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This dissertation is about case competition in headless relatives. Case competition is a situation in which two cases are assigned but only one of them surfaces. One of the constructions in which case competition takes place is in headless relatives, i.e. relative clauses that lack a head. This dissertation has two goals: (i) to give an overview of the data, and (ii) to provide an account for the observed data.
The grammaticality of a headless relative is determined by two aspects. The first aspect concerns which case wins the case competition. In all languages with case competition that I am aware of, this is determined by the case scale in NOM < ACC < DAT. A case more to the right on the scale wins over a case more to the left on the scale. This scale is not specific to case competition in headless relatives, but it can also be observed in syncretism patterns and morphological case containment. I show that that the case scale can be derived from assuming the cumulative case decomposition (cf. Caha 2009). A case wins over another case when it contains all features that the other case contains.
The second aspect of case competition in headless relatives concerns whether the winner of the case competition is allowed to surface when it wins the case competition. The winning case can be either the internal case required by the predicate in the relative clause, or the external case required by the predicate in the main clause. It differs from language to language whether they allow the internal and the external case to surface.
All language types I discuss allow for a headless relative when the internal and the external case match. The unrestricted type of language allows both the internal case and the external case to surface when either of them wins the case competition. Examples of this language type are Old High German, Gothic and Ancient Greek. The internal-only type of language allows only the internal case to surface when it wins the case competition, and it does not allow the external case to do so. An example of this language type is Modern German. The external-only type of language allows only the external case to surface when it wins the case competition, and it does not allow the internal case to do so. To my knowledge, there is no language that behaves like this. The matching type of language allows neither the internal nor the external case to surface when either of them wins the case competition. An example of this language type is Polish.
To account for the data, I set up a proposal that generates the attested patterns and excludes the non-attested ones. I let the variation between languages follow from properties of languages that can be independently observed. By investigating the morphology of the languages, I suggest differences between the lexical entries in the different languages. These different lexical entries ultimately lead languages to be of different types. In my proposal, I assume that headless relatives are derived from light-headed relatives. Light-headed relatives contain a light head and a relative pronoun. In a headless relative either the light head or the relative pronoun is deleted. The necessary requirement for deletion is that the deleted element (either the light head or relative pronoun) is structurally or formally contained in the other element.
I motivate the analysis for the internal-only type of language for Modern German, for the matching type of language for Polish and for the unrestricted type of language for Old High German. I first identify the morphemes that the light heads and relative pronouns in the languages consist of, and then I show to which features each of the morphemes correspond. The crucial difference between the internal-only type of language Modern German and the matching type of language Polish is how the phi and case features are spelled out. In Modern German they are spelled out by a phi and case feature portmanteau, and, in Polish, the same features are spelled out by a phi feature morpheme and a case feature morpheme. Old High German differs from the other two languages in that it has light heads and relative pronouns that are syncretic. I show how these differences in the morphology of the languages ultimately leads to different grammaticality patterns in headless relatives.
Comparing my account to others shows that all proposals account for the case facts using some kind of case hierarchy. The proposals differ in how they model the variation, both in the technical details of the proposal, but more importantly, also in empirical scope and predictions they make.
This dissertation investigates a special class of anaphoric form, yè, in Ewe known as the logophoric pronoun. This research makes a number of novel observations.
In the first chapter, I introduce the reader to the phenomenon under investigation as well as provide information on Ewe and its dialects and, methodology. In Chapter 2, I present the pronominal system of Ewe which is categorised into strong and weak forms following Cardinaletti & Starke (1994) and Agbedor (1996). The distribution of pronouns is outlined which sets the tone for an overview of logophoric marking. In this respect, I present variations in logophoric marking strategies cross linguistically and show that Ewe differs significantly from other pronouns in this category. In an effort to explain the deviant case of yè, I entertain the idea that yè is a pure logophoric pronoun in the sense of Clements (1975) and thus, its additional de re and strict interpretation does not imply non-logophoricity.
Chapter 3 demonstrates that yè is sensitive to contexts which portray the intention of an individual. Following Sells (1987), the antecedent of yè must have an intention to communicate. I broadly categorize logophoric contexts into reportative (direct-indirect speech) or non-reportative (speaker’s mental attitude, reporter’s observation or background knowledge of a situation). Based on this categorization, indirect speech report (Clements 1975), dis- course units such as a paragraph or an episode (Clements 1975), and sentential adjuncts such as purpose, causal and consequence clauses (Culy 1994a) are reviewed. The logophoric pro- noun occurs in the complement of attitude verbs (Clements 1975), also termed logocentric (à la (Stirling 1994)) or logophoric predicates (à la (Culy 1994a)) as well as with non-attitudinal verbs (e.g. va ‘come’ or wO ‘do’ as in sentential adjuncts). I argue contra Clements (1975) and Culy (1994a) that yè can occur with perception predicates. I further provide three new instances of non-reportative contexts which are compatible with yè namely, as-if clauses, benefactive na clauses and alesi ‘how’ clauses. I show, corroborating previous studies that contexts which are necessary for the licensing of yè include all of the aforementioned except causal clauses. Among these contexts, the complementizer be or regarding cases where there is no be, an element in C (due to the Doubly-Filled-Comp Filter (DFCF) c.f. Chomsky & Lasnik (1977)), is sufficient to license yè. Following Bimpeh & Sode (2021), yè is licensed by feature checking (in the spirit of von Stechow (2004)): be bears the interpretatble [log] feature which checks the uninterpretable [log] feature of yè. I include a redefinition of logophoricity as pertaining to Ewe.
Given the disparity found in the literature concerning the interpretation of yè: Ewedome (pronounce EVedome) has only de se readings (Bimpeh 2019); while ‘pure’ Ewe, Mina (variety of Ewe spoken in Togo) Pearson (2015), Danyi (O’Neill 2015) and Anlo (pronounced ANlO) (Satık 2019) has de re readings; chapter 4 aims at lending empirical support to the ungoing discussion by verifying the interpretation of yè. Two acceptability judgment tasks were conducted namely, truth value judgment task and binary forced choice task. The results corroborates Pearson (2012, 2015) and others’ discovery that yè has a de re interpretation in the Ewedome (contra Bimpeh (2019); Bimpeh et al. (2022)), Anlo and Tonu (pronounced TONu) dialects of Ewe.
In chapter 5, I discuss the relation between logophoricity (yè, yè a) and Control (PRO). I show that yè may be restricted to a set of verbs which obligatorily require the morpheme a ‘potential marker’ (Essegbey 2008), in subject position. This set of verbs are those that are known as control verbs c.f. (Landau 1999) in English. As a result of this restriction, research such as Satık (2019) claims that yè a is the overt instantiation of PRO in English. According to the Ewe facts, it appears as though on one hand, yè and PRO share similar properties in logophoric contexts and on the other hand, yè in combination with the potential marker, a also share properties with PRO in subject control environments. Against this background, I discuss the relation between yè, yè a and PRO and show that neither yè in isolation nor yè in combination with a, contrary to Satık (2019), is the overt instantiation of PRO. I clarify that the potential morpheme a is not cliticised or combined with the logophoric yè. The two forms are seperate morphemes. The potential marker a only shows up in control environments because a sub-class of verbs require it for grammaticality purposes. As such, the property of de se-ness does not come from yè by itself, yè a or a but rather from the sub-class of verbs which require the potential marker a...
Syntactic and semantic aspects of supplementary relative clauses in English and Sōrānī Kurdish
(2020)
In this thesis, I examine and analyse supplementary relative clauses(SRCs), also known as non-restrictive relative clauses. SRCs have received considerably less attention in the study of relative clauses than integrated, or restrictive, relative clauses (IRCs). The (surface) syntactic structure of the two types of relative clauses (RCs) is largely identical. Therefore, it is not straightforward to determine where to locate the difference in the interpretation between IRCs and SRCs.To address this question, I focus on two types of English SRCs: determiner-which RCs, and SRCs introduced by that. Determiner-which RCs can only be interpreted as SRCs. Previous HPSG approaches built on the generalisation that that RCs cannot be SRCs. Hence there is no HPSG analysis for relative that in SRCs. In this thesis I show the acceptability of the two constructions by the American native speakers and provide both structures with an HPSG analysis.I extend my discussion beyond English by looking at relative clauses in Sorānī Kurdish. I argue that RCs in Sorānī Kurdish share essential properties withEnglish bare RCs and that RCs, though Sorānī Kurdish has no equivalent of wh-RCs. I also provide Sorānī Kurdish with an HPSG analysis.
This thesis primarily investigates an (hitherto unnoticed) agreement alternation between Romance and Germanic in D>N>&>N constructions (e.g. “these walls and ceiling”). While Romance exhibits left conjunct agreement, Germanic shows morphologically resolved agreement on the determiner, i.e. the phi-feature mismatching conjuncts can only be licensed if a syncretic form is available. To handle these data the author suggests a theory in which coordination is syntactically and morphologically unspecified and multiple agree is a general option. Infelicitous derivations are ruled out by interface conditions on the semantic and the phonological well formedness. The complete results of the corpus research conducted to deliver a sound empirical basis for the phenomena investigated in this thesis can be found in the appendix.
Aquesta tesi doctoral estudia la construcció de la notícia sobre esdeveniments del procés polític català en els mitjans de comunicació escrits alemanys. El període d’anàlisi s’estèn del 2010 al 2015, quan el procés ha passat de la societat civil a l’agenda política catalana i s’ha internacionalitzat. En aquest context, l’opinió publicada alemanya es considera un referent.
La tesi analitza dotze fets clau a partir d’una doble metodologia, quantitativa i qualitativa. Es duu a terme una anàlisi d’Agenda i de Frames, també s’aplica una Anàlisi del Discurs i es complementa la recerca amb entrevistes a periodistes i polítics. La metodologia ha estat provada i validada per set analistes germanòfons.
Els resultats de la recerca, exposats a més en quaranta-nou taules i figures, mostren l’establiment de l’agenda i els enquadraments dels temes i actors del procés català, la relació entre discurs, poder i legitimació, així com la construcció de l’opinió publicada alemanya.
Die Rede vom Tod Gottes ist eine Denkfigur, die bei Theoretikern und Philosophen wie Hegel, Nietzsche, Heidegger und Jean Paul behandelt wurde. Die philosophischen Theorien der letzten zwei Jahrhunderte waren entweder von der Dominanz oder der Verdrängung dieses Gedankens geprägt. Durch Maurice Blanchot erhielt dieser Gedanke Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts eine Reflexion, welche die vorangegangenen Überlegungen aufnahm, bestätigte und im nächsten Schritt verwarf. Die Fragestellung, ob der Tod Gottes gedacht werden kann, wurde in Maurice Blanchots Werken wie von einem Echo aufgenommen, wiederholt und weitergeschrieben. Hierzu breiten sich seine Überlegungen in seinem theoretischen und literarischen Werk aus. Vor allem der Roman Le Très-Haut und der nahezu gleichzeitig erschienene Essay La littérature et le droit à la mort zeigen Blanchots Umgang mit dieser Fragestellung. Die vorliegende Studie untersucht in den philosophischen, philologischen und literarischen Texten Blanchots die Unmöglichkeit, den Tod Gottes zu denken, und versucht zu zeigen, inwiefern der Gedanke vom Tod Gottes auf ein sprachliches Problem stoßen muss. Hierzu werden die Texte jener Philosophen, die laut Blanchot den Tod Gottes zu denken versuchten, skizziert, um ihren Einfluss auf Blanchots Denken zu verdeutlichen und zu zeigen, inwiefern Blanchot den Tod Gottes anders gedacht hat. Bei der Lektüre von Maurice Blanchots Roman Le Très-Haut rücken auch der Roman Die Dämonen von Dostojewski, das Romanfragment Das Schloß von Franz Kafka und das Drama Les Mouches von Jean-Paul Sartre in den Blick der Arbeit. Diese Werke teilen unterschiedliche Motive mit Le Très-Haut, sodass sie zum Vergleich herangezogen werden, um zu verdeutlichen, inwiefern Maurice Blanchot den Gedanken vom Tod Gottes umgedacht und revolutioniert hat, und welche Konsequenzen für die Sprache und die Literatur dadurch gezogen werden müssen. ...
This thesis revolves around the development of a new critical approach to contemporary anglophone postcolonial literature in the form of a concept of ‘corporate ingression.’ This term denotes a globally recurring process of biopolitical (re)structuring of a community by corporate power and its extended cultural influence on society.
Through an analysis of contemporary engagements with similarly explored events over time and space in the form of three novels (Helon Habila’s Oil on Water, Lauren Beukes’ Moxyland and David Mitchell’s The Thousand Autumns of Jacob de Zoet), this thesis explores the relevance of the concept of corporate ingression as a new approach to such imaginative works. By reading these texts closely, with and against the grain, I enter into dialogue with their discussion of corporate power as the major structural influence in the societies they explore. I also show that a comparative analysis of these texts reveals similarities between the exploration of the period of early colonialism as acted out by the various trade corporations in existence and contemporary forms of corporate dominance. This research thus concerns various contexts and explorations of corporate power and explores the concept of recurring forms of corporate ingression as a new perspective within literary postcolonial and globalisation studies.
Oil on Water (2010) as a political novel explores the complex intricacies of communities structured around corporate power and presents a full account of the stakeholders that are influenced by or connected to the Niger Delta’s oil industry. Moxyland (2008) as a futuristic cyberpunk novel nuances the destruction implied in Oil on Water as a major factor of corporate ingression by exploring corporate power’s potential for constructive influence over a community. The Thousand Autumns (2010) as a historical novel explores an instance of corporate ingression in which the Dutch East India Company in Japan, despite its significant cultural influence, is subordinate to the host state to its activity. Corporate power is explored as a fallible construction that can be controlled by a strong regime as well as benefited from.
Despite the geographic and temporal distance between the three cases, and despite their exploration of widely differing industries, circumstances and levels of success, the common factors remain recognisable. Critical analysis shows that the contrasts between especially the constructive and destructive corporate activity in the three texts is of great interest, as it highlights the potential of corporate power both for construction and destruction of value. This research also shows how each novel actively resists a binary ethical narrative, instead presenting a set of complex power dynamics within the respective communities.
With this research I show that reading corporate ingression both significantly informs the reading of various postcolonial texts, while also showing that the analysis of these texts reveals that a conventional postcolonial binary approach is insufficient to account for what these works describe and investigate. The concept of a process of corporate ingression as a new perspective on literary explorations of historical, contemporary or futuristic forms of corporate power is thus shown to be a relevant addition to current postcolonial literary scholarship.
Variation in enclitic possessive constructions in Southern Italian dialects: a syntactic analysis
(2019)
This thesis investigates enclitic possessive constructions (EPCs) that are a widespread and frequently used construction among Southern Italian dialects (SIDs). In general, EPCs display the structure N-EP where the N is a (singular) kinship noun and the EP the enclitic possessive directly attached to the kinship noun. However, there is a huge variation among SIDs as well as within the system of a specific dialect. The aim of the present work is twofold. The empirical part contributes new data to this topic as well as a detailed and organized overview of (micro-) variational observations from data of different sources including for example the linguistic maps of the AIS (Atlante Italo-Svizzero). The main aspects of variation are (a) the presence or absence of an obligatory article (D – N-EP vs. N-EP), (b) the possibility of plural kinship noun-EPCs and (c) the compatibility of a specific person-EP with a specific kinship noun within a dialect. Based on the empirical findings, the syntactic part proposes a syntactic analysis for EPCs focusing on the following research questions: 1) In some dialects, singular kinship noun-EPCs display an obligatory article with the 3SG.EP. What is the reason for this article-based person split (1st and 2nd vs. 3rd)? And further, how are both structures, with and without an article, represented in the syntax, i.e. in DP and PossP? 2) In some dialects, plural kinship nouns are allowed to occur in EPCs, and in others, they are disallowed. With respect to this dichotomy, what is the role of NumP? 3) Kinship nouns are relational and express inalienability. How can this property be captured in the syntax? I argue that the article-based person split is due to the deictic properties of the possessor-persons, meaning that 1SG.EPs and 2SG.EPs need to be bound by the speaker’s coordinates in the left periphery of the clause, whereas 3SG.EPs do not. As a consequence, 1SG and 2SG EPCs move to the highest position, i.e. to D°, and 3SG EPCs can stay lower in the structure, i.e. in Poss°. Based on this dichotomy, I argue that both D° and Poss° can host EPCs. In order to capture the (im)possibility of plural kinship nouns-EPCs, I argue that NumP, as a parametrised position, can block or allow further movement of the kinship noun to Poss° (and to D°). With respect to the relational nature of kinship nouns I propose that they are base-generated within the complement position of a relator phrase (RP), and EPs in Poss°. In order to derive EPCs, the kinship nouns must move out of their position. The kinship noun lands in NumP, the position where further movement is probably blocked. If further movement is allowed, the kinship noun merges to the left of the EP, resulting in a complete EPC in Poss°. The last leg of the movement to D° depends on the presence of absence of an obligatory article. The phenomenon of EPCs displays a huge variation among SIDs and needs to be investigated from different perspectives and different linguistic areas. The present work contributes to the puzzle of EPCs new data and a syntactic analysis.
Nominal modification in language production: Extraposition of prepositional phrases in german
(2019)
In my dissertation, I investigate the phenomenon of extraposition of PP out of NP in German in language production. Four production experiments, using the method of production of memory, and three experiments testing the acceptability of extraposition were conducted. In extraposition, a constituent is realized in a position to the right of what would be considered the canonical position. A special case is extraposition out of a nominal phrase (NP), in which a constituent is moved out of NP to the end of the utterance. The example in (1a) illustrates the canonical version, in which a prepositional phrase (PP) is adjacent to its head noun. In (1b) the PP is extraposed out of NP to the right edge of the sentence.
(1) a. Gestern hat eine Frau mit einer lauten, schrillen Stimme angerufen.
b. Gestern hat eine Frau angerufen mit einer lauten, schrillen Stimme.
There are two main aspects to consider: the length of the extraposed constituent (the PP), and the length of the intervening material. Experiment 1 investigated the influence of constituent length on extraposition. The hypothesis is that longer and more complex constituents are harder to produce and are therefore produced towards the end of the utterance. In the experiment, PPs of three different lengths (2-3, 5-6, 9-11 words) had to be reproduced in either adjacent or extraposed position. As to the length of the intervening material, the hypothesis is that sentences with more intervening material between head noun and extraposed PP will tend to be reproduced with the PP in adjacent position to the head noun. In order to test this hypothesis, the length of the intervening material (1, 2 and 4 words) was manipulated in Experiment 2. The same material was used in an acceptability experiment, using the method of magnitude estimation (Experiment 5).
Previous studies found that extraposition is preferred over verbal material only, thus Experiment 3 investigated the influence of different lengths of purely verbal intervening material. Experiment 4 was concerned with the differences between PP and RC extraposition in production.
Experiment 6 and 7 used Likert scales to assess the acceptability of extraposition. Experiment 6 investigated whether the acceptability of extraposition is influenced by the definiteness status of the NP out of which is extraposed and if a soft constraint for definiteness can be found for PP extraposition in German. Experiment 7 asked if the inner structure of the extraposed constituent (PP only vs. PP+RC) influences its acceptability. An extraposed PP that includes an RC should be "heavier" than a PP without an RC, since the number of phrasal nodes is higher. If indeed heavier constituents are realized at the end of an utterance, the acceptability of an extraposed PP that includes an RC should be higher than that of an extraposed PP without one.
The results of the production experiments show that sentences are mostly reproduced in their original linear sequence, which suggests that extraposed position seems to be just as canonical as adjacent position, especially when extraposition takes place over verbal material only. With regard to constituent length, in extraposed position long PPs are shortened less often, supporting the hypothesis that longer and more complex constituents tend to be produced at the end of the utterance. Recency effects were found for intervening material as participants dropped intervening material rather than change syntactic position of constituents. The length and type of the intervening material is important with respect to how much intervening material is acceptable. Verb clusters were not shortened in sentences with extraposed PPs, however, 1⁄3 of adverbs and 1⁄2 of PP adverbials including a lexical NP were shortened to „verb only“. Extraposed PPs are more often reproduced in adjacent position than adjacent PPs are reproduced in extraposed position. However, the position of RCs is more often changed from adjacent to extraposed than from extraposed to adjacent.
While producing extraposed PPs seems not to be any more difficult than producing adjacent ones, adjacent constituents are consistently rated higher than extraposed constituents in grammaticality judgment tasks. This is in line with findings of Konieczny (2000) on German RC extraposition. The number of phrasal nodes, as suggested by Rickford et al. (1995), did not have an influence on the acceptability of extraposition, while the length of the constituent, measured in words, seems to play a role. Definiteness had no effect on adjacent PPs, but when the PP was extraposed, sentences with an indefinite antecedent were rated higher than sentences with a definite antecedent. This suggests that there is a "soft constraint" for definiteness with regard to PP extraposition out of NP in German.