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Índice Gramática Lição Adjectivos 4.1 Demonstrativos 12.1 Interrogativos 13.1 Números cardinais 4.2 Possessivo nominal 11.1 Possessivo pronominal 9.2 Pronomes pessoais 1.2 Substantivo: classes 1-10 2.1 Substantivos: classes 1-18 6.1 Verbo: infinitivo 1.1 Verbo: infinitivo negativo 3.1 Verbo: optativo 8.2 Verbo: passado recente e remoto 14.1 Verbo: prefixo do objecto 8.1 Verbo: prefixo do sujeito 1.3 Verbo: prefixo do sujeito (classes 3-14) 7.1 Verbo: presente contínuo 2.2 Verbo: presente contínuo negativo 3.3 Verbo: presente do indicativo 1.4 Verbo: presente negativo 3.2
This paper demonstrates that there are no empirical and theoretical motivations for regarding verbal predicate focus constructions as (diachronically) derived from cleft constructions. Instead, it is argued that predicate fronting for the purpose of focus or topic is comparable to verb (phrase) fronting structures in other languages (e.g., Germanic). The proposed analysis further indicates that related doubling strategies observed in certain languages are the consequences of parallel chains that license the fronted verb (phrase) in the left periphery, and the Agree-tense-aspect features inside the proposition.
This paper deals with left and right dislocation in Embɔsi, a Bantu language (C25) spoken in Congo-Brazzaville. The prosody of dislocation has gathered considerable attention, as it is particularly informative for the theories of the syntax-prosody mapping of Intonation Phrases (a.o. Selkirk, 2009, 2011; Downing, 2011). Concentrating on selected Bantu languages, Downing (2011) identifies two main phrasing patterns. She primarily distinguishes languages in which only right dislocated phrases display a lack of prosodic integration ("asymmetric" languages), from languages in which both left and right dislocations phrase separately ("symmetric" languages). Hiatus avoidance processes, boundary tones and register expansion/reduction indicate that Embɔsi displays a somewhat more intricate phrasing pattern. In this language, both left and right dislocated items sit outside of the Intonation Phrase formed by the core-clause, but only the latter form their own Intonation Phrase. We also discuss the prosody of multiple dislocations (i.e. with two dislocated arguments), which have not so far received all the attention they deserve. What we observe in Embɔsi is that either the two dislocated items phrase together and are not integrated to the core Intonation Phrase, or only the outermost dislocated element phrases separately.
This paper draws a link between the typological phenomenon of the paradigmatically supported evidentiality evoked by perfect and/or perfectivity and the equally epistemic system of modal verbs in German. The assumption is that, if perfect(ivity) is at the bottom of evidentiality in a wide number of unrelated languages, then it will not be an arbitrary fact that systematic epistemic readings occur also for the modal verbs in German, which were preterite presents originally. It will be demonstrated, for one, how exactly modal verbs in Modem German still betray sensitivity to perfect and perfective contexts, and, second, how perfect(ivity) is prone to evincing epistemic meaning. Although the expectation cannot be satisfied due to a lack of respective data from the older stages of German, a research path is sketched narrowing down the linguistic questions to be asked and dating results to be reached.
Die Ableitung des Passivs ist typologisch keine einheitlich konfigurierte Konstruktion. In den kontinental-westgermanischen Sprachen und dem Lateinischen setzt sie ein lexikalisch externes Argument (designiertes Subjektargument) voraus, im Englischen, Französischen und Russischen sowohl ein externes wie ein internes Argument (Subjekt und (direktes) Objekt). Gleichwohl sind Passive im Deutschen und Russischen - also quer zu dieser ersten Verbklassifikation – aspektuellen Beschränkungen unterworfen, Passive im Englischen dagegen nicht, jedenfalls auf den ersten Blick. Sehen wir in diesen Kreis von Sprachen noch historische Stufen hinzu, dann ist auch davon auszugehen, daß Sprachen wie das Deutsche von einer Stufe mit einem paradigmatisch einigermaßen systematisch gefestigten Aspektsystem ohne Passiv – dem Althochdeutschen – zu einer Sprache mit Passiv (und ohne Aspekt) wurde. Wir brauchen gar nicht die gemeinsame indoeuropäische Wurzel zu beschwören, um die folgenden Fragen plausibel erscheinen zu lassen: Was hat Aspekt mit Passiv zu tun? Und: Soferne solche Übergänge tatsächlich vorliegen – wie sehen die Schritte von Aspekt zum Genus verbi im einzelnen aus, und wo stehen die Sprachen heute im Vergleich zueinander, also auf einer Art Entwicklungsleiter, mit Vorläufer- gegenüber Nachläuferstufen in der relativen Diachronie von Aspekt zur Passivdiathese?
The First World War brought devastating consequences for German linguistics. Formerly one of the most prestigious foreign languages taught at schools and universities outside Germany, after the war German disappeared from almost all curricula abroad. Furthermore, it proved impossible to establish a structuralist school (such as the Prague school) in Germany. The article suggests that this was neither due to the long tradition of the Jungian grammarians nor due to the Nazis' official condemnation of structuralism as being incompatible with the ideology of the state. It is shown that such a development should instead be attributed to the so-called "Krieg der Geister" ("war of the intellect"), which remained present even after the military peace (1918) amid a feeling of national insecurity. The article concludes that such a nationalistic social and political environment proved to be fertile ground for Whorfianism, and the influence of the so-called 'Sprachinhaltsforschung' prevailed towards structuralism.
Counter to the often assumed division of labour between content and function words, we argue that both types of words have lexical content in addition to their logical content. We propose that the difference between the two types of words is a difference in degree. We conducted a preliminary study of quantificational determiners with methods from Distributional Semantics, a computational approach to natural language semantics. Our findings have implications both for distributional and formal semantics. For distributional semantics, they indicate a possible avenue that can be used to tap into the meaning of function words. For formal semantics, they bring into light the context-sensitive, lexical aspects of function words that can be recovered from the data even when these aspects are not overtly marked. Such pervasive context-sensitivity has profound implications for how we think about meaning in natural language.
Focus presuppositions
(2007)
This paper reviews notions related to focus and presupposition and addresses the hypothesis that focus triggers an existential presupposition. Presupposition projection behavior in certain examples appears to favor a presuppositional analysis of focus. It is argued that these examples are open to a different analysis using givenness theory. Overall, the analysis favors a weak semantics for focus not including an existential presupposition.
An der Wirtschaftsuniversität Bratislava hat das Sprachstudium eine lange Tradition. Gleich nach der Gründung der Universität 1940 begann man am Institut für Fremdsprachen mit dem Studium von 6 Fremdsprachen, die einen Pflichtteil des Studiums bildeten. Das Interesse für die Fremdsprachen war an der Universität immer groß, die Kurse wurden spezialisiert, qualifizierte Lehrer eingestellt und neue, aktuelle Lehrbücher erstellt.
In den letzten Jahren entstanden mehrere spezielle Lehrbücher, Lehrmaterialien und Wörterbücher, die auf Wirtschaftsdeutsch und Ökonomie ausgerichtet waren. Oft waren die Autorinnen E. Ondrčková und D. Lišková, die seit vielen Jahren am Fremdsprachenzentrum der Wirtschaftsuniversität Bratislava tätig waren. Heute sind sie Hochschuldozentinnen an der Fakultät für angewandte Sprachen. Ihre langjährigen Erfahrungen im Unterrichten des Wirtschaftsdeutschen implementierten sie auch in das vorliegende Hochschullehrbuch. Das Lehrbuch ist für die Studenten aller Fakultäten der Wirtschaftsuniversität bestimmt, die die deutsche Wirtschaftssprache erlernen. Geeignet ist das Lehrbuch auch für Manager in der Betriebspraxis, die ihre Grundkenntnisse aus der deutschen Wirtschaftssprache erweitern und festigen möchten. Die Arbeitnehmer in den Firmen haben meistens keine Zeit für den Besuch von Fachkursen. So können sie sich in ihrer Freizeit im Selbststudium mit dem Deutschen beschäftigen. Für diesen Zweck ist das Buch sehr gut geeignet. Die Lösungen der Übungen findet der Benutzer im Schlüssel und die Fachlexik im Glossar, das sich im Anhang des Buches befindet. Es beinhaltet den Wortschatz, der sowohl in den Texten als auch in den Übungen zu finden ist.
Im folgenden Artikel wird der Versuch unternommen, die Hauptmerkmale der phonetischen Forschung in der slowakischen Germanistik (teils aus kontrastiver Sicht) in den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten zu dokumentieren.
Aus verständlichen Gründen verzichten wir dabei auf Vollständigkeit: Die Ergebnisse der phonetischen Arbeiten sind in bibliographischen Abteilungen der Bibliotheken bzw. im Internet zusammengetragen. In unserer Analyse berücksichtigen wir nur diejenigen AutorInnen, die wir aus anderen slowakischen Universitäten kennen und mit denen wir im regelmäßigen Kontakt sind. Es handelt sich um folgende PhonetikerInnen: Viera Chebenová (UKF Nitra), Zuzana Bohušová (UMB Banská Bystrica), Viera Lagerová (Trnavská univerzita) und Anna Džambová (Prešovská univerzita). Es wird sich in der Zukunft sicher die Möglichkeit ergeben, die aktuelle Situation gründlich zu recherchieren (z. B. im Rahmen eines Projektes), die Liste der AutorInnen und ihrer Werke zu vervollständigen, zu analysieren und zu diskutieren. Deren niedrige Zahl beruht auf der Tatsache, dass die deutsche Phonetik nicht zu den bevorzugten Gebieten der germanistischen Linguistik in der Slowakei gehört (auf dieses Problem wiesen wir in unseren Beiträgen der letzten Jahre mehrmals hin). In der Slowakei gibt es zahlreiche GermanistInnen, die sich eher für Gebiete wie Lexikographie, Lexikologie, Phraseologie, Grammatik, Didaktik, Translatologie, Pragmatik interessieren.
Obwohl die Verarbeitung akustisch vermittelter Informationen eine immer größere Rolle in unserem Leben spielt, fehlt eine tiefere psychologisch–didaktische Forschung auf diesem Gebiet. Die Didaktiker konstatieren, dass das Lernen durch Zuhören fast immer als gegeben vorausgesetzt wird, was bedeutet, dass der Aspekt des Zuhörenlernens im Unterricht (Fremdsprachenunterricht) kaum thematisiert wird.
Der folgende Beitrag versucht, in den Themenbereich einzuführen und einige Konzepte, Einsichten, Definitionen und Beschreibungen des Hörprozesses vorzustellen. Ziel ist es, auf einige theoretische, psychologische und didaktische Grundlagen des Hörens, Zuhörens (des Zuhörprozesses) hinzuweisen. Daraus lassen sich praktische Konsequenzen für den Fremdsprachenunterricht ableiten und der weitere Forschungsbedarf skizzieren.
This dissertation investigates several aspects of nominal modification in Ògè, an understudied language of Benue-congo spoken in Àkókó Northwest in Nigeria. The study focuses on two areas of nominal modification namely, Nominal Attributive Modifiers (NAMs) and the strategies of number marking.
The discussion and analysis of NAMs in the language reveal that Ògè belongs to the group of languages which lacks adjectives as a lexical category. NAMs are nominal and they
are derived from an existing lexical category namely, verbs. Predicative modifiers and NAMs have forms that are similar to the long and short forms (LF & SF) of adjectives in languages in which adjectives form an open class, for example, Russian, SerBoCroatian (BCS) and German.
Based on the Minimalist program, the dissertation reveals that unlike Russian, BCS, and German in which the discrepancies between the two forms of adjectives are related to definiteness (as in the case of BCS) and Agree, the discrepancies in the two forms of modifiers in Ògè are related to the fact that Ògè lacks adjectives and resorts into the nominalization of stative verbs in order to derive attributive forms. Using the analyses of adjuncts according to Truswell (2004) and Zeijlstra (2020), the dissertation proposes that NAMs are adjuncts in a modification structure while they are heads in possessive and genitive constructions. In addition, I propose that NAMs are attributive-only modifiers which modify the NP rather than
the DP.
The dissertation also investigates the strategies of number marking in Ògè. Unlike languages in which number marking is obligatory in the nominal domain (Hebrew, German, English),
nouns in Ògè are not always marked for number. This means that nouns in Ògè have general number. The general number nature of nouns in Ògè is like that of the nouns in modifying plural marking languages namely, Halkomelem, Korean, Yucatec Maya and Yorùbá. However, I argue that unlike the modifying plural marking languages in which the Number Phrase (NumP) is not projected, NumP is projected in the nominal spine of Ògè, claiming that NumP bears an
interpretable number feature which values the uninterpretable number feature in D. Argument in support of this comes from the interpretation of the noun in the presence of òtúro (an element which translates to the plural definite interpretation of the noun). I analyze òtúro as a plural determiner which occupies the D-head in the syntax of Ògè. The dissertation argues following Alexiadou (2019) that the locus of the occurrence of the marker of plurality in the nominal spine does not depend on its interpretation as a plural morpheme, rather, the locus of the occurrence of the element that is sensitive to the plural interpretation of the noun depends on other parameters which are definiteness, specificity and animacy.
Predication and equation
(2001)
English is one language where equative sentences and non-equative sentences have a similar surface syntax (but see Heggie 1988 and Moro 1997 for a discussion of more subtle differences). In this paper we address the fact that many other languages appear to use radically different morphological means which seem to map to intuitive differences in the type of predication expressed. We take one such language, Scottish Gaelic, and show that the real difference is not between equative and non-equative sentences, but is rather dependent on whether the predicational head in the structure proposed above is eventive or not.
We show that the aparently odd syntax of “equatives” in this language derives from the fact that they are constructed via a non-eventive Pred head. Since Pred heads cannot combine with non-predicative categories, such as saturated DPs, “equatives” are built up indirectly from a simple predicational structure with a semantically bleached predicate. This approach not only allows us to maintain a strict one-to-one syntax/semantics mapping for predicational syntax, but also for the syntax of DPs. The argument we develop here, then, suggests that the interface between the syntactic and semantic components is maximally economical— one could say perfect.
A translation process is often seen as only a simple code exchange, but, in fact, it always requires an adaptation of terms, expressions, and structures, which is not exactly straightforward. This paper describes the process of translating and adapting the Multilingual Assessment Instrument for Narratives (LITMUS-MAIN) to Brazilian Portuguese. A brief description of the project, concerning both historic and linguistic aspects, was done in order to emphasize the cultural and linguistic challenges faced during the process.
This paper studies the acquisition process of Spanish verbal morphology in a monolingual child. The study focuses on the period of the first 50 verb lemmas. This covers the period from age 1;7 till 1;10.
The data shows that the verb acquisition process of this Spanish child follows three main stages:
1. A lexical stage in which verbs are only acquired as a lexical element.
2. A syntactic stage in which the verb, still contemplated as a non-split word, becomes the main element in the development of thematic and semantic relations.
3. A morphological stage in which verb suffixes begin to be analysed separately. At this stage, the relationship between form and meaning starts and the functional categories linked to the verb (tense, aspect, agreement, mood... ) begin to be acquired. Just at this moment, the first miniparadigms appear, which suggests that the acquisition process of verb morphology has started.
The first two stages are premorphological and cover in our child the period till 1;9. In the last stage, which begins at 1;10, the child enters the protomorphological stage.
Die vorliegende Arbeit diente der Gewinnung neuer Erkenntnisse über die historische Entwicklung und Typisierung von Fragesätzen. Die Analyse basiert auf Materialien verschiedener indogermanischer Sprachen (Griechisch, Armenisch, Gotisch, Altkirchenslavisch, Altrussisch) sowie einer außerindogermanischen kaukasischen Sprache (Altgeorgisch). Primär wurden Bibeltexte aus dem Alten und Neuen Testament anhand von Faksimileausgaben und elektronischen Textcorpora untersucht. Die Arbeit demonstrierte anhand von über 540 Beispielen, welche Kriterien, graphische oder grammatische Mittel, Fragewortstellung oder Satzgliederfolge, in den überlieferten Texten für die Entschlüsselung von Fragesätzen hilfreich waren. Für jede betrachtete Sprache wurde eine möglichst ausführliche Klassifikation der Hauptfragesatztypen vorgelegt. Ferner gehörte zum Untersuchungsobjekt der Arbeit die in den Fragesätzen implizierte Antworterwartung. Für die weitere Analyse dieser Erscheinung wurden die Fragesätze aufgrund ihrer formalen Kennzeichen für Antworterwartung und Bedeutung eingeteilt. Anhand des übereinzelsprachlichen Vergleiches war es möglich, die spezifischen interrogativen Charakteristika aufzuzeigen, die in den einzelnen Sprachen für die jeweiligen schriftlich fixierten Perioden typisch waren. Wenn relevant, wurden auch Daten aus jüngeren Sprachstufen herangezogen. Die zum Schluss vorgestellte Gegenüberstellung von indogermanischen und kaukasischen Sprachen war erforderlich, um nicht nur genetisch bedingte sprachspezifische Charakteristika von Fragesätzen aufzuzeigen, sondern auch allgemeinsprachliche spezifische Merkmale zu eruieren.
Korean is a generalized classifier language where classifiers are required for numerals to combine with nominals. This paper presents a number construction where the classifier is absent and the numeral appears prenominally. This construction, which I call the classifier-less number construction (Cl-less NC), results in a definite or a partitive reading where the referent must be familiar: ‘the two women’ or ‘two of the women’. In order to account for this, I argue that Korean postnominal number constructions are ambiguous between a plain number construction and a partitive construction. After motivating and proposing an analysis for the partitive structure, I argue that Cl-less NC is derived from the partitive construction, explaining its distributional restriction and the interpretation.
Evidentiality is a grammatical category which has source of information as its primary meaning — whether the narrator actually saw what is being described, or made inferences about it based on some evidence, or was told about it, and so on. Evidentials are a particularly salient feature of Tibeto-Burman languages. This volume features in-depth studies of evidentiality systems in six languages: Rgyalthang, a Kham Tibetan dialect, by Krisadawan Hongladarom; Yongning Na (Naxi group; believed to be closely related to Lolo-Burmese), by Liberty Lidz; Darma (Almora branch of Western Himalayish), by Christina Willis; nDrapa (Qiangic), by Satoko Shirai; Magar (Himalayish), by Karen Grunow-Hårsta, and Tabo (or Spiti), a Tibetan dialect, by Veronika Hein. Each opens new perspectives on the composition and the semantics of evidential systems, on the marking of more than one information source in one sentence, and on the grammaticalized expression of mirativity.
The new insights on evidentiality and related issues from the Tibeto-Burman area are crucial for understanding evidentials in a cross-linguistic perspective.
‘Çeviribilim’ olarak adlandırılan araştırma alanında geride bırakılan son birkaç on yıla bakıldığında bilim ve kültürde yaşanan kimi olay ve gelişmelerin Almanya ve Avrupa merkezli ‘çeviri’ araştırmalarına yön verdiği söylenebilir. Bilişim konusundaki gelişmeler, eylem kuramının ve iletişimbilimin dönüşümü, işlevselciliğin yeniden yorumlanması; edimbilimin evrimi, bilişsel felsefedeki yeni gelişmeler, yeni bakış açılarını ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bu bakış açılarının birer sonucu olarak ‘çeviribilim’ olarak adlandırılan çeviri odaklı düşünmelerde yeni ağırlık noktaları ve buradan hareketle ‘kuram’ ya da ‘yaklaşım’ biçiminde ifade edilen çalışmalar oluşmuştur. Kuramcıların belli olgulara bakış açıları onların nesneye yaklaşım biçimlerini ve algılarını etkiler. Çeviri olgusuna dönük savlar ortaya koyan kuramcılara bakıldığında ‘olgular bütünü’ ya da ‘karmaşık olgu’ olarak değerlendirilebilecek bir olguya dair farklı yaklaşım ve tutum alışlardan söz edilmektedir. Bu noktada, karmaşık bir dünyayı temsil eden çok boyutlu bir olgu olarak ‘çeviri’nin kendine özgü niteliği, 90’lı yıllardan başlayarak günümüze kadar gelen süreçte, ‘çeviribilimin’ psikoloji alanı ile ilişkilendirilmesi sonucunu beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu çerçevede araştırmaların ilgisi, ‘çeviri gerçekliği’nde merkeze oturtulan ‘çevirmen’e yönelmiş, ‘çevirmen’in bir ürün olarak ‘çeviri’yi hangi tutum ve ruhsal duruma dayanarak ortaya koyduğuna ilişkin araştırma yönelimi önem kazanmıştır. “Belli koşullar altında bir çevirmeni belli bir çeviri çıktısına, diğer bir deyişle belli bir çeviri metne götüren olay örgüsü nedir?” ya da “çeviri sırasında hangi zihinsel işlemler gerçekleşiyor?” gibi sorulardan hareket eden yaklaşımların bir üst bakışla ele alınması bu çalışmanın ana konusunu oluşturmaktadır.
Çeviri, birer eyleyen olarak çevirmenlerin yönlendirdiği bir eylemdir. Bu gerçek, bilgi teknolojilerinin bu uygulama sahasında varlıklarını yoğun biçimde hissettirdikleri günümüz çeviri dünyası içinde de geçerliliğini korumaktadır. İnsanın merkezde bulunduğu her uygulama sahasında olduğu gibi çeviri alanında da nesnel ölçütlerin bulunup uygulanabilmesi, beklenen ve arayışında olunan bir konu olagelmiştir.
Bugün özerk bir araştırma alanı olarak çeviribilim, salt araştırma alanında (pure research) çeviri olgusuna dâhil bütün boyutları betimlemeye ve buradan üst ilkelere ulaşmaya çalışırken, uygulamalı araştırma alanında (applied research) ise çeviri edimi ile ilgili nesnel ölçütler üretmeyi denemektedir. Bu yönüyle çeviribilimciler, çeviri eleştirisi, çeviri politikası, çeviri araçları alanlarında olduğu gibi akademik çeviri eğitiminde de nesnel ölçütleri aramaktadır.
Konu somut olarak çeviri uygulamalarının yaptırıldığı derslere indirgenirse, çeviri derslerinde metin seçiminin, bugün öznel gerekçelere dayandığı söylenebilir. Bu durum, bu çalışmada seçilen konunun sorunsallaştırılmasını önemli hale getirmektedir. Bu çalışmanın temel amacı, çeviri derslerinde metin seçiminin ölçütlerini saptamaya çalışmaktır.
Çeviri eyleminin yüzyıllarla ifade edilen ve Milattan önceki devirlere kadar uzanan tarihine karşın çeviri etkinliğinin öğretilebilir bir olgu olarak ele alınması, bilindiği üzere yeni bir konudur. Bu öğretme işinin eğitme biçimiyle ele alınıp üniversiter eğitim modelleri ile ele alınması ise, görece çok daha yeni bir görüngüdür. Türkiye'de de son birkaç on yıldır çeviri eğitimi veren akademik birimlerin varlığı ile konu tamamı ile akademik mecraya taşınmış ve tartışılmaya başlanmıştır. Bu tartışmalar ise, akademik çeviri eğitimi yoluyla oluşturulması ve/veya geliştirilmesi amaçlanan 'çeviri edinci' kavramı üzerinden yürütülmektedir. Çeviri edinci, akademik çeviri eğitimi açısından merkezi bir konu olarak değerlendirilebilir. Çünkü 'çeviri edinci'nin nasıl tanımlandığı, verilen eğitimin içeriğini ve usulünü belirleyebilecek denli temel bir sorgulamadır. Bu çalışmada 'çeviri edinci' kavramı tanımlanmaya çalışılacak, buradan hareketle akademik çeviri eğitiminin koşulları ve çevirmenin öznitelikleri içeriklendirilmeye çalışılacaktır.
Das lebensbegleitende Lernen – sei es institutionell oder nicht institutionell – dient offen oder verdeckt einer bestimmten Absicht. Von der vorbestimmten Absicht aus betrachtet wird jedes Gelernte einer Prüfung unterzogen. Im Rahmen dieses Referats wird eine literarische Prüfung eines DaF-Seminars mit Vorbedingungen und Nachwirkungen diskutiert. In wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten beschäftigt man sich überwiegend mit der Rolle der Lehrenden, der Lernenden und mit der Unterrichtsgestaltung. All diese Themen sind für den Unterricht, speziell für den Fremdsprachenunterricht, unumstritten. Ebenso von Bedeutung sollte die Bewertung der vermittelten bzw. angeeigneten Fremdsprachenkenntnisse sein. Das Referat wird das Prüfungsverfahren eines fremdsprachlichen Literaturseminars kritisch darstellen. Wichtiges Kriterium bei der Bewertung der Prüfungsergebnisse ist die Reflexion von produktiven Verfahren. Ausgehend vom 'produktiven Verfahren', werden Multiple Choice und offene Fragen – sei es Abfragen von gelernten Inhalten oder allgemeinen Kenntnissen in individuellen Aussagen – kontrastiv diskutiert. Das bevorzugte Prüfungsverfahren wird nach den Gütekriterien Validität, Reliabilität und Objektivität überprüft.
The present study is about note taking techniques in consecutive translation and their application. In the beginning we analyzed in the relevant literature, consecutive interpretation among translation techniques, note taking, and the function and features of note taking in consecutive translation. Afterwards, we presented the problems that an interpreter might face in consecutive interpretation with concrete examples and provided possible methods and techniques to overcome these. Hereby, we emphasized that note taking techniques are an important feature to remember while translating and its function as a memory supporting tool. In the last section we discussed the roles of a consecutive interpreter and emphasized within this context the usage of the earlier mentioned note taking techniques (use of acronyms, signs, and symbols). Moreover we highlighted that each interpreter has to have his/her own techniques and improve these continuously.
This paper deals with complex prefix-particle structures like aberkennen in German. First, it presents a scheme to analyse these double complex words from a synchronic point of view. Second, it is shown for words with ab-, that this type of word formation is typical for Middle and Early Modern High German and reasons for the decrease are discussed.
It is common knowledge in the field of Philippine linguistics that an ang-marked direct object in a non-actor focus clause must be definite or generic, while a ng-marked object in an actor focus clause typically receives a nonspecific interpretation. However, in contexts like wh-questions, the oblique object in an antipassive may be interpreted as specific, as noted by Schachter & Otanes (1972), Maclachlan & Nakamura (1997), Rackowski (2002), and others. […] In this paper, I propose to account for the specificity effects […] within the analysis of Tagalog syntax put forth by Aldridge (2004). I analyze Tagalog as an ergative language […]. Cross linguistically, antipassive oblique objects receive a nonspecific interpretation, while absolutives are definite or generic. I show in this paper how the Tagalog facts can be subsumed under a general account of ergativity.
Dialogue acts in Verbmobil 2
(1998)
This report describes the dialogue phases and the second edition dialogue acts which are used in the VERBMOBIL 2 project [...]. While in the first project phase the scenario was restricted to appointment scheduling dialogues, it has been extended to travel planning in the second phase with appointment scheduling being only a part of the new scenario.
The goal of this paper is to evaluate two approaches to quantification in event semantics, namely the analysis of quantificational DPs in terms of generalized quantifiers and the analysis proposed in Schein (1993) according to which quantifiers over individuals contain an existential quantifier over sub-events in their scope. Both analyses capture the fact that the event quantifier always takes scope under quantifiers over individuals (the Event Type Principle in Landman (2000)), but the sub-events analysis has also been argued to be able to account for some further data, namely for adverbs qualifying ‘ensemble’ events and for mixed cumulative/ distributive readings. This paper shows that the sub-events analysis also provides a better account of the Event Type Principle if a broader range of data is considered, including cases with non-existential quantifiers over events: unlike the generalized quantifiers analysis, it can successfully account for the interpretation of indefinites in bare habituals and sentences that contain overt adverbs of quantification.
In many languages, a passive-like meaning may be obtained through a noncanonical passive construction. The get passive (1b) in English, the se faire passive (2b) in French and the kriegen passive (3b) in German represent typical manifestations. This squib focuses on the behavior of the get-passive in English and discusses a number of restrictions associated with it as well as the status of get.
The paper is structured as follows. Section 2.1 introduces the basic classes of adjectives that constitute the factual core of the paper. Section 2.2 summarizes in greater detail the X° and the XP movement approaches to word order variation within the DP. Section 3 briefly discusses problems for both approaches. Sections 4.1, 5.1, and 5.2 draw from Alexiadou (2001) and contain a discussion of Greek DS and its relevance for a re-analysis of the word order variation in the Romance DP. Section 4.2 introduces refinements to Alexiadou & Wilder (1998) and Alexiadou (2001). Section 5.3. discusses certain issues that arise from the analysis of postnominal adjectives in Romance as involving raising of XPs. Section 6 discusses phenomena found in other languages, which at first sight seem similar to DS. However, I show that double definiteness in e.g. Hebrew, Scandinavian or other Balkan languages constitutes a different type of phenomenon from Greek DS, thus making a distinction between determiners that introduce CPs (Greek) and those that are merely morphological/agreement markers (Hebrew, Scandinavian, Albanian).
On the role of syntactic locality in morphological processes : the case of (Greek) derived nominals
(2008)
The paper is structured as follows. In section 2, I briefly summarize the facts on English and Greek nominalizations. In section 3, I discuss English nominal derivation in some detail. In section 4, I turn to the question of licensing of AS in nominals. In section 5, I turn to the issue of the optionality of licensing of AS in the nominal system.
Word formation in Distributed Morphology (see Arad 2005, Marantz 2001, Embick 2008): 1. Language has atomic, non-decomposable, elements = roots. 2. Roots combine with the functional vocabulary and build larger elements. 3. Roots are category neutral. They are then categorized by combining with category defining functional heads.
In this paper I investigate a change in the word order patterns of Greek nominalizations that took place from the Classical Greek (CG) period to the Modem Greek (MG) one. Specifically, in CG both the patterns in (A), with its two subtypes, and (B) were possible; the MG system, on the other hand, exhibits only the (B) pattern. The difference between the two systems is that agents can only be introduced in the form of prepositional phrase in MG nominals in a position following the head noun, while they could appear in a prenominal position bearing genitive case in CG. Moreover, the theme genitive, i.e. the objective genitive, could precede the head nominal in CG; this is no longer the case in MG, where the theme genitive follows the head noun obligatorily:
(A) i) Det-(Genagent)-Nprocess-Gentheme 1 ii) Det-Gentheme-Nprocess
(B)Det-Nprocess-Gentheme (Ppagent)
I argue that the unavailability of (A) in MG is linked to the nature and the properties associated with a nominal functional projection contained within process non~inals and to other related changes in the nominal system of Greek.
This paper is a preliminary comparative study of the relation between word order and information structure in three Null Subject Languages ((NSLs) Spanish, Italian and Greek). The aim is twofold: first I seek to examine the differences and the similarities among these languages in this domain of their syntax. Secon, I investigate the possible derivations of the various patterns and attempt to localize the differences among these languages in different underlying syntactic structures.
In this paper we investigate Greek, an optional clitic doubling language not subject to Kaynes generalization (Jaeggli 1982), and we argue that in this language, doubled DPs are in A-positions. We propose that Greek clitics are formal features that move, permitting DPs in argument positions. This leads to a typology according to which there are two types of clitic/agreement languages -configurational and nonconfigurational ones-, depending upon whether clitics are instantiations of formal features or not.
A commonly held view in the literature on Scrambling and Clitic Doubling is that both constructions are sensitive to Specificity. For this reason Sportiche (1992) proposes to unify the two, an approach which has become quite standard in the relevant literature ever since. However, the claim that clitic doubling is the counterpart of Germanic scrambling has never been substantiated. In this paper we present extensive evidence from Greek that Clitic Doubling has common formal properties with Germanic Scrambling/Object Shift. Our evidence consists mainly of binding facts observed when doubling takes place, which seem, at first sight, to be completely unexpected. On closer inspection, however, it turns out that these facts are strongly reminiscent of the effects showing up in Germanic scrambling. We propose that these properties can be derived under a theory of clitic constructions along the lines of Sportiche (1992) implemented into the framework of Chomsky (1995). Finally we suggest the that the crosslinguistic distribution of Scrambling as opposed to Clitic Doubling should be linked to a parameter relating to properties of Agr: Move/Merge XP vs. Move/Merge X° to Agr. We show that this parameter unifies the behaviour of subjects and objects within a language and across languages. The paper is organised as follows. In section 2 we present evidence from binding, interpretational and prosodic effects that doubling and scrambling display very similar properties. In section 3 we present Sportiches account and point out some problems for it. In section 4 we present our proposal.
The goal of this paper is to re-examine the status of the condition in (1) proposed in Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (2001; henceforth A&A 2001), in view of recent developments in syntactic theory. (1) The subject-in-situ generalization (SSG) By Spell-Out, vP can contain only one argument with a structural Case feature. We argue that (1) is a more general condition than previously recognized, and that the domain of its application is parametrized. More specifically, based on a comparison between Indo-European (IE) and Khoisan languages, we argue that (1) supports an interpretation of the EPP as a general principle, and not as a property of T. Viewed this way, the SSG is a condition that forces dislocation of arguments as a consequence of a constraint on Case checking.
In this paper we investigate the distribution of PPs related to external arguments (agent, causer, instrument, causing event) in Greek. We argue that their distribution supports an analysis, according to which agentive/instrument and causer PPs are licensed by distinct functional heads, respectively. We argue against a conceivable alternative analysis, which links agentivity and causation to the prepositions themselves. We furthermore identify a particular type of Voice head in Greek anticausative realised by non-active Voice morphology.
Structuring participles
(2008)
In this paper we discuss three types of adjectival participles in Greek, ending in -tos and –menos, and provide a further argument for the view that finer distinctions are necessary in the domain of participles (Kratzer 2001, Embick 2004). We further compare Greek stative participles to their German (and English) counterparts. We propose that a number of semantic as well as syntactic differences shown by these derive from differences in their respective morpho-syntactic composition.
In the recent literature there is growing interest in the morpho-syntactic encoding of hierarchical effects. The paper investigates one domain where such effects are attested: ergative splits conditioned by person. This type of splits is then compared to hierarchical effects in direct-inverse alternations. On the basis of two case studies (Lummi instantiating an ergative split person language and Passamaquoddy an inverse language) we offer an account that makes no use of hierarchies as a primitive. We propose that the two language types differ as far as the location of person features is concerned. In inverse systems person features are located exclusively in T, while in ergative systems, they are located in T and a particular type of v. A consequence of our analysis is that Case checking in split and inverse systems is guided by the presence/absence of specific phi-features. This in turn provides evidence for a close connection between Case and phi-features, reminiscent of Chomsky’s (2000, 2001) Agree.
The aim of this paper is to address two main counterarguments raised in Landau (2007) against the movement analysis of Control, and especially against the phenomenon of Backward Control. The paper shows that unlike the situation described in Tsez (Polinsky & Potsdam 2002), Landau's objections do not hold for Greek and Romanian, where all obligatory control verbs exhibit Backward Control. Our results thus provide stronger empirical support for a theoretical approach to Control in terms of Movement, as defended in Hornstein (1999 and subsequent work).
In the recent literature the phenomenon of long distance agreement has become the focus of several studies as it seems to violate certain locality conditions which require that agreeing elements in general stand in clause-mate relationships. In particular, it involves a verb agreeing with a constituent which is located in the verb's clausal complement and hence poses a challenge for theories that assume a strictly local relationship for agreement. In this paper we present empirical evidence from Greek and Romanian for the reality of long distance agreement. Specifically, we focus on raising constructions in these two languages and we show that they do not involve movement but rather instantiate long distance agreement. We further argue that subjunctives allowing long distance agreement lack both a CP layer and semantic Tense. However, since the embedded verb also bears phi-features, these constructions pose a further problem for assumptions that view the presence of phi-features as evidence for the presence of a C layer. Finally, we raise the question of the common properties that these languages have that lead to the presence of long distance agreement.
The causative/anticausative alternation has been the topic of much typological and theoretical discussion in the linguistic literature. This alternation is characterized by verbs with transitive and intransitive uses, such that the transitive use of a verb V means roughly "cause to Vintransitive" (see Levin 1993). The discussion revolves around two issues: the first one concerns the similarities and differences between the anticausative and the passive, and the second one concerns the derivational relationship, if any, between the transitive and intransitive variant. With respect to the second issue, a number of approaches have been developed. Judging the approach conceptually unsatisfactory, according to which each variant is assigned an independent lexical entry, it was concluded that the two variants have to be derivationally related. The question then is which one of the two is basic and where this derivation takes place in the grammar. Our contribution to this discussion is to argue against derivational approaches to the causative / anticausative alternation. We focus on the distribution of PPs related to external arguments (agent, causer, instrument, causing event) in passives and anticausatives of English, German and Greek and the set of verbs undergoing the causative/anticausative alternation in these languages. We argue that the crosslinguistic differences in these two domains provide evidence against both causativization and detransitivization analyses of the causative / anticausative alternation. We offer an approach to this alternation which builds on a syntactic decomposition of change of state verbs into a Voice and a CAUS component. Crosslinguistic variation in passives and anticausatives depends on properties of Voice and its combinations with CAUS and various types of roots.
In this paper we compare the distribution of PPs introducing external arguments in nominalizations with PPs introducing external arguments in the verbal domain. We show that several mismatches exist between the behavior of PPs in nominalizations and PPs in the verbal domain. This leads us to suggest that while PPs in the verbal domain are licensed by functional structure alone, within the nominal domain, PPs can also be licensed via an interplay of the encyclopaedic meaning of the root involved and the properties of the preposition itself. This second mechanism kicks in in the absence of functional structure.
Verbs, nouns and affixation
(2008)
What explains the rich patterns of deverbal nominalization? Why do some nouns have argument structure, while others do not? We seek a solution in which properties of deverbal nouns are composed from properties of verbs, properties of nouns, and properties of the morphemes that relate them. The theory of each plus the theory of howthey combine, should give the explanation. In exploring this, we investigate properties of two theories of nominalization. In one, the verb-like properties of deverbal nouns result from verbal syntactic structure (a “structural model”). See, for example, van Hout & Roeper 1998, Fu, Roeper and Borer 1993, 2001, to appear, Alexiadou 2001, to appear). According to the structural hypothesis, some nouns contain VPs and/or verbal functional layers. In the other theory, the verbal properties of deverbal nouns result from the event structure and argument structure of the DPs that they head. By “event structure” we mean a representation of the elements and structure of a linguistic event, not a representation of the world. We refer to this view as the “event model”. According to the event model hypothesis, all derived nouns are represented with the same syntactic structure, the difference lying in argument structure – which in turn is critically related to event structure, in the way sketched in Grimshaw (1990), Siloni (1997) among others. In pursuing these lines of analysis, and at least to some extent disentangling their properties, we reach the conclusion that, with respect to a core set of phenomena, the two theories are remarkably similar – specifically, they achieve success with the same problems, and must resort to the same stipulations to address the remaining issues that we discuss (although the stipulations are couched in different forms).
This paper deals with the variable position of adjectives in the Romanian DP. As all other Romance languages, Romanian allows for adjectives to appear in both prenominal and post-nominal position. In addition, however, Romanian has a third pattern: the so-called cel construction, in which the adjective in the post-nominal position is preceded by a determiner-like element, cel. This pattern is superficially similar to Determiner Spreading in Greek. In this paper we contrast the cel construction to Greek DS and discuss the similarities and differences between the two. We then present an analysis of cel as involving an appositive specification clause, building on de Vries (2002). We argue that the same structure is also involved in the context of nominal ellipsis, the second environment in which cel is found.