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In linguistics and the philosophy of language, the mass/count distinction has traditionally been regarded as a bi-partition on the nominal domain, where typical instances are nouns like "beef" (mass) vs."cow" (count). In the present paper, we argue that this partition reveals a system that is based on both syntactic features and conceptual features, and present experimental evidence suggesting that the discrimination of the two kinds of features has a psychological reality.
Die vorliegende Untersuchung behandelt ein spezifisches Problem aus dem Bereich des Bruchunterrichts, nämlich das Problem der Bezeichnungsweise sogenannter „gemischter Zahlen“. Wir werden – nach der Klärung der Terminologie – zunächst die relevanten Daten vorstellen, die wir den Bruchalben von Schüler(innen) einer 6.Klasse entnommen haben (Abschnitt 3). Nach der Darstellung des Fehlerphänomens werden wir dann die kognitiven Fehlerursachen analysieren:2 Die aufgefundenen Normabweichungen werden als Folge eines spezifischen „Interpretationsproblems“ diskutiert, das wir mithilfe linguistischer Analysen auf verbalsprachliche Parallelen der betreffenden Bruchzahlbezeichnungen mit Anzahlangaben zurückführen (Abschnitt 4); auf dieser Basis skizzieren wir Vorschläge für den Mathematikunterricht, die zur Bewältigung des diskutierten Problems beitragen sollen (Abschnitt 5).
The paper investigates the origins of the German/Dutch particle toch/doch) in the hope of shedding light on a puzzle with respect to doch/toch and to shed some light on two theoretical issues. The puzzle is the nearly opposite meaning of the stressed and unstressed versions of the particle which cannot be accounted for in standard theories of the meaning of stress. One theoretical issue concerns the meaning of stress: whether it is possible to reduce the semantic contribution of a stressed item to the meaning of the item and the meaning of stress. The second issue is whether the complex use of a particle like doch/toch can be seen as an instance of spread or whether it has to be seen as having a core meaning which is differentiated by pragmatics operating in different contexts.
We use the etymology of doch and doch as to+u+h (that+ question marker+ emphatic marker) to argue for an origin as a question tag checking a hearer opinion. Stress on the tag indicates an opposite opinion (of the common ground or the speaker) and this sets apart two groups of uses spreading in different directions. This solves the puzzle, indicates that the assumption of spread is useful and offers a subtle correction of the interpretation of stress. While stress always means contrast with a contrasting item, if the particle use is due to spread, it is not guaranteed that the unstressed particle has a corresponding use (or inversely).
This article analyses the German discourse particle wohl 'I suppose', 'presumably' as a syntactic and semantic modifier of the sentence types declarative and interrogative. It is shown that wohl does not contribute to the propositional, i.e. descriptive content of an utterance. Nor does it trigger an implicature. The proposed analysis captures the semantic behaviour of wohl by assuming that it moves to SpecForceP at LF, from where it can modify the sentence type operators in Force0 in compositional fashion. Semantically, a modification with wohl results in a weaker commitment to the proposition expressed in declaratives and in a request for a weaker commitment concerning the questioned proposition in interrogatives. Cross-linguistic evidence for a left-peripheral position of wohl (at LF) comes from languages in which the counterpart of wohl occurs in the clausal periphery overtly. Overall, the analysis sheds more light on the semantic properties of the left periphery, in particular of the functional projection ForceP.