Linguistik
Refine
Year of publication
- 2007 (211) (remove)
Document Type
- Article (100)
- Part of a Book (54)
- Preprint (12)
- Conference Proceeding (11)
- Review (11)
- Report (9)
- Working Paper (8)
- Book (4)
- Doctoral Thesis (1)
- Part of Periodical (1)
Has Fulltext
- yes (211)
Keywords
- Kroatisch (35)
- Deutsch (18)
- Rezensionen (17)
- Referenzidentität (11)
- Englisch (10)
- Phraseologie (7)
- Spracherwerb (7)
- focus (7)
- Bedeutungswandel (6)
- Referenz <Linguistik> (6)
- Rezension (6)
- Sprachverstehen (6)
- Deutsch als Fremdsprache (5)
- Deutschunterricht (5)
- Kajkavisch (5)
- Lexikographie (5)
- Syntax (5)
- Tibetobirmanische Sprachen (5)
- Anapher <Syntax> (4)
- Brasilien (4)
- Bulgarisch (4)
- Fremdsprachenlernen (4)
- Indogermanische Sprachen (4)
- Metapher (4)
- Nungisch (4)
- Personalpronomen (4)
- Russisch (4)
- topic (4)
- Demonstrativpronomen (3)
- Familienname (3)
- Konnotation (3)
- Personennamenkunde (3)
- Phonetik (3)
- Portugiesisch (3)
- Prädikat (3)
- Sinotibetische Sprachen (3)
- Sprachkontakt (3)
- contrastive focus (3)
- givenness (3)
- Adjektiv (2)
- Baltische Sprachen (2)
- Bedeutungsverschlechterung (2)
- Bindungstheorie <Linguistik> (2)
- Chinesisch (2)
- Deverbativ (2)
- Diachronie (2)
- Ergänzung <Linguistik> (2)
- Frau (2)
- Fremdsprachenunterricht (2)
- Geschlechterforschung (2)
- Grammatik (2)
- Infinitkonstruktion (2)
- Interaktion (2)
- Italienisch (2)
- Japanese (2)
- Japanisch (2)
- Kindersprache (2)
- Kontrolle <Linguistik> (2)
- Koreanisch (2)
- Korpus <Linguistik> (2)
- Lexicalized Tree Adjoining Grammar (2)
- Minderheitensprache (2)
- Mittelenglisch (2)
- Nebensatz (2)
- Nomen (2)
- Numerale (2)
- Polnisch (2)
- Präposition (2)
- Rechtschreibung (2)
- Rumänisch (2)
- Semantik (2)
- Slawische Sprachen (2)
- Sprache (2)
- Sprachstatistik (2)
- Sprachverarbeitung <Psycholinguistik> (2)
- Sprachwechsel (2)
- Standardsprache (2)
- Stereotyp (2)
- Syntaktische Analyse (2)
- Transitivität (2)
- Türkisch (2)
- Valenz <Linguistik> (2)
- Vokal (2)
- Wortbildung (2)
- Zweisprachigkeit (2)
- cleft constructions (2)
- dass (2)
- information structure (2)
- intonation (2)
- prosody (2)
- scope of focus (2)
- second occurrence focus (2)
- syntax (2)
- (implicit) prosody (1)
- Adverb (1)
- Aktionsart (1)
- Altkirchenslawisch (1)
- Altkroatisch (1)
- Ambiguität (1)
- Anaphora (1)
- Applikativ (1)
- Aspekt <Linguistik> (1)
- Bahasa Indonesia (1)
- Baskisch (1)
- Bdeutungswandel (1)
- Bedeutung (1)
- Bedrohte Sprache (1)
- Belebtheit <Grammatik> (1)
- Berge, Petar (1)
- Bestimmter Artikel (1)
- Bibel (1)
- Bibelübersetzung (1)
- Bildungsstandard (1)
- Biologische Kategorie (1)
- Bosnisch (1)
- Cakavisch (1)
- Comic (1)
- Computerlinguistik (1)
- Datenstruktur (1)
- Deklination (1)
- Derrida (1)
- Deskriptivität (1)
- Dialog (1)
- Disambiguierung (1)
- Diskursanalyse (1)
- Downstep (1)
- Drung (1)
- E-Learning (1)
- Ellipse <Linguistik> (1)
- Empirische Linguistik (1)
- Entscheidungsfrage (1)
- Erwachsenenbildung (1)
- Eskimo (1)
- Ethnolinguistik (1)
- Evidentialität (1)
- Evolution of Language (1)
- F-marking (1)
- Familiennamenatlas (1)
- Faux amis (1)
- Feldlinguistik (1)
- Feministische Linguistik (1)
- Flexion / Morphologie <Linguistik> (1)
- Focus (1)
- Foodo (1)
- Formalismes syntaxiques (1)
- Formel (1)
- Frage (1)
- Franziskaner (1)
- Frauenzeitschrift (1)
- Freud (1)
- Funktionalismus <Linguistik> (1)
- G-marking (1)
- Gebärdensprache (1)
- Gegenwartssprache (1)
- Generative Transformationsgrammatik (1)
- Genus verbi (1)
- Genuswechsel (1)
- German (1)
- Germanismus (1)
- Germanistik (1)
- Geschlecht (1)
- Geschlechtsunterschied (1)
- Glagoliza (1)
- Gotisch (1)
- Grammatiklehrbuch (1)
- Grenzüberschreitung (1)
- Griechisch (1)
- HTP (1)
- Handedness (1)
- Heiligenname (1)
- Hilfsverb (1)
- Hofstede (1)
- Höflichkeit (1)
- Illyrisch (1)
- Inchoativ (1)
- Information structure (1)
- Informationsstruktur (1)
- Interjektion (1)
- Internet (1)
- Intonation (1)
- Inuit-Sprache (1)
- Jacques (1)
- Katze (1)
- Kausalsatz (1)
- Khoisan (1)
- Kognitionswissenschaft (1)
- Kognitive Entwicklung (1)
- Kognitive Linguistik (1)
- Kommunikation (1)
- Kompetenzmodell (1)
- Kompetenztheorie (1)
- Komponentenanalyse (1)
- Komposition <Wortbildung> (1)
- Kongress (1)
- Konjugation (1)
- Konjunktion (1)
- Konkomba (1)
- Konstativ (1)
- Kontrastive Phraseologie (1)
- Kontrastive Syntax (1)
- Konvention (1)
- Konversion <Linguistik> (1)
- Kreativität (1)
- Kultur (1)
- Latinismus (1)
- Lautmalerei (1)
- Lehnprägung (1)
- Lehnübersetzung (1)
- Lehrbuch (1)
- Lesekompetenz (1)
- Lesen (1)
- Lexical Ressource Semantics (1)
- Lexikalisierung (1)
- Lexikologie (1)
- Lexikon (1)
- Literacy (1)
- Manga (1)
- Metonymie (1)
- Mitteleuropa (1)
- Mittelhessisch (1)
- Monolinguales Wörterbuch (1)
- Morphonologie (1)
- Move-alpha (1)
- Multicomponent Tree Adjoining Grammar (1)
- Mundartsprecher (1)
- Männerzeitschrift (1)
- Mündliche Erzählung (1)
- Münster (Laubach, Gießen) (1)
- Nahrung als phraseologische Komponente (1)
- Namengebung (1)
- Namenkunde (1)
- Negation (1)
- Negationspartikel (1)
- Neugriechisch (1)
- Niederländisch (1)
- Niwchisch (1)
- Objekt (1)
- Optimalitätstheorie (1)
- Paratext (1)
- Partikel (1)
- Partizip (1)
- Peirce, Charles S. (1)
- Perfekt (1)
- Performanz <Linguistik> (1)
- Personenname (1)
- Phrasenstrukturgrammatik (1)
- Pitch Reset (1)
- Plural (1)
- Plusquamperfekt (1)
- Polabisch (1)
- Portugiesisch / Brasilien (1)
- Pragmatik (1)
- Prädikativsatz (1)
- Präpositionspaar (1)
- Präsens (1)
- Qiang-Sprache (1)
- Quantor (1)
- Raising (1)
- Reading (1)
- Romanian (1)
- SDRT (1)
- Satzanalyse (1)
- Schreiben (1)
- Schreibkompetenz (1)
- Schriftsprache (1)
- Scrambling (1)
- Selbsteinschätzung (1)
- Semiotik (1)
- Sigmund (1)
- Skandinavische Sprachen (1)
- Slawizismus (1)
- Slowenisch (1)
- Soziale Kategorie (1)
- Soziolekt (1)
- Soziolinguistik (1)
- Spezifität (1)
- Sprachkritik (1)
- Sprachliche Universalien (1)
- Sprachliches Stereotyp (1)
- Sprachnorm (1)
- Sprachproduktion (1)
- Sprachtypologie (1)
- Sprachverarbeitung (1)
- Sprachwahrnehmung (1)
- Sprachwissenschaft (1)
- Sprechakt (1)
- St. Juraj (1)
- Standardisierung (1)
- Stereotypie (1)
- Stereotypisierung (1)
- Substrat <Linguistik> (1)
- Suffixbildung (1)
- Synonymie (1)
- Syntactic formalisms (1)
- Tadijanovi´c, Blaz (1)
- Technische Unterlage (1)
- Temperatur (1)
- Text (1)
- Textlinguistik (1)
- Theory of mind (1)
- Tiere (1)
- Topic/Comment (1)
- Topik (1)
- Topikalisierung (1)
- Tschechische Republik (1)
- Tundalus <Prosa> (1)
- Typologie (1)
- Tübingen <2007> (1)
- Universalgrammatik (1)
- Uralische Sprachen (1)
- Verb (1)
- Verbalstamm (1)
- Verkehrssprache (1)
- Vietnamese (1)
- Vokalreduktion (1)
- Vokalwandel (1)
- Vorurteil (1)
- Werbesprache (1)
- Wh-question (1)
- Word Sense Disambiguation (1)
- Word Wide Web (1)
- World Wide Web (1)
- Wortfeld (1)
- Wortschatz (1)
- Wortstellung (1)
- Wortwahl (1)
- Writing (1)
- Wörterbuch (1)
- Zentralisierung <Linguistik> (1)
- Zischlaut (1)
- adverbial quantification (1)
- agree (1)
- alternative semantics (1)
- alternative semantics presupposition projection (1)
- argument dislocation (1)
- auxiliaries (1)
- auxiliary selection (1)
- be (1)
- bias (1)
- breadth of focus (1)
- case (1)
- clitic doubling (1)
- complex speech acts (1)
- conjunction (1)
- contrast (1)
- contrastive topic (1)
- corrective focus (1)
- counterfactual (1)
- cyclicity (1)
- de-accenting (1)
- definites (1)
- discourse expectability (1)
- early modern english (1)
- emphasis (1)
- epp (1)
- exhaustive identification (1)
- focus ambiguity (1)
- focus anaphoricity (1)
- focus constructions (1)
- focus intonation (1)
- focus marking (1)
- focus meaning (1)
- focus movement (1)
- focus position (1)
- focus type (1)
- focus types (1)
- grammaires d’arbres (1)
- have (1)
- infants (1)
- informational focus (1)
- intervention effect (1)
- lexical tone (1)
- memory-based learning (1)
- metagrammars (1)
- middle english (1)
- morphological focus marking (1)
- métagrammaires (1)
- negative polar questions (1)
- negative polarity item (NPI) (1)
- old english (1)
- paradigm uniformity (1)
- partition (1)
- perception (statement-question matching) (1)
- perfect (1)
- phonological status (1)
- phonological word (1)
- post-focus reduction (1)
- presentational constructions (1)
- presupposition (1)
- processing (1)
- prosodic focus (1)
- reconstruction (1)
- recursivity (1)
- resultative (1)
- scrambling (1)
- semantics (1)
- situation variables (1)
- subject inversion (1)
- syntactic focus marking (1)
- tag questions (1)
- tone languages (1)
- topic affixes (1)
- topic-comment (1)
- topicalization (1)
- tree-based grammars (1)
- universal quantifiers (1)
- verb-initial language (1)
- wh-question (1)
- whinterrogatives (1)
- Übersetzungswissenschaft (1)
Institute
This is the fourth in a series of publications on Zambian languages and grammar. The intention of the series is to boost the meagre scholarship and availability of educational materials on Zambian languages, which became particularly urgent in 1996, following the decision of the Zambian government to revert to the policy of using local languages as media of instruction. Kaonde (or more correctly Kikaonde) is spoken in the part of the North-Western Province of Zambia to the east of the Kabompo River, in adjacent parts of Mumbwa and Kaoma Districts to the south, and in the Katanga Province of the Democratic Republic of Congo to the North.
This paper is an overview of the motivations and methodology for doing empirical in situ fieldwork on languages. It suggests specific methods for carrying out fieldwork in a maximally empirical way.
This paper discusses the use of comparative data when describing a particular language. That is, even tho ugh we might be describing one variety, we can gain insights into the development of that variety from comparisons with related varieties. The examples presented are from the Rawang and Dulong languages. two closely related Tibeto-Burman languages in Myanmar and China respectively. We see that comparison with Dulong data can help us to understand the development of the applicative benefactive in Rawang. and comparison with Rawang can help us understand the development of the verbal first-person plural long vowels and nominal agentive marking long vowels in Dulong.
Evidentiality is a grammatical category which has source of information as its primary meaning — whether the narrator actually saw what is being described, or made inferences about it based on some evidence, or was told about it, and so on. Evidentials are a particularly salient feature of Tibeto-Burman languages. This volume features in-depth studies of evidentiality systems in six languages: Rgyalthang, a Kham Tibetan dialect, by Krisadawan Hongladarom; Yongning Na (Naxi group; believed to be closely related to Lolo-Burmese), by Liberty Lidz; Darma (Almora branch of Western Himalayish), by Christina Willis; nDrapa (Qiangic), by Satoko Shirai; Magar (Himalayish), by Karen Grunow-Hårsta, and Tabo (or Spiti), a Tibetan dialect, by Veronika Hein. Each opens new perspectives on the composition and the semantics of evidential systems, on the marking of more than one information source in one sentence, and on the grammaticalized expression of mirativity.
The new insights on evidentiality and related issues from the Tibeto-Burman area are crucial for understanding evidentials in a cross-linguistic perspective.
This paper deals with the development of discourse competence in German-, Russian- and Bulgarian-speaking children. In particular, it examines the use of anaphoric pronominal reference in elicited narrations of children between the ages of 2;6 and 6;0. As the pronominal (and nominal) systems of target German, Russian and Bulgarian differ in the repertoire and functions of anaphoric elements we will examine which kind of noun phrases children use to make reference to story participants. In a second step of the analysis, we will investigate how pronominal expressions relate to antecedents. In this respect the pronominal form of the anaphor, the syntactic function of the antecedent and the distance between antecedent and anaphor will be analyzed. The findings will be discussed with regard to predictions made by proposals such as the Complementary Hypothesis (Bosch, Rozario, and Zhao 2003) which assumes an asymmetry between the use of personal pro-nouns and demonstrative pronouns when referring back to subject or object antecedents.
It is well known that English children between the age of 4 and 6 display a so-called Delay of Principle B Effect (DPBE) in that they allow pronouns to refer to a local c-commanding antecedent. Their guessing pattern with pronouns contrasts with their adult-like interpretation of reflexives. The DPBE has been explained as resulting from a lack of pragmatic knowledge or insufficient cognitive resources. However, such extra-grammatical accounts cannot explain why the DPBE only shows up in particular languages and in particular syntactic environments. Moreover, such accounts fail to explain why the DPBE only emerges in comprehension and not in production. This paper hypothesizes that the presence or absence of the DPBE can be explained from the properties of the grammar. Fischer's (2004) optimality-theoretic analysis of binding, explaining cross-linguistic variation, and Hendriks and Spenader's (2005/6) optimality-theoretic account of the acquisition of pronouns and reflexives are combined into a single model. This model yields testable predictions with respect to the presence or absence of the DPBE in particular languages, in particular syntactic environments, and in comprehension and/or production.
This paper investigates the production and comprehension of intrasentential anaphoric pronominal reference in Russian. In particular, it examines the elicited imitation and comprehension of three anaphoric pronouns in subject position – personal 3rd singular masculine, demonstrative and zero – in one hundred and eighty monolingual Russian-speaking children and twenty adults. The three types of pronouns were designed to have an antecedent in the preceding sentence containing a verb and two arguments. These antecedents differ in their syntactical role and animacy. The sentence position, agentivity and topicality remained constant. The sentences with (in)animate subjects and objects constituted the following four 'conditions': two sentences with a subject and an object being either animate or inanimate and two sentences with a subject and an object exhibiting a diverse (in)animacy. Regarding the resolution of the anaphoric pronouns the similarity principle (or feature-concord rule) and its possible violations were tested. This principle suggests that an anaphoric pronoun is most likely resolved to the antecedent with a maximum of similar characteristics or features and it primarily governs the assignment of an antecedent to anaphoric pronouns in subject position in the absence of the violating conditions. Results show the influence of this rule on the anaphora resolution process increasing with age, on the one hand, and the development of the impact of animacy, syntactic role and the type of anaphoric pronouns that violate the feature-concord rule, on the other.
This paper presents results of corpus analytic investigations of children's use of referring expressions and considers possible implications of this work for questions relating to development of theory of mind. The study confirms previous findings that children use the full range of referring forms (definite and indefinite articles, demonstrative determiners, and demonstrative and personal pronouns) appropriately by age 3 or earlier. It also provides support for two distinct stages in mind-reading ability. The first, which is implicit and non-propositional, includes the ability to assess cognitive statuses such as familiarity and focus of attention in relation to the intended referent; the second, which is propositional and more conscious, includes the ability to assess epistemic states such as knowledge and belief. Distinguishing these two stages supports attempts to reconcile seemingly inconsistent results concerning the age at which children develop theory of mind. It also makes it possible to explain why children learn to use forms correctly be-fore they exhibit the pragmatic ability to consider and calculate quantity implicatures.
In this article, I will present a survey of control structures in Korean. The survey is based on a sample of seventy SOA-argument-taking predicates, which are classified with respect to their complementation patterns and control properties. As a result, Korean is characterized as a language in which semantically determined control is predominant, whereas constructionally induced control is only marginal. In the discussion of the sample, I will show that there are two major classes of verbs exhibiting semantic control: the first class consists of matrix verbs such as hwuhoyhata 'regret' or kangyohata 'force', which require obligatory coreference between a matrix argument and the embedded subject due to their lexical meaning. The verbs of the second class are utterance verbs such as malhata 'tell', which select clauses headed by the quotative complementizer ko. With these verbs, subject, object, or split control arises if specific modal suffixes are attached to the verb heading the complement clause. In the second part of the paper, I will provide a lexical analysis of control in Korean, which adopts the Principle of Controller Choice proposed by Farkas (1988) as well as additional constraints which have to be assumed independently.
Complement control is a well-known phenomenon in Turkish linguistics, and different proposals for analysing it are available. The majority of these treat control as a structural phenomenon, cf. Kerslake (1987), Özsoy (1987; 2001) and Kural (1998). In sum, control is predicted only in sentences with complement clauses formed with the suffixes -mEk and -mE, which can be case-marked, but the appearance of a possessive marker definitely precludes control. As far as the control relations are concerned, the research so far has attested the classical cases of subject and object control. In addition to that, variable control is discussed by Taylan (1996). The status of the controlled element is discussed by Bozşahin (in press), which concludes that the syntactic subject is appointed by this function in Turkish.
In this paper I will argue that the currently established approach to control is insufficient. The shortcomings of a strictly configurational approach become clear if a broader perspective on control is adopted. I follow the approach to control outlined by Stiebels (this volume), and show that two types of control must be distinguished. Inherent control is encoded in the lexical entry of the verb. Verbs which show inherent control either select only control-inducing structures or trigger control in environments not requiring control. Structural control, on the other hand, arises through the use of a control-inducing structure with a verb which does not inherently require control. Structural control verbs show control only with control-inducing structures. No control occurs with such verbs in other configurations. The data discussed in this paper will show that control is a ‘mixed’ phenomenon, since it may arise structurally or semantically. Its explanation must therefore consider the semantics of the relevant matrix verbs and the syntactic properties of complement clauses on an equal basis.
The paper presents results from a combined production and comprehension study addressing some of the factors which guide the establishment of intersentential pronominal reference in child and adult Bulgarian. We investigate the time course and different stages in the acquisition of null, personal and demonstrative pro-nouns and their specific anaphoric functions. We target possible age-induced changes in the salience hierarchy of referent features such as animacy and grammatical role. Following the general consent in the field of anaphora research, we assume a division of labour between different pronominal forms with respect to the salience of their referents. Based on the data of Bulgarian preschool children we investigate the validity of this form-function relation, its language-specific shape and its developmentally induced variation. The results reveal an initial prominence of animate referents which later on develops into preference for animate subjects. Although the investigated 3 to 5 year old Bulgarian children do not stick to the adult anaphora resolution strategy, they comply with the principle of the reversed mapping within the range of tested pronouns and react according to their salience criteria which promote animate subjects as the most prominent co-reference candidates.
In this paper, I examine two object control constructions in Korean which differ only in the surface word order: in one of the constructions, the control complement follows the controller, but in the other, precedes it. I argue that the contrast between these constructions cannot be attributed to scrambling. The difference between these constructions can only be captured if one of them is analyzed as OC, and the other as instantiating NOC. Section 2 presents the relevant constructions and their earlier analyses available in the literature; section 3 presents a detailed discussion of differences between the two object control constructions. My proposal for analyzing these constructions is presented in section 4. Section 5 introduces two outstanding questions related to the proposed structures: the status of scrambling in Korean and the analysis of the inverse control construction. Conclusions and general discussion follow in section 6.
Previous work examining the role of antecedent accessibility in pronominal coreference has often linked coreference to prominent structural positions that in turn are linked to information structure statuses such as topic. Three experiments examine the influence of topichood independently of structural prominence by exploring the influence of the pragmatic notion of aboutness on the written production of pronominal coreferring expressions. The results show that being mentioned in an about-phrase increases the likelihood that a referent will be selected as the future topic of a following sentence as well as increasing the proportion of responses with early, pronominal coreference to that referent, at the expense of coreference with the subject. These results suggest that coreference is sensitive to the status of other, structurally non-prominent referents in discourse, and that the pragmatic notion of aboutness influences pronominal coreference.
This volume represents a collection of papers that present some of the results of two projects on control: on the one hand, the project Typology of complement control directed by Barbara Stiebels and funded by the German Research Foundation (DFG STI 151/2-2), and on the other hand the project Variation in control structures directed by Maria Polinsky and Eric Potsdam and funded by the US National Science Foundation (NSF grants BCS-0131946, BCS-0131993; website http://accent.ucsd.edu/). Whereas the first project pursued a lexical approach to control with a semantic definition of obligatory control, the second project has mainly pursued a syntactic approach to control – with special emphasis on less studied control structures (such as adjunct control, backward control, finite control, etc.). Both projects have aimed at extending the research on complement control to structures that differ from the prototypical cases of infinitival complements with empty subjects found in many Indo-European languages; their common interest was to bring in new empirical data, both primary and experimental.
It is the aim of this paper to evaluate the various types of sentential complementation available in terms of complement control cross-linguistically. I will propose a lexical classification of control classes on the basis of the instantiated subordination patterns. I want to focus on an important distinction, namely that of structural vs. inherent control. Structural control is found with predicates that select a clausal complement whose structure requires argument identification and thus 'induces' control. Infinitival complements are prototypical cases for this kind of control because in most languages infinitival complements can only 'survive' in structures of control or raising. The interesting question is which predicates license structural control and which cross-linguistic differences emerge between potential licensors. Inherent control is found with predicates that require control readings independent of the instantiated structure of sentential complementation (e.g. a directive predicate such as zwingen 'force'). In addition, I will recapitulate and add arguments for the dual lexical-syntactic nature of complement control.
This questionnaire focuses on control structures that are instantiated by predicates that take a state of affairs (SOA) argument. Noonan (1985) has called these predicates 'complement-taking predicates'; I will use the notion of SOAAtaking predicates (SOAA = state of affairs argument).
Prototypically, complement control is instantiated by certain classes of verbs; however, adjectives (be eager to) and nouns (e.g. nominalizations such as promise) may function as control predicates as well. 'Control' refers to the pattern of argument identification between an argument of the SOAA-taking predicate and an argument of the SOAA-head. In the literature the notion of 'equi deletion' or 'equi-NP deletion' has been used (following Rosenbaum 1967), which refers to structures in which an overt argument of the matrix predicate is identified with a covert argument of the embedded predicate. This questionnaire aims at a cross-linguistic application of the notion of control and thus uses a semantic definition of complement control. It extends the notion of control to other patterns of referential dependency between arguments of a SOAA-taking predicate and of the embedded predicate.
In anaphora resolution theory, it has been assumed that anaphora resolution is based on a reversed mapping of antecedent salience and anaphora complexity: minimal complex anaphora refer to maximal salient antecedents. In order to ex-amine whether and by which developmental steps German children gain command of this mapping maxim we conducted an experiment on production and comprehension of intersentential pronouns including the three pronoun types zero, personal, and demonstrative pronoun. With respect to antecedent salience, the experiment varied syntactic role (subject/object) and in/animacy. Six age groups of children (age range from 2;0 to 6;0) and an adult control group has been tested. The hypothesis arising from the mapping maxim is that zero pronoun correlates with more salient antecedents than personal and demonstrative pronoun, the latter correlating with the least salient antecedents. The results are: In production, children first establish the opposition of zero pronoun with animate antecedents vs. demonstrative pronoun with inanimate antecedents. In a next step, syntactic role comes into play and a more complex system opposing the three presented pronoun types is established. In comprehension, however, the effect of pronoun type re-mains weak and antecedent features remain a strong factor in reference choice. However, also adults employ pronoun type and antecedent features. The oldest children and the adults show variation in personal pronoun resolution according to the animacy pattern of the potential antecedents. In case of identical animacy features, the subject is the preferred candidate; in case of distinct animacy features, there is a tendency to choose the object antecedent.
The 48th volume of the ZAS Papers in Linguistics presents selected papers from the conference on Intersentential pronominal reference in child and adult language held at the ZAS in December, 2006. The conference, organized by the project Acquisition and disambiguation of intersentential pronominal reference, brought together leading researchers dealing with anaphora resolution in diverse theoretical approaches and the acquisition perspective on pronominal reference taken by the ZAS project.