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La culture Dagara entre la colonisation et le christianisme: quelle "authenticité" aujourd’hui?
(1996)
Au nombre de 500.000 environ les Dagara du Burkina Faso occupent une région relativement importante du sud-ouest du pays. Cette région se trouve encadrée entre le 9°48 et légèrement au-dessus de 11°14 de latitude nord et entre le 2°40 et le 3°12 de longitude ouest. La convention du 14 juin 1898 entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne les a séparés de leurs frères du Nord Ghana (ancienne Gold Coast) d'où ils ont émigré par vagues successives. Ces deux puissances "aux systèmes coloniaux sensiblement différents" ont fait irruption dans la culture et la philosophie de ce peuple de telle sorte qu'il n'est plus tellement possible de lire de façon linéaire et homogène leur histoire; on en vient alors à parler de Dagara du Burkina et de Dagara du Ghana. Et si l'on peut admettre toujours aujourd'hui que la partie ghanéenne de ce peuple conserve relativement encore "l'essentiel d'une certaine authenticité culturelle", l'on doit reconnaître que la partie burkinabé par contre a vu ce fonds culturel s'ébranler et se perturber si profondément que la question "quelle authenticité aujourd'hui?" revêt tout d'un désarroi. Parler d'authenticité d'aujourd'hui suppose une authenticité d'hier. Quelle était-elle et pourquoi et comment a-t-elle été si ébranlée?
On doit se demander si la richesse évidente des morts de Kissi n’était pas le résultat visible d’un commerce d’or. Malheureusement, à Kissi comme ailleurs, nous ne sommes pas en mesure de donner une réponse positive à partir des seules données archéologiques. Mais si l’on admet que les Arabes au Maghreb ont déjà commencé pendant la conquête à frapper des pièces en or dont le matériel venait du sud, on n’échappe que difficilement à la conclusion qu’ils le tiraient d’une structure des relations commerciales existantes. Ces relations peuvent déjà dater de l’époque du 3e/ 4e AD, mais sont assez sûres pour l’époque byzantine, notamment pour le temps sous regard dans cette communication, le 6e et 7e siècle de notre ère.
Au Sahel du Burkina Faso, le diagramme pollinique d'Oursi fournit des évidences sur l'apparition de l'agriculture, il y a environ 3000 ans. A partir de ces faits, le but principal des recherches archéologiques dans le cadre du SFB 268 était de trouver et de fouiller des sites qui seraient à même d'apporter des informations sur cette période décisive autour de 3000 ans avant l'actuel. Pour cela, nous avons concentré notre travail sur les provinces du Séno et plus particulièrement de l'Oudalan. Le paysage de cette région est marqué par des dunes qui s'organisent grossièrement en cordons d'orientation nord-est/sud-ouest à travers notre terrain.
Le système de la parenté, qui est en général la base de l’ordre social, peut être remplacé par un ordre alternatif, c'est-à-dire par un ordre du voisinage (ou bien par l’ordre spatial). Dans le cas du lignage Dambure, c’est la proximité et la distance entre les concessions qui déterminent les obligations mutuelles: On construit de nouveaux concessions toujours très proches les unes des autres et on a aussi construit une place centrale appartenant aux quatre concessions les plus anciennes. En plus, les deux formes peuvent se renforcer mutuellement et de cette manière supporter les prétentions sur le rôle dominant du lignage principal. Le contrôle social pratiqué par le chef d’un lignage maximal peut être exercé de façon plus effective dans un groupe de voisins directs. A la base de ces connaissances, l’analyse de l’ordre de l’espace peut aider à décrire la réalité sociale.
La variation dans l'utilisation des ressources végétales est liée aux changements de mode de vie. Le Burkina Faso fait parti des pays habituellement indiqués comme en voie de développement. Ce qualificatif est vrai si on ne regarde que la croissance technologique. Le pays accuse certes un retard sur ce plan, mais la population sait bel et bien développer son intelligence humaine pour faire face à telle ou telle situation. Ainsi, devant une mauvaise récolte, personne n'acceptera de mourir de faim tant que dans l'environnement naturel existeront tous les éléments nécessaires pour survivre: l'eau, les plantes et les animaux. A ce moment-là, le mode de vie change; il ne s'agit plus de récolter, mais il s'agit de prélever, de cueillir. La cueillette, c'était un mode de vie dans l'époque préhistorique. L'homme se rabat sur tout ce qui peut fournir un aliment substantiel: les gros tubercules, les feuilles les plus tendres, les fruits et les graines. Si les trois dernières catégories d'aliments ne posent pas trop de problèmes, la première et les autres organes souterrains sont en général toxiques. Et là encore, l'homme va développer son intelligence pour éliminer cette toxicité mais après une grande perte en vie humaine. Dans le but de savoir un peu plus sur ces différentes périodes de disette et de famine, nous avons mené une enquête à Ouahigouya (Yatenga) et à Toma (Sourou), deux zones qui appartenaient à un même cercle pendant l'époque coloniale, période de la suppression de la Haute-Volta. Par ailleurs nous voulons vérifier la marge d'erreur qu'on peut avoir lors d'une enquête ethnobotanique en se situant dans le temps et l'espace. Cette communication entre en plus dans le cadre de nos travaux de recherche sur l'histoire de la végétation et de l'utilisation des ressources végétales.
This paper examines Borno's colonial economy with particular reference to the activity of indigenous traders. Stress is laid on trade within Borno and between the province and other markets in Nigeria and the adjoining colonies of Cameroon, Chad and Niger. An analysis of the involvement of traders, ranging from Kanuri, Hausa, Tubu, Fulani, Shuwa Arabs, Yoruba to Igbo, in items such as livestock, indigenous cloths of Hausaland manufacture (especially turkudi), kolanuts, local salt, natron, dried fish, imported cotton materials and salt is also attempted. Although Maiduguri (or Yerwa), Nguru, Potiskum, Bama, Goniri, Monguno, Geidam, Abadam and Biu were the main market centres in the province during much of the period under review, the activity of traders in Maiduguri is chosen for consideration in the paper. Apart from being the provincial and Shehu's capital, the emphasis on Maiduguri is informed by the town's commercial importance, especially in the overland trade between the rest of Nigeria and the neighbouring colonies of Cameroon, Chad and Niger.
One of the powerful conventional images of pre-colonial Africa is that of a continent of more or less immobile ethnic groups, living since time immemorial on their ancestral lands, steeped in their traditional cultures. In this image, Africa appears like a mosaic, with clearcut ethnic boundaries, each sherd representing a different people cum language cum culture cum territory. Since a number of years, however, historians and anthropologists of Africa have insisted that this image is misleading. Most pre-colonial societies were characterised by mobility, overlapping networks, multiple group membership and the contextdependent drawing of boundaries. Communities could be based on neighbourhood, kinship and common loyalties to a king, but this did not absolutely have to include notions of a common origin, a common language or a common culture. Our own research on the West African savannah has also shown the enormous importance of mobility. Among the societies of southern and southwestern Burkina Faso, for instance, which several projects have studied, there is hardly a single village whose history has not been characterised repeatedly by the arrival and settlement of new groups and the departure of others. In some cases, we can even speak of systematic practices of multilocality.
The conflict I refer to happened at the beginning of the 1998 farming season when the distribution of land started. The seasonal migrants went into the village area were they had been farming since many years, they gave their contributions and payments to the respective officials and started to prepare the land. Shortly after they had started to plant the beans – the main cash crop beside fishing – they were harassed by armed people and had to leave the area. Only several weeks later they were able to go back to their prepared fields and proceeded with their farming business. The question I want to concentrate on is related to the topic of the ethnological sub-project – “Community building in newly founded settlements in the Lake Chad area” – and can be specified as “What do conflicts tell us about the community and people involved?”
L'homme vivant de la cueillette existe toujours au Burkina Faso. Les espèces que nous allons exposer par la suite ne font pas l'objet d'une culture. La plupart certes sont des espèces protégées lors des défrichements. Elles caractérisent souvent les différents faciès de savane rencontrés à travers le pays. Certaines ont des usages généralisés en temps normal, d'autres le sont en temps de disette ou de soudure. Ces espèces ligneuses sont à usages culinaires par leurs feuilles, leurs graines et leurs exsudats. Leur composition chimique montre un certain équilibre énergétique à la consommation et permet de comprendre la santé de nos paysans malgré ce qu'on laisse entendre sur la pauvreté et la sous-alimentation. Dans le cadre de nos travaux pour une meilleure connaissance des espèces tant sur le plan taxonomique, biologique qu'ethnobotanique, nous avons mené depuis cinq ans une enquête sur les différentes utilisations des espèces ligneuses. Le présent travail concerne particulièrement les espèces ligneuses dont certains organes sont utilisés dans alimentation humaine. Nous nous sommes limités à ne parler que d'une vingtaine d'espèces.
This paper is concerned with the transition from hunting and gathering to food production in West Africa, based on evidence from the Sahel Zone of Burkina Faso compiled by field research during the last years. Our study intends to enhance the knowledge about the West African versions of this transition, traditionally seen as one of the most fundamental changes in human prehistory. Embedded in an interregional program the Sahel Zone of Burkina Faso has proved to be one of its most unexpected examples.
Tenkodogo, a township situated in the south-eastern part of Burkina Faso on the road leading from the capital Ouagadougou to the Togo border, has approximately 29,000 inhabitants. It is Burkina's seventh largest town and is the location of the regional government of the Boulgou-Province. This regional government is represented by a high-commissioner and a "préfet" as it is the residence of a traditional ruler, otherwise known as Tenkodogo-naaba. His sphere of influence covers many villages and hamlets in the region: in total he is the sovereign of nearly 120,000 people. The power of the traditional rulers was curtailed first by the arrival and following overrule of the French colonialists and then after independence by Sankara and his revolutionary government. The kings ceased to be the ultimate judges who were able to determine life and death of their subjects. Henceforth they were no longer allowed to recruit subjects for certain work on their fields, and they no longer could claim control over the allocation of resources. Their position was strengthened anew by Sankara's successor in office, Blaise Campaore, who quickly recognized that collaborating with the traditional rulers could only be of advantage: in fact they later proved to be his best supporters in the election campaign.
Einmal im Jahr, einundzwanzig Tage nach dem für Ahnen und Jenseitsmächte zelebrierten Erntedank, würdigen König und Hofstaat mit einem gesonderten Fest, Bugum Yaoge~, den Vorfahren, von dem sich die Tenkodogo-Dynastie in direkter Linie herleitet: Naaba Bugum. Naaba Bugum selbst hat seinen Fuß wahrscheinlich nie nach Ye~le~yan gesetzt, wie Tenkodogo - in Anlehnung an einen nahen Regenzeitfluß - damals noch hieß. Naaba Sigri leitete den Beginn einer Expansion ein, die etwa hundert Jahre später, unter einem seiner Nachfolger, Naaba Bãogo, zur Unterwerfung der südlichen Bisa von Loanga und Bane und damit zur größten territorialen Ausdehnung vor Einzug der französischen Kolonialmacht führen sollte.
The paper gives a brief history of the Fulçe people who are found all over West and Central Africa. Since no study of a people is complete without mentioning their language, the paper also gives a very brief account of Fulfulde, the language of the Fulçe people. However, the central focus of the paper is the concept of pulaaku, that unique attribute of the Fulçe that serves as an unwritten code of conduct for all ‘true’ Fulçe. Pulaaku is Fulçe’s guiding principle in their dealings with their fellow Fulçe as well as with all other people. Rather than talk about pulaaku in isolation, however, the paper tries to mirror it through Fulfulde proverbs. Coded or loaded messages called wise-sayings or proverbs are widely used in all languages. Fulfulde is particularly rich in this, which is why the paper explores this reservoir of knowledge in trying to portray the rich culture of the Fulçe people. The corpus of proverbs from which the selected proverbs come, was compiled in and around Gombe with the help of Mallam Bappayo Bappa Yerima Djibril. Since the Fulçe are easily the most dispersed people in Africa, no single study can do real justice to all of them. This is why this study narrows its scope to cover just the Fulçe of Gombe area of the northeastern of Nigeria.
The tale portrays the unhappy life of a dove. Constantly surrounded by enemies, hunted by human beings and animals, disappointed by friends and separated from her family, the dove despairs of her life. She ponders over her unjust fate in this world and in a monologue she begins to consider, whether it would not be better to end her own life. This tragic theme forms the climax of several episodes, in which the tension between life and death is described. The elaborate development of dramatic acts demonstrates the intertwining of guilt and innocence in human existence.
It is one of the paradoxes of the history of the states of the Central Sudan that Borno, the state with the longest tradition of Islamic literacy should have such an illestablished chronology - especially for the nineteenth century - when compared with its neighbours. No kinglist has been published, no list with regnal years, such as is known from other states. Our problems are compounded by the fact that every known list is presented in the Christian solar calendar and there is no way in which we can be certain that the original material has been correctly converted from the Muslim lunar calendar. In the paper that follows I have attempted to establish a chronology based primarily upon Arabic sources and upon the Muslim calendar. These sources include state seals which usually are engraved with the date of the year of accession; mahrams, charters, or grants of privilege, or rather renewal of such grants by newly appointed leaders. It was the practice for owners of such documents to have them renewed at the beginning of a new reign. When attempting to date events connected with the eclipse of the al-Kanimiyyin and the advent of Rabih I have also made use of evidence relating to the seasons and to various meteorological conditions.
Située dans l'extrême sud-est de Burkina Faso, la Chaîne grèseuse de Gobnangou se détache du reste du paysage par d'abruptes falaises. Autant les terres au nord que celles au sud sont exceptionnellement densément peuplées. Les Gulmances qui y vivent font de l'agriculture itinérante. Les périodes de cultures varient selon la qualité du sol de 5 à 20 ans. Les périodes de jachères pour la régénération des sols varient énormément selon les types de sols et l'intensité de l'utilisation précédente et peuvent aller jusqu'à 30 ans. Mais ici aussi, l'explosion démographique entraîne une diminution du temps de jachères. L'aspect de la végétation et sa composition diffèrent beaucoup et dépendent de nombreux facteurs. Ils sont surtout influencés par l'homme: outre l'agriculture itinérante, le pâturage, la coupe du bois de chauffage et les feux peuvent être citer. On decrirá ici les communautés de végétations de deux types de sites qui ont pour point commun d'être portées par des sols pauvres. La principale différence entre ces types de sites est la profondeur des sols et donc leur ressources en eau.
Over approximately the last 200 years, north-west Ghana and large areas of neighbouring southern Burkina Faso were the stage for a highly successful expansion of Dagara-speaking peoples. Probably setting out from an area around Wa, small groups of Dagara migrated towards the north, some of them taking a westward route, crossing the Black Volta river into today’s Burkina Faso. They rarely advanced into nomansland but rather displaced peoples such as Sisala-, Dyan-, Phuie- and Bwamu-speaking groups, who then moved further west and north. Today, the Dagara occupy about 3500 km2 in southern Burkina Faso, where they represent the sixth largest language group. In this paper I wish to explore the history of the north-west frontier of Dagara expansion and the interaction between the “land-owning” Phuo and the incoming Dagara.
Dumba-fishing was invented at Lake Chad about 10 years ago by immigrant fishermen from Mali and Nigerian Hausaland. The new technique brought about a new era of Lake Chad fishery, characterised by social and institutional changes. Titled Kanuri fishery headmen (Kacalla njibe)2 who traditionally controlled the access to the lake's water were unable to cope with the massive influx of immigrant fishermen. The lack of an institution for effective control lead to serious conflicts between local and immigrant fishermen. With the Fishermen Association Marte Local Government a new institution was invented, in which local and immigrant fishermen, regardless of their ethnicity, should control access to the fishing grounds together. The Fishermen Association was modelled after “modern” urban institutions and thus mirrors the transformation of the lake shores from rural backwaters, with local customs and culture to an economic centre, characterised by inmigration, cultural diversity and several other 'urban' traits.
The mountains of the Tangale-Waja Uplands are inhabited by a number of small ethnic groups. They speak different languages which belong to two unrelated linguistic stocks. The Afroasiatic stock is represented by Chadic languages, especially Tangale, but also Pero and Kushi (further to the south along the slopes of the Muri Mountains) of the Bole-Tangale Group. But the majority of the languages belong to the Adamawa branch of the Niger-Congo stock. The study of the vocabulary, technical terms and expressions relating to farming in general and 'farming on terraces' in particular constitutes another important aspect of our multidisciplinary research project providing us with valuable information about the history of the settlements and cultures of the entire region. In this communication we will restrict ourselves to a few general observations which are mainly based on the comparison of selected items of the farming vocabularies of those communities which used to farm the slopes of the mountains in our research area. We want to focus on the various designations for "terraced farms" and "terraces" including any arrangement or setting of stones on farms to enhance and support the production of the staple food: guinea corn (sorghum) and/or millet (pennisetum).
The paper presents two case studies from Nigeria and Burkina Faso, that differ in many respects, but show also some significant similarities. In both cases, previously existing claims on land were not recognised by the national authorities who implemented development projects. But as a contrast, in the Nigerian case people had to move out of the territories that were now claimed by the state, whereas in the Burkina case people were brought into an area that was declared state property. As a result in both cases, this had specific implications for the inter-ethnic relations in the respective regions. In Nigeria, Kanuri farmers moved to new fertile areas that incidentally emerged parallel to the development efforts of the state.