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In this paper, I discuss verb to noun conversion in French. The properties of the input verb and the output noun are presented and a formal representation is proposed using the SBCG framework. The use of such a formalism based on constraints and multiple inheritance highlights the difficulties in defining what exactly is a conversion rule. I propose that the different properties of the input verb and the output noun can be thought of as different dimensions of classification, which characterize the verb to noun conversion rule.
Based on the notion of a lexicon with default inheritance, I address the problem of how to provide a template for lexical representations that allows us to capture the relatedness between inflected word forms and canonically derived lexemes within a broadly realizational-inferential model of morphology. To achieve this we need to be able to represent a whole host of intermediate types of lexical relatedness that are much less frequently discussed in the literature. These include transpositions such as deverbal participles, in which a word's morphosyntactic class changes (e.g. verb ⇒ adjective) but no semantic predicate is added to the semantic representation and the derived word remains, in an important sense, a "form" of the base lexeme (e.g. the 'present participle form of the verb'). I propose a model in which morphological properties are inherited by default from syntactic properties and syntactic properties are inherited from semantic properties, such as ontological category (the Default Cascade). Relatedness is defined in terms of a Generalized Paradigm Function (perhaps in reality a relation), a generalization of the Paradigm Function of Paradigm Function Morphology (Stump 2001). The GPF has four components which deliver respectively specifications of a morphological form, syntactic properties, semantic representation and a lexemic index (LI) unique to each individuated lexeme in the lexicon. In principle, therefore, the same function delivers derived lexemes as inflected forms. In order to ensure that a newly derived lexeme of a distinct word class can be inflected I assume two additional principles. First, I assume an Inflectional Specifiability Principle, which states that the form component of the GPF (which defines inflected word forms of a lexeme) is dependent on the specification of the lexeme's morpholexical signature, a declaration of the properties that the lexeme is obliged to inflect for (defined by default on the basis of morpholexical class). I then propose a Category Erasure Principle, which states that 'lower' attributes are erased when the GPF introduces a non-trivial change to a 'higher' attribute (e.g. a change to the semantic representation entails erasure of syntactic and morphological information). The required information is then provided by the Default Cascade, unless overridden by specific declarations in the GPF. I show how this model can account for a variety of intermediate types of relatedness which cannot easily be treated as either inflection or derivation, and conclude with a detailed illustration of how the system applies to a particularly interesting type of transposition in the Samoyedic language Sel'kup, in which a noun is transposed to a similitudinal adjective whose form is in paradigmatic opposition to case-marked noun forms, and which is therefore a kind of inflection.
This paper primarily presents an analysis of nominal inflection in Hindi within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993, 1994 and Harley and Noyer 1999). Müller (2002, 2003, 2004) for German, Icelandic and Russian nouns respectively and Weisser (2006) for Croatian nouns have also used Distributed Morphology (henceforth DM) to analyze nominal inflectional morphology. This paper will discuss in detail the inflectional categories and inflectional classes, the morphological processes operating at syntax, the distribution of vocabulary items and the readjustment rules required to describe Hindi nominal inflection. Earlier studies on Hindi inflectional morphology (Guru 1920, Vajpeyi 1958, Upreti 1964, etc.) were greatly influenced by the Paninian tradition (classical Sanskrit model) and work with Paninian constructs such as root and stem. They only provide descriptive studies of Hindi nouns and verbs and their inflections without discussing the role or status of affixes that take part in inflection. The discussion on the mechanisms (morphological operations and rules) used to analyze or generate word forms are missing in these studies. In addition, these studies do not account for syntax-morphology or morphology-phonology mismatches that show up in word formation. One aim of this paper is to present an economical way of forming noun classes in Hindi as compared to other traditional methods, especially gender and stem ending based or paradigm based methods that give rise to a large number of inflectional paradigms. Using inflectional class information to analyse the various forms of Hindi nouns, we can reduce the number of affixes and word-generation and readjustment rules that are required to describe nominal inflection. The analysis also helps us in developing a morphological analyzer for Hindi. The small set of rules and fewer inflectional classes are of great help to lexicographers and system developers. To the best of our knowledge, the analysis of Hindi inflectional morphology based on DM and its implementation in a Hindi morphological analyzer has not been done before. The methods discussed here can be applied to other Indian languages for analysis as well as word generation.
This paper presents a descriptive overview and formal analysis of the use of pronominal clitics for realizing various types of arguments in Persian, with particular emphasis on object clitics in the verbal domain. We argue that pronominal clitics behave more like suffixes than independent syntactic elements; in cases where they take syntactic scope over an NP or a PP, they must be phrasal affixes. We propose an HPSG analysis to account for the morphosyntactic aspects of verbal suffixation of object clitics, possessive clitics, preverbal object clitics, and clitic doubling constructions. Finally, we explore extensions of the analysis to periphrastic verb forms, and we compare our proposals for Persian to previous HPSG work on clitic phenomena in other languages.
In the Cognate Object Construction (COC) a typically intransitive verb combines with a postverbal noun phrase whose head noun is morphologically or semantically cognate to the verb. I will argue that English has a family of COCs which consists of four different types. The COCs share common core properties but differ with respect to some of their syntactic and semantic properties. I will capture the ''cognateness'' between the verb and the noun in all COCs by token identities at the level of their lexical semantic contribution. I will use an inheritance hierarchy on lexical rule sorts to model the family relations among the different COC types.
Mazatec is an Eastern Otomanguean language spoken by about 200,000 people, located in the northeastern part of the state of Oaxaca, Mexico. The present paper aims to shed new light on Mazatec verb inflection within the framework of current research on Otomanguean phonology and morphology. We intend to show that, despite bewildering apparent complexity, mainly due to extensive morphophonological processes, Mazatec inflectional morphology is in fact rather simple and regular. Realizational approaches, in particular Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM) seem especially adequate to capture such regularities.
Korean comparative constructions: A constraint-based approach and computational implementation
(2010)
The complexity of comparative constructions in each language has given challenges to both theoretical and computational analyses. This paper first identifies types of comparative constructions in Korean and discusses their main grammatical properties. It then builds a syntactic parser couched upon the typed feature structure grammar, HPSG and proposes a context-dependent interpretation for the comparison. To check the feasibility of the proposed analysis, we have implemented the grammar into the existing Korean Resource Grammar. The results show us that the grammar we have developed here is feasible enough to parse Korean comparative sentences and yield proper semantic representations though further development is needed for a finer model for contextual information.
Semitic languages exhibit rich nonconcatenative morphological operations, which can generate a myriad of derived lexemes. Especially, the feature rich, root-driven morphology in the Arabic language demonstrates the construction of several verb-derived nominals (verbal nouns) such as gerunds, active participles, passive participles, locative participles, etc. Although HPSG is a successful syntactic theory, it lacks the representation of complex nonconcatenative morphology. In this paper, we propose a novel HPSG representation for Arabic nominals and various verb-derived nouns. We also present the lexical type hierarchy and derivational rules for generating these verb-derived nominals using the HPSG framework.
Usage-based preferences in written sentence production: The role of local and global statistics
(2010)
In this paper, we will discuss the role of different levels of frequency distributions in sentence processing and in written production, looking at French homophones. A comparison of experimental data and corpus statistics will demonstrate that lexical frequencies as well as local and global coherences have to be taken into account to fully explain the empirically established patterns.
Investigating the morphological and syntactic properties of discontinuous negative marking in Hausa, I shall suggest a constructional approach involving edge inflection, accounting simultaneously for the morphologically bound nature of the initial marker and its interaction with the TAM system, haplology of the final marker, and wide scope over coordination. I will argue that the degree of morphological integration of initial markers and haplology of final markers both favour an edge feature approach over phrasal affixation.
There are fascinating problems at the syntax-morphology interface which tend to be missed. I offer a brief explanation of why that may be happening, then give a Canonical Typology perspective, which brings these problems to the fore. I give examples showing that the phenomena could in principle be treated either by syntactic rules (but these would be complex) or within morphology (but this would involve redundancy). Thus 'non-autonomous' case values, those which have no unique form but are realized by patterns of syncretism, could be handled by a rule of syntax (one with access to other features, such as number) or by morphology (with resulting systematic syncretisms). I concentrate on one of the most striking sets of data, the issue of prepositional government in Latvian, and outline a solution within Network Morphology using structured case values.
Coherence generally refers to a kind of predicate formation where a verb forms a complex predicate with the head of its infinitival complement. Adjectives taking infinitival complements have also been shown to allow coherence, but the exact conditions for coherence with adjectives appear not to have been addressed in the literature. Based on a corpus-study (supplemented with grammaticality judgements by native speakers) we show that adjectives fall into three semantically and syntactically defined classes correlating with their ability to construct coherently. Non-factive and non-gradable adjectives allow coherence, factive and gradable adjectives do not allow coherence and non-factive and gradable adjectives are tolerated with coherence. On the basis of previous work on coherence in German we argue that coherence allows the infinitival complement of a verb or an adjective to be "split-up", so that the head and a dependent of this head are associated with different information structural functions. In this respect coherence patterns with extraction structures where the extracted constituent has an information structural function different from the constituent from which it is extracted. Following literature on the information structural basis of extraction islands, we show how the lack of coherence with factive adjectives follows from their complements' being information structurally backgrounded, while the infinitival complements of non-factive adjectives tend to a higher fusion with the matrix clause. We also show that coherence is observed with attributive adjectives as well, arguing that coherence is not a distinct verbal property. Finally we provide an analysis of coherence with adjectives within HPSG.
This work focuses on the syntax and semantics of the expression vice versa, and shows that its syntactic distribution is much more flexible than semantically related expressions. Although vice versa usually appears in clausal coordinate environments, it can in principle occur in any other type of construction. Second, it can occur as an embedded verb phrase or even as a noun phrase, rather than as an adjunct. This suggests that vice versa is a propositional anaphor that corresponds to a converse of a propositional antecedent. Finally, although the predicates singled out to be interchanged are usually nominal, they can in fact be of virtually any part of speech. I argue that a possible account of the interpretation of vice versa lies at the interface between logical form (with rich decompositional lexical semantics along the lines of Pustejovsky (1995)), and pragmatics (drawing from independent work by Hobbs (1990) and Kehler (2002)).
We describe an empirical method to explore and contrast the roles of default and principal part information in the differentiation of inflectional classes. We use an unsupervised machine learning method to classify Russian nouns into inflectional classes, first with full paradigm information, and then with particular types of information removed. When we remove default information, shared across classes, we expect there to be little effect on the classification. In contrast when we remove principal part information we expect there to be a more detrimental effect on classification performance. Our data set consists of paradigm listings of the 80 most frequent Russian nouns, generated from a formal theory which allows us to distinguish default and principal part information. Our results show that removal of forms classified as principal parts has a more detrimental effect on the classification than removal of default information. However, we also find that there are differences within the defaults and principal parts, and we suggest that these may in part be attributable to stress patterns.
Welsh is a language in which unbounded dependency constructions involve both gaps and resumptive pronouns (RPs). Gaps and RPs appear in disjoint sets of environments. Otherwise, however, they are quite similar. This suggests that they involve the same mechanism, and in HPSG that they involve the SLASH feature. It is possible to provide an analysis in which RPs are associated with the SLASH feature but are also the ordinary pronouns which they appear to be.
This papers addresses information-structural restrictions on the occurrence of what is known as "multiple fronting" in German. Multiple fronting involves the realization of (what appears to be) more than one constituent in the first position of main clause declaratives, a clause type that otherwise respects the verb-second constraint of German. Relying on a large body of naturally occurring instances of multiple fronting with the surrounding discourse context, we show that in certain contexts, multiple fronting is fully grammatical in German, in contrast to what has sometimes been claimed previously. Examination of this data reveals two different patterns, which we analyze in terms of two distinct constructions, each instantiating a specific pairing of form, meaning and contextual appropriateness.
A little discussed feature of English are non-restrictive relative clauses in which the antecedent is normally not an NP and the gap follows an auxiliary, as in Kim will sing, which Lee won't. These relative clauses resemble clauses with auxiliary complement ellipsis or fronting. There are a variety of analyses that might be proposed, but there are reasons for thinking that the best analysis is one where which is a nominal filler associated with a gap which is generally non-nominal: a filler-gap mismatch analysis in other words.
This paper addresses the form-meaning relation of multimodal communicative actions by means of a grammar that combines verbal input with hand gestures. Unlike speech, gesture signals are interpretable only through their semantic relation to the synchronous speech content. This relation serves to resolve the incomplete meaning that is revealed by gestural form alone. We demonstrate that by using standard linguistic methods, speech and gesture can be integrated in a constrained way into a single derivation tree which maps to a uniform meaning representation.
Does chain hybridization in Irish support movement-based approaches to long-distance dependencies?
(2010)
Huybregts (2009) makes the claim that hybrid A'-chains in Irish favor derivational theories of syntax over representational ones such as HPSG. In this paper, we subject this assertion to closer scrutiny. Based on a new technical proposal, we will reach the conclusion that, in principle, both derivational and representational accounts can accomodate hybrid dependencies. Thus, no argument against either approach can be made on the basis of the Irish data, disconfirming Huybregts's (2009) claim.
Das Lehrwerk Deutsch für Physiotherapeuten ist das Ergebnis des KEGA-Projektes Nr. 3/5114/07. Ružena Kozmová und ihr Kollektiv, zu dem Daniela Drinková, Lucia Sabová und Astrid Hanzlíčková gehören, nahmen sich vor, ein Werk zu schaffen, das "den Bereich der komplexen Krankenbehandlung anspricht" (S. 3). Als solches entspricht es dem Bedarf des Instituts für Physiotherapie, Balneologie und Krankenrehabilitation an der Universität der Hl. Kyrill und Method (von der die Autorinnen stammen), es könnte jedoch auch in allen anderen Bildungseinrichtungen Interesse erwecken, in denen Deutsch als Fremdsprache für Berufe im Gesundheitswesen unterrichtet wird.