Linguistik
Refine
Year of publication
- 2003 (85) (remove)
Document Type
- Part of a Book (36)
- Article (23)
- Conference Proceeding (10)
- Preprint (6)
- Working Paper (4)
- Book (2)
- Review (2)
- Bachelor Thesis (1)
- Report (1)
Language
- English (85) (remove)
Has Fulltext
- yes (85)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (85)
Keywords
- Morphologie (14)
- Phonologie (12)
- Aspekt (10)
- Englisch (9)
- Kindersprache (7)
- Phonetik (7)
- Semantik (7)
- Optimalitätstheorie (5)
- Sinotibetische Sprachen (5)
- Slawische Sprachen (5)
- Zischlaut (5)
- Deutsch (4)
- Qiang-Sprache (4)
- Aspekt <Linguistik> (3)
- Japanisch (3)
- Linguistik (3)
- Metapher (3)
- Palatalisierung (3)
- Russisch (3)
- Adjektiv (2)
- Bedeutungswandel (2)
- Französisch (2)
- Fremdsprachenlernen (2)
- Generative Grammatik (2)
- Griechisch (2)
- Kontrastive Linguistik (2)
- Koreanisch (2)
- Lexicalized Tree Adjoining Grammar (2)
- Phonem (2)
- Polnisch (2)
- Retroflex (2)
- Rezension (2)
- Sprachtypologie (2)
- Syntax (2)
- Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft (2)
- 20th century (1)
- Afar (1)
- Albanisch (1)
- Alemannic dialects (1)
- Alsace (1)
- Anatolische Sprachen (1)
- Anlaut (1)
- Auslaut (1)
- Australische Sprachen (1)
- Bedeutungsunterschied (1)
- Binarismus (1)
- Computerlinguistik (1)
- Dialog (1)
- Drung (1)
- Evolutionstheorie (1)
- Frage (1)
- Galician (1)
- Galicisch (1)
- Glossar (1)
- Grammatiktheorie (1)
- Gujarati (1)
- Halbvokal (1)
- Hebräisch (1)
- Hirnfunktion (1)
- Ikon (1)
- Informationsstruktur (1)
- Keltische Sprachen (1)
- Kikuyu (1)
- Kiranti (1)
- Kognitionswissenschaft (1)
- Kognitive Linguistik (1)
- Kommunikation (1)
- Kommunikationsanalyse (1)
- Konsonant (1)
- Korpus <Linguistik> (1)
- Kroatisch (1)
- LTAG (1)
- Lautmalerei (1)
- Lehnwort (1)
- Lerntheorie (1)
- Linguistic change (1)
- Manx (1)
- Mikronesische Sprachen (1)
- Morphologie <Linguistik> (1)
- Nasal (1)
- Neugriechisch (1)
- Nicht-Übersetzbarkeit (1)
- Niederländisch (1)
- Nominalisierung (1)
- Pragmatik (1)
- Prosodie (1)
- Psiphänomen (1)
- Reibelaut (1)
- Religion (1)
- Satzakzent (1)
- Schmerz (1)
- Schottisch (1)
- Silbe (1)
- Skandinavische Sprachen (1)
- Spanisch (1)
- Sprachlehrbuch (1)
- Substantiv (1)
- Symposium (1)
- Tempus (1)
- Textlinguistik (1)
- Thema-Rhema-Gliederung (1)
- Tschechisch (1)
- Velar (1)
- Vergangenheitstempus (1)
- Verwandtschaftsbezeichnung (1)
- Vokal (1)
- Vokaldehnung (1)
- Wirtschaft (1)
- Wortlänge (1)
- Zahlbegriff (1)
- Zweitsprachenerwerb (1)
- computational semantics (1)
- language change (1)
- lexicalized tree-adjoining grammar (1)
- quantifier scope (1)
- sociolinguistics (1)
- sociology of language (1)
- underspecification (1)
- variational linguistics (1)
- Übersetzung (1)
Institute
Glide formation, a process whereby an underlying high front vowel is realized as a palatal glide, is shown to occur only in unstressed prevocalic position in German, and to be blocked by specific surface restrictions such as *ji and *ʁj. Traditional descriptions of glide formation (including derivational as well as Optimality theoretic approaches) refer to the syllable in order to capture its conditions. The present study illustrates that glide formation (plus the distribution of long and short tense /i/) in German can better be captured in a Functional Phonology account (Boersma 1998) which makes reference to stress instead of the syllable and thus overcomes problems of former approaches.
This paper reviews research on English past-tense acquisition to test the validity of the single mechanism model and the dual mechanism model, focusing on regular-irregular dissociation and semantic bias. Based on the review, it is suggested that in L1 acquisition, both regular and irregular verbs are governed by semantics; that is, early use of past tense forms are restricted to achievement verbs—regular or irregular. In contrast, some L2 acquisition studies show stronger semantic bias for regular past tense forms (e.g., Housen, 2002, Rohde, 1996). It is argued that L1 acquisition of the past-tense morphology can be accounted for more adequately by the single-mechanism model.
While both Japanese and English have a grammatic al form denoting the progressive, the two forms (te-iru & be+ing) interact differently with the inherent semantics of the verb to which they attach (Kindaichi, 1950; McClure, 1995; Shirai, 2000). Japanese change of state verbs are incompatible with a progressive interpretation, allowing only a resultative interpretation of V+ te-iru, while a progressive interpretation is preferred for activity predicates. English be+ing denotes a progressive interpretation regardless of the lexical semantics of the verb. The question that arises is how we can account for the fact that change of state verbs like dying can denote a progressive interpretation in English, but not in Japanese. While researchers such as Kageyama (1996) and Ogihara (1998, 1999) propose that the difference lies in the lexical semantics of the verbs themselves, others such as McClure (1995) have argued that the difference lies in the semantics of the grammatical forms, be+ing and te-iru. We present results from an experimental study of Japanese learners’ interpretation of the English progressive which provide support for McClure’s proposal. Results indicate that independent of verb type, learners had significantly more difficulty with the past progressive. We argue that knowledge of L2 semantics-syntax correspondences proceeds not on the basis of L1 lexical semantic knowledge, but on the basis of grammatical forms.
In this paper I discuss the properties of particle verbs in light of a proposal about syntactic projection. In section 2 I suggest that projection involves functional structure in two important ways: (i) only functional phrases can be complements, and (ii) lexical heads that take complements and project must be inflected. In section 3, I show that the structure of particle verbs is not uniform with respect to (i) and (ii). On the one hand, a particle always combines with an inflected verb; in this respect, particle verbs look like verb-complement constructions. On the other hand, the particle is not a functional phrase and therefore is not a proper complement, which makes the combination of the particle and the verb look more like a morphologically complex verb. I argue that syntactic rules can in fact interpret the node dominating the particle and the verb as a projection and as a complex head. In section 4, I show that many of the characteristic properties of particle verbs in the Germanic languages follow from the fact that they are structural hybrids.