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Children […] growing up with highly inflected languages such as Modern Greek will frequently hear different grammatical forms of a given lexeme used in different grammatical and semantic-pragmatic contexts. In spite of the fact that the Greek noun is not as highly inflected as the verb, acquisition of nominal inflection of this inflecting-fusional language is quite complex, comprising the three categories of case, number, and gender. As is usual in this type of language, the formation of case-number forms obeys different patterns that apply to largely arbitrary classes of nominal lexemes partially based on gender. Further, frequency of the occurrence of the three gender classes and case-number forms of nouns greatly differs in spoken Greek, regarding both the types and tokens. […] [A] child learning an inflecting-fusional language like Greek must construct different inflectional patterns depending not only on parts of speech but also on subclasses within a given part of speech, such as gender classes of nouns and inflectional classes within or (exceptionally) across genders. It is therefore to be expected that the early development of case and number distinctions will apply to specific nouns and subclasses of nouns rather than the totality of Greek nouns. The two main theoretical approaches of morphological development that will be discussed in the present paper are the usage-based approach and the pre- and protomorphology approach.
The early acquisition of Greek compounds by two monolingual Greek girls aged between 1;8 and 3;0 years is studied in a usage-based theoretical framework. Special importance is attached to the morphological structure of Greek compound types occurring in child speech and child-directed speech. Greek nominal compound formation does not consist in the mere juxtaposition of words or roots, but involves stems as well as a compound marker. Major questions addressed are the transparency of compounds and productive nominal compound formation. Evidence for productivity of nominal compound formation has been found with only one of the two girls. In contrast to other languages, neoclassical nominal compounds by far exceed endocentric subordinative ones tokenwise in Greek child speech and child-directed speech providing evidence of entrenchment rather than productivity.
In a cross-linguistic comparison it is shown that, in spite of the fact that both Standard Modern Greek and German are rich in nominal compounds, their number is much more limited in Greek than in German child speech. An explanation for this apparent paradox is provided by an onomasiological approach to lexical typology based on a sample list of nominal compounds occurring in German child language and their Greek translational equivalents. It has been found that while use of nominal compounds is common in colloquial German including child-centered situations, it is more typical of Greek formal than colloquial registers.
On the early development of aspect in greek and russian child language, a comparative analysis
(2003)
The category of aspect is grammaticized in both Greek and Russian opposing perfective and imperfective verb forms in all inflectional categories except the nonpast (‘present’). Despite these similarities there are important differences in the way the aspectual systems function in the two languages. While in Greek nearly all verbs oppose a perfective to a given imperfective grammatical form, Russian aspect is more strongly lexicalized with pairs of imperfective and perfective lexemes not only differing aspectually, but also as far as their lexical meanings are concerned. This is especially true of perfective verbs formed by prefixes as compared to their imperfective bases. Thus, in pairs of prefixed and unprefixed dynamic verbs, the derived prefixed (perfective) member has a telic meaning while its unprefixed (imperfective) counterpart is atelic (e.g. sjest’ (PFV) ‘to eat up’ vs. jest’ (IPF) ‘to eat’). Such derived perfective verbs may in turn be “secondarily” imperfectivized by suffixation furnishing the only “true” perfective/imperfective pairs of verbs (e.g. sjest’ (PFV) ‘to eat up’ vs. sjedat’ (IPF) ‘to eat up’ (iterative)). “Secondary” imperfectives do not occur in our child data.
In this pilot study, we will analyze the tense-aspect-mood forms of the 20 most frequent verbs with equivalent meanings occurring in the longitudinal audiotaped data of a Greek and a Russian boy between 2;1 and 2;3 (their entire lexical inventories comprise approx. 100 verbs each).
We adopt a constructivist perspective on the development of aspect in Greek and Russian child language and will show that in spite of a broad inventory of imperfective and perfective verb forms to be found in the speech of both children aspect has not yet developed into a generalized grammatical category, but is strongly dependent on aktionsart (stative/dynamic, telic/atelic) in both languages. While this results in a strong preference for perfective verb forms of telic verbs and of imperfective forms of atelic ones in the speech of the Greek boy, the Russian child tends to use the unmarked members.
This paper looks at sentences with "quantificational indefinites," discussed by Diesing (1992) and others. I propose that these sentences generate sets of alternatives of the form {p, not p and it's possible that p}, which restrict the quantification by an extension of familiar focus principles. For example, in the sentence "I usually read a book about slugs" (on the relevant reading), "usually" quantifies over pairs <x,t> such that x is a book about slugs, t is a time interval, and one alternative is true from the set {I read x at t, I can but do not read x at t}. In addition to accounting for a well-known contrast between creation and non-creation verbs, this also explains a second contrast that Diesing’s analysis cannot account for.
In this article, I provide a description and analysis of the morphemes čiɫ 'do to', ḥta 'do towards' and cḥin 'do for' in the Southern Wakashan language Nuuchahnulth (nuučaan̓uɫ). I argue that these morphemes are verbal applicatives that add a non-core argument to the thematic structure of a verb.
Verbal applicatives in Nuuchahnulth are interesting to investigate because they exhibit typologically unique behaviour that has never been studied before. Applicatives are traditionally considered functional elements whose only purpose is to add an indirect object to the argument structure of the verb (Pylkkanen 2002:17). Nuuchahnulth is the only known language that productively uses independent verbs for this purpose.
Nuuchahnulth is an indigenous language of Canada spoken in the province of British Columbia. It consists of 14 major dialects, most of which have never been studied. All of these dialects are now highly endangered and urgently need to be documented.
'Correction' is the name of a sentence with contrastive focus' the phonological/phonetic realization of which is a single contrastive pitch accent. These sentences predominantly appear in (fictional) dialogues. The first speaker uses grammatical entities against which the next speaker protests with a sentence nearly identical except that it contains a prosodically marked corrective element. This paper makes contrastive focus visible by means of 'KF' (contrastive focus).
Mit der mittelhochdeutschen Nebensilbenabschwächung beschäftigt sich Tanja Stevanovićs Beitrag "Wo sind die vollen Vokale geblieben? Eine Untersuchung möglicher Einflussfaktoren auf die Nebensilbenabschwächung". Dafür hat sie in einer Korpusuntersuchung im Referenzkorpus Mittelhochdeutsch schwache Verben analysiert, die trotz der fortschreitenden Nebensilbenabschwächung noch im Mittelhochdeutschen Vollvokale in Endsilben aufweisen.
This questionnaire focuses on control structures that are instantiated by predicates that take a state of affairs (SOA) argument. Noonan (1985) has called these predicates 'complement-taking predicates'; I will use the notion of SOAAtaking predicates (SOAA = state of affairs argument).
Prototypically, complement control is instantiated by certain classes of verbs; however, adjectives (be eager to) and nouns (e.g. nominalizations such as promise) may function as control predicates as well. 'Control' refers to the pattern of argument identification between an argument of the SOAA-taking predicate and an argument of the SOAA-head. In the literature the notion of 'equi deletion' or 'equi-NP deletion' has been used (following Rosenbaum 1967), which refers to structures in which an overt argument of the matrix predicate is identified with a covert argument of the embedded predicate. This questionnaire aims at a cross-linguistic application of the notion of control and thus uses a semantic definition of complement control. It extends the notion of control to other patterns of referential dependency between arguments of a SOAA-taking predicate and of the embedded predicate.
Rad opisuje jedan od dvaju interpunkcijskih znakova (središnje crte i navodnici) koji bitno odstupaju od odnosa jednoga znaka za jedno (unikodno) značenje. Dok navodnici imaju višestruke grafeme (točnije, osam) za jedno značenje, središnje crte najčešće imaju dva grafema (kraća i dulja crta) koja pokrivaju čak 11 (unikodnih i latiničnih) crtnih znakova. Dok je kriterij crtne duljine tradicionalno visoko istaknut u pravopisnim priručnicima, u predstavljenoj se kategorizaciji on nalazi tek na šestoj hijerarhijskoj razini. Osim što su u međuvremenu standardizirana dva nova unikodna crtna znaka (two-em dash i three-em dash, Unicode 6.1, siječanj 2012.), drugačija metodologija i uspoređivanje jezičnopovijesnoga i računalnojezikoslovnoga aspekta proširila je spoznaje o crtnim znakovima u hrvatskome jeziku o kojima je pisano u Portada i Stojanov (2009). Predstavlja se kategorizacija osjetljiva na dihotomiju grafičkoga prikaza i značenja koja sve crtne znakove dijeli u pet hijerarhijskih razina. Između 44 unikodna vodoravna i neprekinuta crtna znaka, podjelom prema tipu, vremenu, funkciji, smjeru i visini, došlo se do 11 latiničnih suvremenih pismovnih vodoravnih središnjih znakova među kojima svaki latinični jezik odabire svoje crtne znakove. Svim se crtnim unikodnim grafemima opisalo značenje i uporaba. S druge strane, crtni se znakovi promatraju u kroatističkoj jezičnopovijesnoj pravopisnoj perspektivi. U odnosu na bogati repozitorij unikodno standardiziranih crtnih znakova utvrdilo se da je pravopisna norma bitno redukcijska. Pravopisno normiranje crtnih znakova podijelilo se u dva razdoblja i tri skupine, ovisno o grafemskome obliku (prva i druga generacija pravopisnih pri ručnika) i nazivlju (prijestandardna faza i dva standardna smjera normiranja ovisno o prihvaćanju terminoloških parova spojnica – crtica i crtica – crta). Na temelju jezičnopovijesnoga i računalnojezikoslovnoga poredbenog istraživanja te na temelju supostavljanja unikodne standardizacije crtnih znakova pravopisnoj tradiciji opisa središnjih crta željelo se ukazati na (i) potrebu za širim i interdisciplinarnim pristupom opisa pisane jezične prakse, (ii) nedovoljnost opisa školske razine pravopisnih priručnika za suvremeno pisanje, kao i na (iii) nedostatnost postojeće kroatističke kodifikacije obaju terminoloških smjerova. Da bi se pravopisni priručnici mogli nazvati znanstveno utemeljenim djelima, u znatnijoj bi mjeri trebali opisati računalno pisanje i na razini interpunkcije uvesti razlikovanje znaka i grafema. Jedno od takvih mjesta opisa prema kojima bi pravopisi mogli unaprijediti svoju tehnološku suvremenost jest pitanje pisanja spojnice na početku prelomljena retka o čemu se iznijelo osam argumenata za odbacivanje aktualne tradicije. Raščlamba je pokazala da ima opravdanosti da se crtna kodifikacija temelji na trima ili četirima znakovima koji se iz 11 unikodnih latiničnih znakova svode uspostavljanjem osnovnih skupina središnjih crta, radno nazvanih c1, c2, c3 i c4 kao najkraća, srednje duga, duga i jako duga središnja crta.