) we offer an account that makes no use of hierarchies as a primitive. We propose that the two language types differ as far as the location of person features is concerned. In inverse systems person features are located exclusively in T, while in ergative systems, they are located in T and a particular type of v. A consequence of our analysis is that Case checking in split and inverse systems is guided by the presence/absence of specific phi-features. This in turn provides evidence for a close connection between Case and phi-features, reminiscent of Chomsky’s (2000, 2001) Agree.
On the role of syntactic locality in morphological processes : the case of (Greek) derived nominals
(2008)
The paper is structured as follows. In section 2, I briefly summarize the facts on English and Greek nominalizations. In section 3, I discuss English nominal derivation in some detail. In section 4, I turn to the question of licensing of AS in nominals. In section 5, I turn to the issue of the optionality of licensing of AS in the nominal system.
The causative/anticausative alternation has been the topic of much typological and theoretical discussion in the linguistic literature. This alternation is characterized by verbs with transitive and intransitive uses, such that the transitive use of a verb V means roughly "cause to Vintransitive" (see Levin 1993). The discussion revolves around two issues: the first one concerns the similarities and differences between the anticausative and the passive, and the second one concerns the derivational relationship, if any, between the transitive and intransitive variant. With respect to the second issue, a number of approaches have been developed. Judging the approach conceptually unsatisfactory, according to which each variant is assigned an independent lexical entry, it was concluded that the two variants have to be derivationally related. The question then is which one of the two is basic and where this derivation takes place in the grammar. Our contribution to this discussion is to argue against derivational approaches to the causative / anticausative alternation. We focus on the distribution of PPs related to external arguments (agent, causer, instrument, causing event) in passives and anticausatives of English, German and Greek and the set of verbs undergoing the causative/anticausative alternation in these languages. We argue that the crosslinguistic differences in these two domains provide evidence against both causativization and detransitivization analyses of the causative / anticausative alternation. We offer an approach to this alternation which builds on a syntactic decomposition of change of state verbs into a Voice and a CAUS component. Crosslinguistic variation in passives and anticausatives depends on properties of Voice and its combinations with CAUS and various types of roots.
This paper deals with the variable position of adjectives in the Romanian DP. As all other Romance languages, Romanian allows for adjectives to appear in both prenominal and post-nominal position. In addition, however, Romanian has a third pattern: the so-called cel construction, in which the adjective in the post-nominal position is preceded by a determiner-like element, cel. This pattern is superficially similar to Determiner Spreading in Greek. In this paper we contrast the cel construction to Greek DS and discuss the similarities and differences between the two. We then present an analysis of cel as involving an appositive specification clause, building on de Vries (2002). We argue that the same structure is also involved in the context of nominal ellipsis, the second environment in which cel is found.
A commonly held view in the literature on Scrambling and Clitic Doubling is that both constructions are sensitive to Specificity. For this reason Sportiche (1992) proposes to unify the two, an approach which has become quite standard in the relevant literature ever since. However, the claim that clitic doubling is the counterpart of Germanic scrambling has never been substantiated. In this paper we present extensive evidence from Greek that Clitic Doubling has common formal properties with Germanic Scrambling/Object Shift. Our evidence consists mainly of binding facts observed when doubling takes place, which seem, at first sight, to be completely unexpected. On closer inspection, however, it turns out that these facts are strongly reminiscent of the effects showing up in Germanic scrambling. We propose that these properties can be derived under a theory of clitic constructions along the lines of Sportiche (1992) implemented into the framework of Chomsky (1995). Finally we suggest the that the crosslinguistic distribution of Scrambling as opposed to Clitic Doubling should be linked to a parameter relating to properties of Agr: Move/Merge XP vs. Move/Merge X° to Agr. We show that this parameter unifies the behaviour of subjects and objects within a language and across languages. The paper is organised as follows. In section 2 we present evidence from binding, interpretational and prosodic effects that doubling and scrambling display very similar properties. In section 3 we present Sportiches account and point out some problems for it. In section 4 we present our proposal.
Seitdem die Junggrammatiker den Begriff des Lautgesetzes geprägt haben, sind deren fast ebenso viele aufgestellt wie in der Folge hinterfragt, widerlegt und vielleicht am Ende sogar doch wieder erfolgreich verteidigt worden. Jedes Lautgesetz wirkt in einem unterschiedlichen Zeitraum. Ist aus dem Zeitraum des Wirkens mehrerer zeitlich benachbarter oder gar einander zeitlich überlappender Lautgesetze ein ausreichend großes Textkorpus erhalten, so ist es ein Leichtes, die Reihenfolge des Wirkens der Gesetze zu ermitteln, oder, im günstigsten Fall, den Zeitraum ihres Wirkens sogar mit gewisser Präzision datieren zu können. Anders verhält es sich hingegen, wenn schriftliche Überlieferungen der untersuchten Sprache in der entscheidenden Epoche nur spärlich oder gar nicht vorliegen. Hier muss daher traditionell darauf zurückgegriffen werden, die Reihenfolge anhand der allein möglichen Entwicklung einzelner Wörter, auf die besonders viele der betreffenden Lautgesetze gewirkt haben, zu bestimmen. Diese Methode birgt jedoch die Gefahr menschlicher Fehler, insbesondere in Fällen, in denen eine klare Reihenfolge nur unter Betrachtung mehrerer Wörter zu ermitteln ist. Die Forscher vergangener Jahrzehnte und Jahrhunderte hatten hier allerdings keine andere Wahl. Mit den heute verfügbaren Computern eröffnen sich jedoch ungeahnte Möglichkeiten. Zuvor in Programmiersprache umgeschriebene Lautgesetze können in Sekundenschnelle auf immense Textkorpora angewandt werden. Um aber – ohne jegliche Zuhilfenahme außersprachlichen Wissens – die eine oder mehrere mögliche Reihenfolgen verschiedener Lautgesetze zu bestimmen, ist es nötig, sämtliche Möglichkeiten anhand eines Wortkorpus durchzuspielen und die jeweiligen Ergebnisse mit den tatsächlichen, vorliegenden Ergebnissen zu vergleichen. Dieser Versuch soll im Folgenden unternommen werden. Auf diese Weise könnten dann relative Chronologien von Lautgesetzen, die als längst etabliert gelten, noch einmal auf den Prüfstand gestellt und möglicherweise sogar noch präzisiert werden. Nach einer kurzen Begriffsgeschichte des Lautgesetzes soll zunächst auf sprachliche Problemstellungen eingegangen werden, die das Vorhaben erschweren, bevor die Auswahl zweier den Untersuchungszeitraum begrenzender Sprachstufen sowie eine Beschreibung des Datenmaterials – Wortkorpus und Lautgesetze – folgen. Nun soll das Computerprogramm, von den Anforderungen bis hin zur Umsetzung, erläutert werden. Anschließen soll sich hieran eine Darstellung der Erkenntnisse, die die Ergebnisse des Programms gewähren. Im Schlussteil sollen die offen gebliebenen und die neu entstandenen Fragen noch einmal zusammengefasst und Möglichkeiten zur hierauf basierenden weitergehenden Forschung erörtert werden.
The limits of Cushitic
(1980)
Gegenstände der Untersuchung sind genetische Gliederung und historische Rekonstruktion im Kuschitischen. Nach dem Kriterium gemeinsamer sprachlicher Innovationen sind folgende Schlüsse möglich: (1) Ik ist keine kuschitische, nicht einmal eine afroasiatische Sprache. (2) Es ist durchaus nicht sicher, daß die Burji-Sidamo-Gruppe (Rift-Valley-Kuschitisch) mit dem Tieflandkuschitischen einen genetischen Zweig - das Ostkuschitische - bildet. Die Burji-Sidamo-Gruppe kannte am engsten mit dem Agaw verwandt sein und mit ihm einen anderen genetischen Zweig - das Hochlandkuschitische - bilden. (3) Die Iraqw-Gruppe - und mit ihr vermutlich das gesamte Südkuschitische - gehört zum Tieflandkuschitischen und bildet keinen selbständigen Zweig des Kuschitischen. (4) Obwohl das Beja zweifellos eine afroasiatische Sprache ist, ist jedoch nicht zuverlässig bewiesen, daß es zum Kuschitischen gehört. Seine genaue Stellung zum Kuschitischen (dem Kuschitischen nächstverwandter Zweig oder nicht einmal dies?) bleibt noch zu klären. Die Erörterung und Beweisführung beruht auf Rekonstruktionen des Verbalsystems und der Kasus, auf einem Systemvergleich der Determinationselemente und der Genitivmorpheme sowie auf anderen syntaktischen und morphologischen Merkmalen. Auch einige Prinzipien der linguistischen Typologie wurden herangezogen. Es handelt sich um vorläufige Ergebnisse.
Theories of cognition that are based on information processing and representation are reactive (Rosen, 1985) or backwards looking, not anticipatory. In a previous article (Thibault, 2005a), I looked at the reasons why humans and bonobos do not need an innate language faculty in order to be minded, languaging beings. The present article takes up some of the questions explored there, but, it asks, on the other hand, what sort of a minded agent has language and what kind of account of language and more broadly meaning do we need to explain minded, languaged agents and the activities they participate in? Following Rosen (1985), I also take up and further develop a point first raised in Thibault (2004a: 187) on language as an anticipatory system, rather than a reactively ‘representational’ one (see also Bickhard, 2005).
The paper focuses on business negotiation in settings in which participants from different mothertongue backgrounds choose French, English andfor German as one of their languages of communication. A general scheme of the action-pattem of buying and selling will be sketched out which allows us to analyze specific Courses of verbal actions according ta their communicative functions within the negotiation process. In particular, the discourse of business communication is to be specified as a decision making process on the part of the buyer which is executed in a step-by-step order, and which is Open to the application of a bundle of the seller's strategies, tactics, and communicative techniques. In international negotiations, effects of unobserved miscommunication are, among others, far-stretched communicative circles, prolongation of negotiation time, non-functional explanations and several other repetitive structures. 1. Languages of trade and commerce - languages of communication 2. Communication in a Buy-Sell-Context is patterned 2.1. Entering the Pattern 2.2. The Main Phase 2.3. The Bidding Phase 2.4. The Specifc Conditions 2.5. Negotiating the Contract 3. The Central Point 3.1. The Buyer's Decision-Making Process 3.2 Decision-Making and Role-Playing 3.3. Intercultural Difference of the Decision-Making Process 4. Bridging the Buyer's Gap of Knowledge 5. The Language of Trade and Commerce 6. The Needs of Further Research: Data References
What are the similarities and differences in the loss of grammatical systems across individual languages? To answer this question, I examine structural consequences of language attrition and the correspondences between language-particular and cross-linguistic phenomena under circumstances of severe attrition. However, the very formulation of this approach, involving "severe attrition", already warrants some clarification, It leads to the formuIation of two collateral questions. First, how can the level of language attrition be quantified? Second, which structural features are diagnostic of the decline of grammar? I present data on structural change in six attrited languages as compared to non-attrited control languages and demonstrate that there is significant parallelism in structural change across languages. Next, I show a correlation between levels of grammatical and lexical loss and introduce a simple test allowing us to measure the level of attrition.
There is an inexhaustible stream of theoretical work on aspect. More than 20 major books of a gelteral nature have come out during the past few years, not to mention the vast amount of shorter articles. The theoretical proposals found in these works are often radically different. What is the state of the art in this highly controversial area? To what extent can the "ordinary working linguist" profit from the flood of theoretical proposals? This paper started out as a review article on five recent books on aspect. These reviews are incorporated here into a general assessment of contemporary aspect theories. We will classify different approaches to aspect and try to sort out their theoretical primitives. The paper concludes wich a brief summary pointing out the most urgent desiderata for a typologically adequate approach to aspect.
In this study we give a survey on bibliographic references on Judeo-Spanish Ianguage in the Orient, focusing mainly on the varieties of this Ianguage spoken in Sephardi communities of former Yugoslavia and on publications and articles that may offer the linguistic Corpora for further investigations on Judeo-Spanish language of these territories. The paper contains references on corpus-based descriptive studies and dictionaries of Judeo-Spanish language. Aspecial emphasis is uttached to the studies on Judeo-Spanish language on the territories of former Yugoslavia, which are classified geographically. The studies on the language of Sephardi Jews deal with this Romance Ianguage from different linguistic(s) perspectives. First of all, we presented the Hispanic studies on Judeo-Spanish that examine it as one of the modern Hispanicvarieties, consider it to be one of the sources of knowledge about the history of Spanish language or look at it from the sociolinguistic point of view. On the other hand, we had in mind works that try to examine Judeo-Spanish from the perspective of Jewish languages such a Yiddish and Judeo-Arab. In that sence it was necessary to draw atention to the studies that examine Ladino, written variefy of Judeo-Spanish based on literal translations of Biblical texts from Hebrew and Aramaic to Judeo-Spanish, We also incorporated references on works dedicated tovarious systems of transcription of Judeo-Spanish language. The actual Situation of Judeo-Spanish is presented with a short account of today's magazines and institutions dedicated to the preservation of Sephardi language and culture. Being the language an intrinsic part of fhe culture in which it arises and lives, we presented also the works dedicated to Sephardi culture and history of the communities in the Orient. Regarding the linguistic corpora in Judeo-Spanish, we presented the data on books published in Hebrew alphabet, collections of Songs, stories and sayings from Sephardi oral tradition, among which a Special importance has the Sephardi Romansero. We took into occount the periodical publications, which are very important as a source of linguistic and various cultural, sociological and historic corpora. The creation and development of periodical publications in Sephardi communities of former Yugoslavia (Belgrade, Sarajevo, and also IaterVriac and Zagreb) from the end of XIX until thefirst half of the XX century are described. The data on these publications are presented in the tables. Special attention was paid to ariicles written in Judeo-Spanish and published in periodical publications and monographies. The list of the most important articles consists of two parts: thefirst part is devoted to the articles published in Hebrew alphabet, and the second to the articles in Judeo-Spanish and Serbian published in Latin alphabet. The latter are organized thematically.
Die vorliegende Arbeit befasst sich mit einem spezifischen Phänomen innerhalb der Sprachphilosophie und der linguistischen Pragmatik – den explizit performativen Äußerungen (Austin 1979). Im Zentrum der Arbeit stehen die detaillierte Explikation und der kritische Vergleich zweier prominenter Erklärungsmodelle von Performativen: Einerseits Bach/Harnish’s (1979) Analyse dieser Äußerungen als indirekte Sprechakte, andererseits Searle’s (1989) Behandlung von Performativen als Deklarationen. Die Arbeit gliedert sich wie folgt. Kapitel 1 führt die terminologischen Grundlagen ein und dient der Darstellung des Performativitätsproblems. Kapitel 2 befasst sich mit der Nachzeichnung der Standardisierten Indirektheit von Performativen nach Bach/Harnish (1979) und der Kritik an diesem Modell. Nach einer Einführung in das intentionale Kommunikationsmodell von Grice erfolgt eine Darstellung der allgemeinen Prinzipien von Bach/Harnish’s Kommunikationstheorie, die in expliziter Anlehnung an Grice konzipiert ist. Grundlage für die Behandlung der Analyse expliziter Performative ist vor allem die Darstellung des Speech Act Schema, also des inferentiellen Rasters, das Bach/Harnish sprachlicher Kommunikation zugrunde legen, sowie die Erläuterung der Begriffe der Konventionalisierung und Standardisierung. Die eigentliche Darstellung der Theorie präsentiert zwei unterschiedliche Muster zur inferentiellen Entschlüsselung der indirekten Bedeutung explizit performativer Äußerungen und schließt mit einem Modell, das die beiden Indirektheitsanalysen und Standardisierung integriert. Die Kritik wägt beide Indirektheitsanalysen gegeneinander ab, befasst sich mit der generellen Frage, ob Performative die Eigenschaften indirekter Sprechakte besitzen und untersucht, inwiefern die Annahme des Vollzugs eines assertiven Aktes mit Performativen problematisch ist. Kapitel 3 wendet sich der Searle’schen Deklarationsanalyse performativer Äußerungen zu. Zu Beginn werden die Grundlagen dieses Modells verfügbar gemacht. Dazu wird, neben einem kurzen Überblick über Searle’s Theorie auf dem Stand von „Sprechakte“ (1971), seine Klassifikation illokutionärer Akte detailliert dargestellt. Vor diesem Hintergrund erfolgt die Nachzeichnung des Deklarationsansatzes. In der anschließenden kritischen Betrachtung des Modells wird die Idee der Intentionsmanifestation diskutiert und es wird geprüft ob sich die unterstellte Existenz einer assertiven illokutionären Rolle von Performativen bestätigen lässt. Insbesondere wird schließlich die illokutionäre Kategorie der Deklarationen hinterfragt. Kapitel 4 dient einer vergleichenden Gegenüberstellung der beiden zuvor behandelten Theorien und versucht abzuwägen, welcher Ansatz die Funktion und Eigenschaften explizit performativer Äußerungen besser erfasst. In Kapitel 5 wird der Versuch unternommen, eine alternative Sicht zu entwickeln. Das besondere kommunikative Potential der Klasse der explizit performativen Äußerungen wird dabei mit ihren semantischen und pragmatischen Aspekten in Verbindung gebracht. Auf diese Weise soll ein Ansatz verfolgt werden, der die deskriptive Eigenschaft von Performativen mit ihrer optionalen performativen Verwendung in Beziehung setzt, ohne diese auf eine assertive illokutionäre Rolle zurückführen zu müssen. Kapitel 6 dient einer abschließenden und resümierenden Betrachtung der im Verlauf der Arbeit unternommenen Überlegungen
Die Sprachtheorie steht heute vor neuen Herausforderungen. Sie zeichnet sich durch die schnelle Dynamik ihrer Entwicklung und die Öffnung gegenüber anderen Wissenschaften und Forschungsbe-reichen aus. Ergebnisse der Sprachtheorie sind für die Philosophie, die Linguistik und die Sozialwissenschaften, aber auch für die Kommunikationswissenschaften von Bedeutung. Die in diesem Band versammelten Beiträge konzentrieren sich auf folgende Schwerpunkte der Sprachtheorie: intentionale Bedeutung, Sprecherbedeutung und Sprachbedeutung, Intentionalität, Kommu-nikation und kommunikative Intentionen, die Fortbildung und Kri-tik der von Grice entwickelten Bedeutungstheorie (Bedeutungsnominalismus) sowie ihre Anwendung auf die sogenannte Theorie der sprachlichen Kraft (illokutive Kraft), einen Neuanfang der Klas-sifikation von Sprechakten, Analyse der Gültigkeitsunterstellungen der Interpretation, Ergebnisse der Dialogforschung und Modelle der Argumentationstheorie. Inhalt Einleitung: Zu kognitiven und handlungstheoretischen Grundlagen der Sprachtheorie 7 Gerhard Preyer, Maria Ulkan, Alexander Ulfig I Intentionen und kommunikative Handlungen Maria Ulkan Kommunikative und illokutionäre Akte 22 Georg Meggle/Maria Ulkan Grices Doppelfehler. Ein Nachtrag zum Griceschen Grundmodell 43 Jan Nuyts Intentionalität und Sprachfunktionen 51 II Interpretation und Bedeutung Gerhard Preyer Kognitive Semantik 74 Anhang: Sprechaktsemantik: J.L. Austin, J.R. Searle, H.P. Grice, P.F. Strawson 113 Louise Röska-Hardy Sprechen, Sprache, Handeln 139 Frank Siebelt Zweierlei Holismus. Überlegungen zur Interpretationstheorie Donald Davidsons 159 Peter Rothermel Semantische Implikaturen 173 Volkmar Taube Referenz und Interpretation. Zur Theorie nichtsprachlicher Symbolisierung 187 Georg Peter Zu Richtigkeit und Interpretation der Metapher: Kognitive Funktion und rekonstruktive Schemainterpretation 195 III Klassifikation von Sprechakten Maria Ulkan Informations- und Aufforderungshandlungen 218 Dirk Hartmann Konstruktive Sprechakttheorie 228 Volkmar Taube Bildliche Sprechakte 247 IV Kommunikatives Handeln und intersubjektive Gültigkeit Jürgen Habermas Sprechakttheoretische Erläuterungen zum Begriff der kommunikativen Rationalität 258 Karl-Otto Apel Illokutionäre Bedeutung und normative Gültigkeit. Die transzendentalpragmatische Begründung der uneingeschränkten kommunikativen Verständigung 288 Peter-Paul König Kommunikatives und strategisches Handeln. Kritische Bemerkungen zu zwei zentralen Begriffen der "Theorie kommunikativen Handelns" von Jürgen Habermas 304 Alexander Ulfig Präsuppositionen und Hintergrundwissen. Eine Kritik am formalpragmatischen Präsuppositionsbegriff 321 V Dialogstruktur und Argumentation Wilhelm Franke Konzepte linguistischer Dialogforschung 346 Franz Hundsnurscher Streitspezifische Sprechakte: Vorwerfen, Insistieren, Beschimpfen 363 Dieter Mans Argumentation im Kontext Exkurs: Zu Christoph Lumers "Praktische Argumentationstheorie" 376
Worum geht es in dieser Arbeit? Dies ist eine Arbeit über Websites. Darüber, wie sie gelesen und geschrieben werden und wie man das lernen kann. Da es in dieser Arbeit um Lesen, Schreiben und Lernen geht, fließen in sie sowohl Aspekte der Sprachwissenschaft als auch der Sprachdidaktik ein. Was will diese Arbeit? Diese Arbeit hat zwei Ziele, ein sprachwissenschaftliches und ein sprachdidaktisches. In sprachwissenschaftlicher Hinsicht sollen, auf der Grundlage einer gründlichen Analyse seiner Eigenschaften, die Besonderheiten des Lesens und Schreibens im World Wide Web herausgearbeitet werden. Aufbauend auf dieser Analyse sollen im sprachdidaktischen Teil der Arbeit die Kompetenzen ermittelt und in Beziehung zueinander gesetzt werden, die zur Erstellung von Websites notwendig sind. Das so entstehende Kompetenzmodell bildet die Basis für eine zielgerichtete, effektive und evaluierbare Umsetzung der Gestaltung von Websites in der Schule und die Grundlage für weiterführende empirische Arbeiten. Wie ist die Arbeit aufgebaut? Im ersten Kapitel der Arbeit wird die Entwicklung der technischen und strukturellen Formate geschildert, welche die Grundlage des Websiteformats bilden. Darauf aufbauend werden seine wichtigsten Eigenschaften beschrieben. Im zweiten Kapitel wird das Websiteformat von anderen kommunikativen Formaten abgegrenzt und mit Hilfe der besonderen Charakteristika, die es besitzt, sein überwältigender Erfolg erklärt. Im dritten Kapitel wird unter Rückgriff auf Ergebnisse der Leseforschung und empirische Untersuchungen zum Lesen im World Wide Web erarbeitet, welchen Einfluss das Websiteformat auf das Lesen von Texten hat und welche Unterschiede es zum Lesen von Texten in anderen kommunikativen Formaten gibt. Auf dieser Grundlage wird ein Bewertungs- und Analyseraster für die Lesbarkeit von Texten im Websiteformat entwickelt. Im vierten Kapitel wird auf der Grundlage verschiedener Modelle des Schreibprozesses dargestellt, was das Schreiben für das Websiteformat vom Schreiben für andere Formate unterscheidet, was dabei besonders beachtet werden muss und welche Entwicklungen für die Zukunft zu erwarten sind. Dabei werden, unter Berücksichtigung des in Kapitel drei erarbeiteten Bewertungs- und Analyserasters, Hinweise für eine sinnvolle Vorgehensweise bei der Gestaltung von Websites gegeben. Im fünften Kapitel wird vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen bildungspolitischen Diskussion ein Kompetenzmodell für die Gestaltung von Websites entwickelt, das als Basis für die Festlegung von Bildungsstandards und die Beschreibung der Rahmenbedingungen dient, unter denen diese in der Schule verwirklicht werden können. In einer abschließenden Diskussion werden die wichtigsten Ergebnisse nochmals herausgearbeitet und es wird auf Perspektiven für zukünftige sprachwissenschaftliche und sprachdidaktische Forschungsvorhaben hingewiesen.
Vores interesse for logotyper tager sit udgangspunkt to steder: I vores fælles interesse for henholdsvis visuelle kommunikationsformer og de måder, hvorpå virksomheder kommunikerer med deres omverden. Vores interesse for visuelle kommunikationsformer er overvejende praktisk funderet, da Christian driver Øje for Øje illustration ved siden af studierne, og Henrik er freelancefotograf. Specialet her er dog udtryk for en lyst til undersøge teorien bag visuel kommunikation. Interessen for virksomheders kommunikation er stadig overvejende teoretisk funderet. Vi har med vores fælles uddannelsesbaggrund i Nordisk og Virksomhedskommunikation haft rig lejlighed til, på et teoretisk niveau, at beskæftige os med generel kommunikationsteori og mere specifik virksomhedskommunikationsteori. Disse to interesseområder smelter sammen i vores intention om at belyse logotyper, der er en kommunikationsform, vi alle konfronteres med dagligt - for langt de flestes vedkommende dog uden at det afføder nogen nævneværdig undren. Vi undrer os imidlertid over at logotypen, så vidt vi har kunnet konstatere, hidtil er blevet overset af sprogteoretikere og aldrig er blevet underkastet en stringent metodisk videnskabelig undersøgelse som en selvstændig kommunikationsform. Det ønsker vi med dette speciale at tage de første skridt til at ændre. Vi mener, at det er relevant at tage hul på undersøgelsen af logotyper som selvstændig kommunikationsform, fordi tendensen i de vestlige samfund peger i retning af, at det nuværende samfunds hyperkompleksitet (Qvortrup 2000) langt fra har nået sin kulmination. I det hyperkomplekse samfund vil efterspørgslen efter simple kommunikationsmekanismer, der kan sammenkæde eller overføre store mængder af information og dermed reducere kompleksitet, stige. Som undersøgelsen i specialet vil vise, er logotyper netop en kommunikationsform af den simpelhed, der vil blive efterspurgt i det hyperkomplekse samfund. Paradoksalt nok spiller logotyper i kraft af deres simplicitet en forbløffende stor rolle for moderne virksomheder. Det er ikke uden årsag at noget af det første, grundlæggeren af en moderne virksomhed sætter sine kræfter ind på, er at finde det rigtige navn til virksomheden og i forlængelse heraf at få skabt den rigtige logotype. Først i det øjeblik disse to identifikatorer er på plads, begynder den ny virksomhed at føles manifest. Logotypen spiller rollen som bærer af identitet, og som specialet vil vise, afføder det hyperkomplekse samfund kravet om en fortættet identitet.
Nous nous intéresserons à la question de l'utilisation qui est faite des langues nationales, notamment dans le système éducatif. C'est un fait connu en effet que la langue officielle du Burkina est le français et que tout l'enseignement formel, du premier jour à l'école jusqu'au dernier jour à l'université en passant par le secondaire se fait exclusivement en français (comme d'ailleurs dans beaucoup d'autres pays dits "francophones"). Il s'en suit que la langue française est très valorisée et valorisante, étant la langue du peu d'élus qui sont allés à l'école, la langue des fonctionnaires de l'État et de la classe dirigeante, la langue de l'administration, de la justice, la langue de communication internationale. Se pose alors la question de savoir ce qu'on fait des langues du pays, pour lesquelles on utilise le terme de "langues nationales".
With one group generally constituting the autochthonous host - representing the core population in the centre - immigrant groups tend to reside in separate ethnic wards and even work in wards/quartiers identified with their ethno-specific crafts and trades - and often named after them. The socio-lingustic survey will therefore use available and new maps and ethno-linguistic statistics: For the former, the urban surveys by the Max Lock Company of north-eastern Nigeria have been of great help, but have to be updated ; for the latter, various censuses had to be supplemented by more recent information . With ethno-linguistic wards constituting enclaves which can only interact through a language or languages in common, we can apply the general model of the triglottic configuration by positing x territorial and y immigrant, ethnic languages of solidarity; one general urban community language or lingua franca of interaction; and the official language of authority and administration. This language of authority was formerly a local aristolect (Kanuri or Fulfulde), but is now mostly an exolect - English or French. This short presentation concerns ongoing work in urban socio-lingustics developed in Maiduguri over some 15 years.
Die Aussprache fremdländischer Orts- und Eigennamen kann deutschsprachige Rundfunksprecher vor größere Probleme stellen. Denn es gibt in anderen Sprachen Laute, die im Deutschen nicht vorkommen. Auch die Graphem-Phonem-Verbindungen entsprechen oft nicht den deutschen Regeln. Beim Hessischen Rundfunk existiert für die gesamte ARD die so genannte „Aussprache-Datenbank“, bei der Sprecher (in der Regel Nachrichtensprecher) die Aussprache solcher Orts- und Eigennamen erfragen können. In der vorliegenden Dissertation werden phonetisch begründete Regeln erarbeitet, wie – ausgehend von einer Transkription nach IPA in der Originalsprache – Orts- und Eigennamen des Dänischen, Schwedischen und Norwegischen durch deutschsprachige Rundfunksprecher ausgesprochen werden sollten. Dabei werden auch die Graphem-Phonem-Relation sowie die Phonotaktik der Ausgangssprache im Vergleich zum Deutschen berücksichtigt. Damit liegt erstmals ein standardisiertes Verfahren vor, das eine einheitliche und phonetisch begründete Vorgehensweise bei der Erarbeitung eines Aussprachevorschlags für dänische, schwedische und norwegische Orts- und Eigennamen ermöglicht.
This paper argues that short (clause-internal) scrambling to a pre-subject position has A properties in Japanese but A'-properties in German, while long scrambling (scrambling across sentence boundaries) from finite clauses, which is possible in Japanese but not in German, has A'-properties throughout. It is shown that these differences between German and Japanese can be traced back to parametric variation of phrase structure and the parameterized properties of functional heads. Due to the properties of Agreement, sentences in Japanese may contain multiple (Agro- and Agrs-) specifiers whereas German does not allow for this. In Japanese, a scrambled element may be located in a Spec AgrP, i.e. an A- or L-related position, whereas scrambled NPs in German can only appear in an AgrP-adjoined (broadly-L-related) position, which only has A'-properties. Given our assumption that successive cyclic adjunction is generally impossible, elements in German may not be long scrambled because a scrambled element that is moved to an adjunction site inside an embedded clause may not move further. In Japanese, long distance scrambling out of finite CPs is possible since scrambling may proceed in a successive cyclic manner via embedded Spec- (AgrP) positions. Our analysis of the differences between German and Japanese scrambling provides us with an account of further contrasts between the two languages such as the existence of surprising asymmetries between German and Japanese remnant-movement phenomena, and the fact that unlike German, Japanese freely allows wh-scrambling. Investigation of the properties of Japanese wh-movement also leads us to the formulation of the "Wh-cluster Hypothesis", which implies that Japanese is an LF multiple wh-fronting language.
In this paper I discuss the properties of particle verbs in light of a proposal about syntactic projection. In section 2 I suggest that projection involves functional structure in two important ways: (i) only functional phrases can be complements, and (ii) lexical heads that take complements and project must be inflected. In section 3, I show that the structure of particle verbs is not uniform with respect to (i) and (ii). On the one hand, a particle always combines with an inflected verb; in this respect, particle verbs look like verb-complement constructions. On the other hand, the particle is not a functional phrase and therefore is not a proper complement, which makes the combination of the particle and the verb look more like a morphologically complex verb. I argue that syntactic rules can in fact interpret the node dominating the particle and the verb as a projection and as a complex head. In section 4, I show that many of the characteristic properties of particle verbs in the Germanic languages follow from the fact that they are structural hybrids.