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During the past decade, processes associated with what is popularly though perhaps misleadingly known as globalization have come within the purview of anthropology. Migration and mobility ‐ and the footloose or even rootless social groups that they produce ‐ as well as the worldwide diffusion of commodities, media images, political ideas and practices, technologies and scientific knowledge today are on anthropology's research agenda. As a consequence, received notions about the ways in which culture relates to territory have been abandoned. The term transnationalisation captures cultural processes that stream across the borders of nation states. Anthropologists have been forced to revise the notion that transnationalisation would inevitably bring about a culturally homogenized world. Instead, we are witnessing a surge of greatly increasing cultural diversity. New cultural forms grow out of historically situated articulations of the local and the global. Rather than left-over relics from traditional orders, these are decidedly modern, yet far from uniform. The essay engages the idea of the pluralization of modernities, explores its potential for interdisciplinary research agendas, and also inquires into problematic assumptions underlying this new theoretical concept.
Even though tourism has been recognised as an important field for transnational research today, there are few attempts to place tourism in the context of transnational theories or to think about transnationalism from the perspective of tourists. I argue that in researching tourist practices one can add important aspects to transnational approaches. The prerequisites of mobility and interaction for example are the features chosen by backpackers to describe what their Round-The-World-Trip is about. A form of tourism is adopted, or created, that itself confronts many aspects of globalisation: First of all there is the immense dynamic that is involved. Backpackers try to cover as many places and experiences as possible, travelling at high speed. They adopt all kinds of touristic experiences ranging from beach to adventure to culture tourism. They don't focus on a specific area or country but travel the world. They cross national borders perpetually. Additionally they form a transnational network in which they interact with strangers of similar backgrounds (other backpackers, tourist professionals). This network helps them interacting with people from different backgrounds (the socalled hosts or locals). Considering my research Backpackers forge a certain identity from these transnational practices which I want to name globedentity. Globedentity expresses a type of identity construction that not only refers to the individual (I) but reflects the world (globe) in this identity. This globedentity is not fixed but is perpetually re-created and re-defined. It also embraces the increasing popular awareness of globalisation which backpackers, coming from highly educated middle class backgrounds, in particular have identified with. Due to the constant awareness of the latest global social, cultural and economic developments in these educated milieus they know exactly which tools to use to become successful parts of their societies.
Der Artikel untersucht Wahrnehmungsformen des Kapitalismus bei ex-sowjetischen Migranten nach ihrer Auswanderung nach Deutschland. Dabei konzentriere ich mich auf ihre Erfahrungen mit materiellen Gütern im allgemeinen und mit Konsum von Nahrung im besonderen. In der vorliegenden ethnographischen Studie stütze ich mich auf Interviews und teilnehmende Beobachtung, die ich zwischen 2002 und 2004 mit 45-60jährigen Migranten durchgeführt haben, die im Zeitraum zwischen 1990 - 1995 ausgewandert sind. Alle Befragten kommen aus zwei der europäischen Republiken der ehemaligen SU: Russland und Ukraine. Es handelt sich bei ihnen um eine Gruppe hochqualifizierter jüdischer Migranten.2 Da sie allerdings nicht religiös gebunden sind, spielt ihre Zugehörigkeit zum Judentum eine viel geringere Rolle als ihre sowjetische Erfahrung und ihre Zugehörigkeit zu den gebildeten Schichten der sowjetischen Intelligenz. Wahrscheinlich gilt das hier beobachtete Phänomen ganz allgemein für die ex-sowjetischen Migrantengruppen. ...
Spacially dispersed transnational professional communities can be perceived of as cultural formations living in a global frame of reference, transgressing existing political and cultural boundaries. In their capacity as members of local technical and knowledgebased elites, they take part in circulating and connecting cultural meanings that are both locally produced, and continuously re-working non- local flows. I argue that those elites can be described as actors at cultural interfaces, taking part in shaping and mediating social change. The aim is twofold: one, to point to mutually opposed tendencies, and ambivalences in the framework of a „culture of change“, and two, to look into the question how such situations and groups can be methodologically approached.
The imagination has become a major site for studying transnational cultural flows. Yet it is mainly the mass media that are explored as channels directing the imagination from "the West" towards "the rest". And there is still little empirical "testing" of this field. How do such ‐ and other ‐ imaginary sources work into social practice? And what does such "practised imagination" imply for the practice of transnational anthropology? This article attempts to address these questions from the perspective of fieldwork in progress. In and between Crete and Germany I traced transnational networks based on the reciprocal mobilities of migration, remigration, and tourism. Here, multiple domains of imagination are drawn upon by various audiences, thus effectively contributing to the creation of these relations and the places in which they localise. Anthropological research on tourism and migration has tended to separate the imagination ‐ as being an external impact ‐ from local practice. Yet, transnational ethnography needs to challenge this opposition and is in itself a strategy to do so, in that it perceives the imagination as a practice of transcending physical and cultural distance.
The present article explores perceptions and cultural constructions of the terms capitalism or capitalistic West among ex-Soviet, highly qualified Jewish migrants from Russia and Ukraine after their emigration to Germany between 1990 and 1996. It seems that migration offers a unique opportunity to migrants to realise knowledge that is normally taken for granted, behaviour schemes and values, and to reflect on them. How do they acquire such presumed capitalist knowledge of the new society and new social world, how do they create it, and with what concrete contents do they connect the illusion about monolithic cultural, economic and political capital, the illusion which contributes to group formation and which serves as action orientation? As my research shows, immigrants try to disparage much of what appeared to them in the Soviet Union as normative, right and appropriate; now they often act by way of categories, which were defined in the previous context as "capitalist" and were interpreted as immoral. Without exact ideas or knowledge about behaviour codes, unspoken norms and silent values from the new society, many immigrants orient themselves towards the opposite of what was counted as morally proper in the origin society. Simultaneously they revive old system through the establishing and development of a Russian language enclave. Nevertheless this enclave is not located in a vacuum of "dusty" memories from the past, but build transnational cross-border space connected and corresponding to the processes of to-day's CIS and with the life of those relatives and friends who still live there, und with whom the emigrants share intensive social networks.
This paper focuses on Eastern European migrants who, since the beginning of the 1990s, are entering the Republic Cyprus as “artistes”. This is a visa permit status as well as an euphemism for short-term work permits in the local sex industry. In addition to exploring the migrational experiences of these women and their living and working conditions in the Republic of Cyprus, the paper reconstructs, empirically and analyt ically, the connection between immigration and the local sex industry. Here, several categories of social actors and institutions in Cyprus are actively involved. The rhetoric of government representatives, entrepreneurs and clients in the sex business on the one hand is contrasted with the discourse of local NGO representatives concerned with immigrants’ rights on the other hand. The paper comes to the conclusion that all of these discursive positions ultimately do not do justice to the complex process of decisionmaking that women undergo who migrate into the sex industry. Either, freedom of choice is emphasized – such as by entrepreneurs and the government – or the domination of women – as in the public statements of the NGO. In order to analyze the ambivalent tension between freedom of choice and submission to force by which the women’s decision is characterized, the author employs Michel Foucault’s concept of governmentality, which describes forms of political regulation that use the individual’s freedom of action as an instrument to exercise power.
Challenging and confirming touristic representations of the Mediterranean : migrant workers in Crete
(2006)
From the perspective of Western Europe the Mediterranean is shaped by the imagery of tourism and migration. During the time of the “guest worker”-migration in the 1960s and 70s the notion of the hopelessly underdeveloped South of Europe which pushes “guest workers” towards the rich North became prevalent here. It offered a contrast which let the beginning prosperity in the North appear even clearer. (see von Osten 2006) Besides the attractions “sea, sun and sand” it was exactly this conception of backwardness which – reinterpreted in authentic and traditional Mediterranean lifestyle – made the area attractive for tourist consumption. Today it is again pictures of the Mediterranean, which represent migration dynamics in Europe. In the meantime, however, the countries of origin of the “guest workers” have become countries of immigration and European Union member states or candidates for accession. The representation of the Mediterranean as an area of migration is dominated now by pictures of desperate refugees and illegal immigrants, who risk their life by crossing the sea, in order to enter the “fortress Europe”. In these current representations the “colonial narrative of migrants as members of a territory of underdeveloped” is continued (ibid.). A translation of the migrant area into the tourist area seems, however, more difficult than at the times of the “guest worker”-migration. What constitutes the Mediterranean as a tourist destination seems to have no longer anything in common with the Mediterranean as an area of migration.....
„Une école pour la joie d´apprendre“ lautet das Motto, mit dem das GTZ-Entwicklungshilfeprojekt „Projet Education de Base en 5e Région (PEB)“ in der 5. Verwaltungsregion von Mali, Westafrika, seit 2005 im Auftrag der Consulting ECOEducation, für seine Inhalte wirbt. Während Deutschland um seine schulmüden Jugendlichen kämpft, gibt es andere Orte auf der Welt, wo der „Hunger nach Bildung“ groß ist und viel Engagement in großen Teilen der Bevölkerung hervorruft. „In die Schule gehen“ ist oftmals ein Privileg, das nicht allen Kindern zuteil wird. Das übergeordnete Ziel des Grundbildungs-Projektes, mit dem sich diese Arbeit beschäftigt, lautet: „Eine größere Anzahl von schulfähigen Kindern hat Zugang zu einer qualitativ verbesserten Grundbildung innerhalb der Interventionszonen des Projektes“ (Ministere de l´Education national, Données du Projet Education Base, 2002)....
Die kyprischen Grabreliefs
(1974)
Diese Arbeit verfolgte zwei Zielsetzungen. Zum einen sollten die bislang nur verstreut und unzureichend oder überhaupt nicht publizierten antiken Grabreliefs von Kypros im Sinne des Pfuhlschen Corpus möglichst geschlossen vorgelegt werden. Zum anderen waren die Eigentümlichkeiten dieser Gattung zu untersuchen. Diese ergaben sich aus dem Wesen der kyprischen Kultur, einer Randkultur, die wechselnden kulturellen Einwirkungen ausgesetzt war. Seit dem späteren 6. Jh. v. Chr. gewinnt der griechische Einfluß langsam an Boden. Gleichzeitig sind Einflüsse aus dem syrischen und phönikischen Bereich wirksam. Die kyprischen Grabreliefs weisen einige stilistische Besonderheiten auf, die teilweise als Ausdruck des überwiegend provinziellen Charakters der kyprischen Kunst zu werten sind. Die Neigung zur Frontalität ist stark ausgebildet. Das Verständnis für räumliches Empfinden ist unterentwickelt. Dementsprechend sind die Figuren häufig unplastisch, die ist Gewandfältelung überwiegend mit graphischen und nicht mit plastischen Mitteln gebildet. Unverkennbar ist eine konservative Grundeinstellung. Dies kommt am deutlichsten in dem langen Fortbestehen eines subarchaischen Stils, in der unveränderten Tradierung der Gelagereliefs, überhaupt in dem Festhalten an einmal eingeführtem Formengut zum Ausdruck. Daneben sind noch drei spezielle Phänomene hervorzuheben: 1. Das Gelagerelief. Es macht fast die Hälfte der erhaltenen Grabreliefs aus. Es ist seit dem frühen 5. Jh. v. Chr. für Golgoi typisch und findet auch außerhalb von Kypros keine Parallelen. Seine geistigen Wurzeln sind zweifelsfrei im späthethitischen und syrischen Bereich zu suchen, ikonographisch ist es möglicherweise aus der phönikischen bzw. syrischen Ikonographie abzuleiten, nicht jedoch vom griechischen Totenmahlrelief. Stockwerkstele und Löwenbekrönung sind mit dem Gelagerelief verbunden. 2. In Marion zeigt sich im ausgehenden 5. und 4. Jh. v. Chr. ein anderes Phänomen. Hier war der griechische Impuls von ausschlaggebender Bedeutung. Alle von griechischen Künstlern gearbeiteten Reliefs stammen aus Marion. Auch die von einheimischen Künstlern nach griechischen, d.h. überwiegend nach attischen, vereinzelt aber auch nach jonischen Vorbildern gearbeiteten Reliefs kommen bis auf wenige Ausnahmen aus dem weiteren Umkreis von Marion. Demzufolge ist für diese Stadt eine wichtige Rolle im Hellenisierungsprozeß der kyprischen Plastik zu vermuten. 3. Der runde, schlanke, mit Basis und Kapitell versehene Grabaltar ist die Grabmalform der Kaiserzeit. Im ihm liegt eine kyprische Sonderform des Grabaltars vor. Gelegentlich ist auf dem Säulenkörper die Büste des Toten in einer Rundbogennische angebracht. In der Zeit, der die kyprischen Grabreliefs angehöhren, nahm die kyprische Kunst zahlreiche Impulse verschiedener Art von den Nachbarkulturen auf. Zu einem ebenso starken gegenseitigen Austausch kam es aber nicht. So blieben auch die an den Grabreliefs zu beobachtenden Eigen- bzw. Weiterentwicklungen auf Kypros beschränkt.