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U radu se prikazuju rezultati terenskoga istraživanja o pomicanju naglasaka u imenskih riječi na prednaglasnicu, odnosno o praslavenskom prijenosu siline unutar naglasne cjeline u čakavskome govoru Crikvenice. Pomicanje se naglasaka na prednaglasnicu provodi dosljedno u svima razmatranim kategorijama (osim u brojeva) u kojima su zadovoljeni ovi uvjeti: prvotni silazni naglasak na prvome (ili jedinome) slogu osnove one riječi koja čini naglasnu cjelinu s prijedlogom ispred sebe. U akuzativu su imenica muškoga i ženskoga roda zabilježene alternacije. Pomicanje naglasaka na prednaglasnicu u nekim primjerima srednjega roda u L jd. zahvaća i drugotne silazne naglaske koji su se na prvome slogu osnove našli naknadno, zbog naglasnoga ujednačavanja paradigme ili naglasnoga tipa.
Dragutin Antun Parčić svojim nam je leksikografskim opusom u trajno nasljeđe ostavio niz dvojezičnih rječnika, talijansko-hrvatskih i hrvatsko-talijanskih, od kojih je Rječnik hrvatsko-talijanski, tiskan 1901. godine, svakako kruna njegova leksikografskoga rada. Iako bogat izvor nazivlja, rječnik je do danas nedovoljno istražen. Cilj je ovoga rada usporediti pomorsko nazivlje koje Parčić donosi u svome rječniku s pomorskim nazivljem koje pola stoljeća kasnije Adolf Bratoljub Klaić zapisuje u Rječniku stranih riječi. Analiza suvremenoga pomorskog nazivoslovlja pokazuje da su noštromizmi, tj. hrvatskome jeziku prilagođeni pomorski nazivi mediteranskoga, uglavnom talijanskoga porijekla, u uzusnoj uporabi, dok je u normativnoj literaturi prednost dana hrvatskome nazivlju. Uzusno je strukovno nazivlje zabilježeno u suvremenim hrvatskim pomorskim rječnicima i rječnicima stranih riječi, a osim noštromizama zapisanih u rječnicima iz 19. stoljeća uvodi se novo nazivlje pod utjecajem engleskoga kao međunarodnoga jezika prometa i pomorstva. U radu se osim u Klaićevu i Parčićevu rječniku propituju zapisi pomorskih leksikografa iz 19. stoljeća.
This article provides a comprehensive overview of the contribution of linguistic research on Portuguese as a heritage language in Germany to the general understanding of heritage language development. From 1955 to 1973, nearly 166,000 Portuguese migrants found work in Germany as so-called ‘guest workers’ (Gastarbeiter). Because the aim of many Portuguese migrant families was to return to Portugal, their children met relatively good conditions for the acquisition of their heritage language. Nonetheless, second-generation heritage speakers (HSs) show some linguistic particularities in comparison to monolingual Portuguese speakers in Portugal. Based on the results of previous research, we show that the following factors shape the linguistic knowledge of this group of bilinguals: (1) Restricted exposure to the heritage language may cause a delay in the development of certain linguistic structures, (2) deviations from the standard norm may be related to the lack of formal education and the primacy of the colloquial register and (3) heritage bilinguals may accelerate ongoing diachronic development. We argue that apparent effects of influence from the environmental language can often have alternative explanations.
Part-of-Speech tagging is generally performed by Markov models, based on bigram or trigram models. While Markov models have a strong concentration on the left context of a word, many languages require the inclusion of right context for correct disambiguation. We show for German that the best results are reached by a combination of left and right context. If only left context is available, then changing the direction of analysis and going from right to left improves the results. In a version of MBT (Daelemans et al., 1996) with default parameter settings, the inclusion of the right context improved POS tagging accuracy from 94.00% to 96.08%, thus corroborating our hypothesis. The version with optimized parameters reaches 96.73%.
In this study I want to show, above all, that the linguistic expression of POSSESSION is not a given but represents a problem to be solved by the human mind. We must recognize from the outset that linguistic POSSESSION presupposes conceptual or notional POSSESSION, and I shall say more about the latter in Chapter 3. Certain varieties of linguistic structures in the particular languages are united by the fact that they serve the common purpose of expressing notional POS SESSION. But this cannot be their sole common denominator. How would we otherwise be able to recognize, to understand, to learn and to translate a particular linguistic structure as representing POSSESSION? There must be a properly linguistic common denominator, an invariant, that makes this possible. The invariant must be present both within a particular language and in cross-language comparison. What is the nature of such an invariant? As I intend to show, it consists in operational programs and functional principles corresponding to the purpose of expressing notional POSSESSION. The structures of possessivity which we find in the languages of the world represent the traces of these operations, and from the traces it becomes possible to reconstruct stepwise the operations and functions.
This paper deals with restitutive and repetitive 'wieder'. Proceeding from the assumption that adverbial adjuncts have base positions which reflect their semantic relations to the rest of the sentence, it is shown that repetitive 'wieder' belongs to the class of event adverbs minimally c-commanding the base positions of all arguments whereas restitutive 'wieder' has many properties in common with process adjuncts, minimally c-commanding the final verb.
This paper deals with restitutive and repetitive wieder. Proceeding from the assumption that adverbial adjuncts have base positions which reflect their semantic relations to the rest of the sentence, it is shown that repetitive wieder belongs to the class of event adverbs minimally c-commanding the base positions of all arguments whereas restitutive wieder has many properties in common with process adjuncts, minimally c-commanding the final verb.
Posljedice globalizacijskih procesa vidljive su i u jeziku kao tendencija k internacionalizaciji. Internacionalizacija, ili možda preciznije angloamerikanizacija, zahvatila je sve jezike modernoga svijeta. Hrvatski jezik nije iznimka. U ovom ćemo radu spomenuti samo neke od posljedica internacionalizacije, i to na leksičkoj, tvorbenoj i semantičkoj razini.
Possession im Dakota
(1985)
Zweck dieser Arbeit ist die Darstellung der sprachlichen Mittel, derer sich das Dakota zum Ausdruck von Possessiv-Relationen bedient. Dem Hauptteil geht eine in die Thematik einführende Charakterisierung der untersuchten Sprache sowie eine Betrachtung des sprachtheoretischen Hintergrundes voraus. Eine systematisierende Zusammenfassung der relevanten Daten bildet den Abschluß der Arbeit. Mangels Belegstellen konnten allerdings nicht alle Fragen, die sich aus der Auseinandersetzung mit der Materie ergaben, restlos geklärt werden. Die Beispiele stammen großenteils aus Mythen; sofern sie nicht mit Quellenangaben versehen sind, sind sie von der Verfasserin konstruiert.
Possessive constructions are grammatical constructions which contain two nominals and express that the referent of one of these nominals belongs to the other. The kind of relationship denoted by possessive constructions is not only that of ownership (1), as the term "possessive" might suggest, but also that of kinship (2), bodypart relationship (3), part/whole relationship (4) and similar relationships [...]. The following investigation will start with possessive constructions on phrase level, i.e. possessive phrases, and then deal with possessive constructions on clause level.
The basic question is whether POSSESSOR and POSSESSUM are on the same level as the roles of VALENCE, two additional roles as it were. My research on POSSESSION has shown (Seiler 1981:7 ff.) that this is not the case, that there is a difference in principle between POSSESSION and VALENCE. However, there are multiple interactions between the two domains, and these interactions shall constitute the object of the following inquiry. It is hoped that this will contribute to a better understanding both of POSSESSION and of VALENCE.
Eine allgeneine und theoretische Antwort auf die Frage, ob der Begriff "Possesivität" zur grammatischen Beschreibung einer natürlichen Sprache gehören solle oder nicht, wird je nach Standpunkt verschieden ausfallen. Man kann auch anders vorgehen, indem man in einem vortheoretischen Verständnis einen Begriff "Possesssivität" zunächst annimmt und zusieht, wie die Repräsentationen eines solchen Begriffs in je einer einzelnen Sprache sich gestalten. Die Möglichkeit, dass sich daraus, fast von alleine, eine Bestätigung und Präzisierung für diesen Begriff, ja sogar der eine oder andere Anhaltspunkt für dessen Universalität ergibt, dürfte man nicht ausschliessen. Der .Aufsatz von Hansjakob Seiler scheint schon in Zusammenhangmit diesem Problem nicht nur das Wesentlichste klargemacht zu haben; er stellt auch die Frage nach einem gemeinsamen Prinzip, dem die einzelnen Sprachen gehorchen, wenn sie die Possessivitätsrelation ausdrücken.
Dieser Beitrag ist ein Vorschlag, auf der grammatisch-semantischen Ebene dieses Prinzip in einer konktreten Sprache, dem Polnischen, aufgrund der die Possessivität ausdrückenden Mittel und ihrer Bereiche zu illustrieren. Daher wird hier semantisch davon ausgegangen, dass die Possessivität eine Relation ausdrückt, die den Verhältnis des Teils zum Ganzen entspricht. Ob man nun diese Relation als direkte Zugehörigkeit zur Menge oder als eine Art indirekter Zugehörigkeit, nämlich zum Besitzer der Menge auffasst, wäre eine Frage über die aufgrund der Struktur der betreffenden Sprache entschieden werden sollte, – vorausgesetzt immer, dass die Possessivität ein sprachlich ausgeprägtes und sprachwissenschaftlich beschreibbares Phänomen ist.
I. Zum Problem der Possessivität im Cahuilla (Uto-Aztekisch, Süd-Kalifornien) -
Von "possessiv", ''Possessivität'' wird in den Grammatiken verschiedener Sprachen in mindestens zwei verschiedenen Zusammenhängen gesprochen: 1.) Im Zusammenhang mit den "Possessivpronomina" und mit "Genitiv", z. B. dt. 'Karls Vater', 'sein Tod', 'seine Verurteilung', 2.) Im Zusammenhang mit 'haben', 'gehören', 'besitzen'. Daß die beiden Zusammenhänge nicht koextensiv sind, zeigt sich etwa bei 'sein Tod', wo neben es kein *'er hat einen Tod' gibt. Ebenso ist neben 'Karls Vater' ein Satz wie *'Karl gehört der (oder: ein) Vater' abweichend, zumindest wenn es sich um den leiblichen Vater Karls handeln soll. Das zeigt sich auch, daß die von der TG lange geübte Praxis, die Genitiv-Syntagmen auf 'haben'-Syntagmen zurückzuführen, nicht den Tatsachen entspricht. In anderen indogermanischen Sprachen finden wir ähnliches wie im Deutschen. Wir wissen zwar, was "Possessivpronomina" qua morphologische Klasse sind; aber syntaktisch und erst recht semantisch ist das Phänomen ''Possessiv'' weitgehend ungeklärt.
[...]
Ich glaube nun in einer Sprache den Bereich der Probleme einigermaßen zu überschauen, die man traditionellerweise und ohne recht zu wissen wie, mit dem Terminus "possessiv" in Verbindung bringt. Die Sprache heißt CAHUILLA, wird im südlichen Kalifornien von wenigen Sprechern noch gesprochen und gehört zur Uto-Aztekischen Sprachfamilie.
II. Possessivität und Universalien -
In meinem ersten Vortrag bin ich davon ausgegangen, daß für eine gegebene Sprache bei guter Kenntnis derselben eine zunächst intuitive Erfassung eines Bereichs der Grammatik möglich ist, den man sodann durch eine Theorie und nachprüfbare Methoden schrittweise auf die Ebene des wissenschaftlichen Bewusstseins zu heben versucht. Es handelt sich um jenen Bereich, dessen Grundprinzipien semantischer Natur sind, an dem aber auch die Syntax einen wesentlichen Anteil hat. Wie man den Bereich nachher nennt, ist weniger wichtig; ich sehe kein Hindernis, den traditionellen Terminus "possessiv", "Possessivität" dafür zu verwenden. Auch heute, in dem zweiten Vortrag, in dem es zunächst vor allem ums Deutsche, dann aber um die Frage nach den sogenannten Universalien geht, will ich wieder davon ausgehen, daß es möglich ist, einen semanto-syntaktischen Bereich "Possessivität" intuitiv abzustecken. Ich will dafür zunächst einen prominenten Zeugen aufrufen, der das fürs Griechische getan hat: Aristoteles.
The present study poses the question on what phonetic and phonological grounds postalveolar fricatives in Polish can be analyzed as retroflex and whether postalveolar fricatives in other Slavic languages are retroflex as well. Velarization and incompatibility with front vowels are introduced as articulatory criteria for retroflexion, based on crosslinguistic data. According to these criteria, Polish and Russian have retroflex fricatives, whereas Bulgarian and Czech do not. In a phonological representation of these Slavic retroflexes, the necessity of perceptual features is shown. Lastly, it is illustrated that palatalization of retroflex fricatives both in Slavic languages and more generally causes a phonetic and phonological change to a non-retroflex sound.
The present study investigates the representation of non-standardised varieties of English in literary prose texts. This is achieved by creating and annotating a corpus of literary texts from Scotland, West Africa, and Southeast Asia. The analysis addresses two major topics. Firstly, the extent of representation reveals clearly distinct feature profiles across regions, coupled with varying feature densities. Feature profiles are also relevant to individual characters, as certain traits such as social status, ethnicity, or age can be signalled by linguistic means. The second topic, accuracy of representation, compares the features observed in literary texts with descriptions of the actual varieties, and suggests that representations of varieties may differ from their real-life models in the sense that highly frequent features may be absent from texts, while less frequent but more emblematic ones, or even invented ones, may be used by authors to render a variety of English in their texts.
U radu se raspravlja o leksikografskome statusu dvorječnih pozdrava dobro jutro, dobar dan, dobra večer i laku noć u hrvatskim rječnicima te se upućuje i na strane leksikografske pristupe. Naglasak je na značenjskim i komunikacijskim obilježjima pozdrava koja ih određuju kao posebnu leksičku skupinu te se predlaže da dvorječni pozdravi kao i jednorječni (zdravo, zbogom, doviđenja) postanu samostalne rječničke natuknice.
U ovome se radu bavimo formom i funkcijom poštapalica u razgovornom bosanskom jeziku s obzirom na njihovu pozicijsku valentnost u konstrukcijskim komunikacijskim jedinicama (TCU). Poštapalice zauzimaju periferno mjesto u formalno-gramatičkim modelima i najčešće se analiziraju sa stilskog ili sociolingvističkog aspekta, pri čemu se njihova uporaba ne preporučuje, jer se smatraju obilježjem lošeg govornog stila i nepotrebnim dodatcima u govoru. Ovdje ih promatramo s aspekta njihove uporabe pri organizaciji i konstrukciji komunikacijskih cjelina i tvrdimo da su poštapalice neophodni konverzacijski elementi čija funkcija proizlazi iz elementarnih mehanizama konverzacijske razmjene definiranih u Sacks et al. (1974) – potrebe da se pri konverzaciji umanje praznine i simultani govor. Analiza obuhvaća oko 550 poštapalica izdvojenih iz korpusa (Kurtić et al. 2012) koji se sastoji od audio-vizualnog zapisa razgovora četiriju govornika bosanskog jezika (oko četiri sata snimljenog materijala). Služeći se metodološkim okvirom konverzacijske analize, opisat ćemo različite funkcije poštapalica, čime ćemo nastojati revidirati tvrdnje da su poštapalice smetnja u konverzaciji.