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Institute
The paper presents an analysis of control switch in German and Norwegian, as exemplified in the German pair "Ich verspreche ihm zu kommen" 'I promise him to come' vs. "Ich verspreche ihm kommen zu dürfen" 'I promise him to be allowed to come'. The phenomenon is induced by deontic modals in the context of suasive verbs of communication. The analysis is cast both in LFG and HPSG framework, in both cases deploying a pronounced feature-based semantic component. Our core assumption is that a normative agent is computed on top of control relations.
Capturing word order asymmetries in English Left-Peripheral Constructions: A Domain-Based Approach
(2003)
Left-Peripheral Constructions: A Domain-Based Approach Even though the word order in English is rather straightforward, the distributional possibilities of left-peripheral elements like topic phrases, wh-phrases, and negative operators (introducing an SAI) are quite intriguing and complex. In particular, there seems to exist no straightforward way of capturing the linear order asymmetries of these elements in the main and embedded clauses. The prevailing analyses have resorted to movement processes with multiple functional projections. The goal of this paper is to explore an alternative analysis to such movement-based analyses. In particular, this paper adopts the notion of topological fields (DOMAIN) proposed by Kathol (2000, 2001) within the framework of HPSG. The paper shows that within this DOMAIN system, the distributional possibilities as well as the asymmetries we find in English left peripheral constructions can easily follow from the two traditional views: (i) a topic precedes a focus element, and (ii) in English a wh-phrase and a complementizer competes with each other for the same position.
This paper, in the context of multilingual MT, proposes the use of ICONS (Individual CONstraintS) to add a representation of information structure to MRS. The value of ICONS is a list of objects of type info-str, each of which has the features CLAUSE and TARGET. The subtypes of info-str indicate which information structural role is played by the TARGET with respect to the CLAUSE. This proposal is designed to support both the calculation of focus projection from underspecified representations and the handling of multiclausal sentences.
Yatabe (2021) presents a theory according to which the meaning of a word like 'different' in a sentence like 'Anna and Bill like different films' contains the meaning of a reciprocal pronoun. Since the postulated reciprocal meaning inside the meaning of a word like 'different' requires the presence of a semantic antecedent, the theory entails that the apparent internal reading of a sentence like 'John saw and reviewed different films', which does not contain a plural DP that could serve as the semantic antecedent of the postulated reciprocal meaning, must be licensed in a way that is entirely different from the way in which the internal reading of a sentence like 'Anna and Bill like different films' is licensed. In the present paper, I adduce additional pieces of evidence for this theory. In order to enhance the plausibility of the proposed theory, I also show how the collective interpretation of reciprocals and the interaction of reciprocals and cumulative interpretation can be accounted for within the theory.
How things become red in Mandarin Chinese? A case study of deadjectival change of state predicates
(2023)
This paper provides an HPSG analysis for the morphosyntax and the semantics of deadjectival change of state (CoS) verbs in Mandarin Chinese. We first show that adjectives are a distinct word class from verbs in Mandarin Chinese and argue for the derivation of CoS verbs from property concept adjectives. We then model this derivation with a lexical rule. Finally, since CoS verbs can be combined with another verb to form a resultative verb compound (RVC) to express caused CoS, we also propose a lexical rule to account for RVCs.
Maliseet-Passamaquoddy (Algonquian, New Brunswick and Maine, MP) employs a set of enclitic particles to express tense, aspect, and various adverbial notions. These occupy second position in a clause: they follow either the first word in the clause or the first constituent. Johnson and Rosen (2015) propose an analysis of clitic placement in Menominee (Algonquian, Wisconsin) that takes clitics to occupy a functional head in the left periphery, postulating movement of one item into a specifier position to the left of this functional head, thus leaving the clitics in second position. Here I propose an alternative account for MP in the framework of Sign-Based Phrase Structure Grammar (Sag 2012) that makes no use of functional heads and postulates no movement operations. Instead, clitic positions are determined by a small number of maximally simple constructional statements.
Murrinh-Patha, a polysynthetic Non-Pama-Nyungan language of Australia features competition of subject and object agreement markers for a particular position (i.e. slot 2), meaning that certain subject agreement markers are realised in this position, unless already occupied by overt object agreement markers. In their typology of variable morphotactics, Crysmann & Bonami (2016) cite the case of Murrinh-Patha as an instance of misaligned, conditioned placement. I shall propose a formal account of this positional competition in Murrinh-Patha within Information-based Morphology. To this end, I shall generalise the "pivot" features previously proposed for placement relative to the stem (Italian; Crysmann & Bonami, 2016) or the edge (Soranî Kurdish; Bonami & Crysmann, 2013; Salehi & Koenig, 2023) and show how this will facilitate the treatment of conditioned placement in Murrinh-Patha.
A number of types of Welsh subordinate clause are introduced by what looks like the preposition 'i' 'to', 'for'. Earlier research has shown that there are three different lexemes here. It is not unusual for a language to have homophonous lexemes, but these lexemes share a variety of properties, and also share properties with the preposition 'i'. The similarities and the differences among these lexemes can be captured if they are grouped together as four different realisations of a single 'super-lexeme' within the hierarchical lexicon.
The theory of respectively interpretation proposed in Yatabe and Tam (2021) "In defense of an HPSG-based theory of non-constituent coordination" (Linguistics and Philosophy 44, pp. 1-77) entails that Binding Conditions A and B need to be formulated as constraints on the form of semantic representations. It is possible to formulate the two binding conditions as such constraints if anaphoric relations are encoded in semantic representations in a way analogous to the way they are encoded in Discourse Representation Theory.
This paper considers Chinese quantifier scope, an important, outstanding area of Chinese linguistics. In particular, there are two open questions on the subject: (1) the guiding principles that determine (a) the scopal readings of quantifiers and (b) the sometimes mandatory co-occurrence of the universal quantifier mei (every) and the universal adverb dou, and (2) the semantic functions of mei and dou and their connection to the co-occurrence of these words.
We reappraise three prior accounts of these subjects, reason through their consequences on some exemplary data, offer a new explanation based upon concord, a mechanism that is commonplace in many languages, and formulate it in lexical resource semantics (LRS). We use two principles adapted from Richter and Sailer's (2004) analysis of negative concord, expanded with a new quantifier order constraint to generate a coherent answer to the two aforementioned questions.