Linguistik-Klassifikation
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Part of a Book (204)
- Article (29)
- Working Paper (27)
- Preprint (23)
- Conference Proceeding (17)
- Report (5)
- Book (3)
Language
- English (308) (remove)
Has Fulltext
- yes (308)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (308)
Keywords
- Syntax (100)
- Thema-Rhema-Gliederung (36)
- Deutsch (31)
- Wortstellung (30)
- Englisch (29)
- Generative Transformationsgrammatik (29)
- Intonation <Linguistik> (25)
- Bantusprachen (22)
- Prädikat (21)
- Semantik (21)
- Relativsatz (19)
- Formale Semantik (17)
- Optimalitätstheorie (15)
- Prosodie (14)
- Phonologie (13)
- Sinotibetische Sprachen (13)
- Topikalisierung (13)
- Chinesisch (12)
- Informationsstruktur (12)
- Interrogativsatz (12)
- Referenzidentität (12)
- Russisch (12)
- Adjunkt <Linguistik> (9)
- Morphosyntax (9)
- Nungisch (9)
- Pragmatik (9)
- Spracherwerb (9)
- Tibetobirmanische Sprachen (9)
- Valenz <Linguistik> (9)
- Anapher <Syntax> (8)
- Kontrastive Linguistik (8)
- Linguistik (8)
- Oberflächenstruktur <Linguistik> (8)
- Pronomen (8)
- Tagalog (8)
- Tiefenstruktur (8)
- Extraposition (7)
- Kasus (7)
- Lexikologie (7)
- Topik (7)
- Chewa-Sprache (6)
- Grammatische Kategorie (6)
- Morphologie (6)
- Referenz <Linguistik> (6)
- Sprachverstehen (6)
- Thematische Relation (6)
- Transitivität (6)
- Adverb (5)
- Genus verbi (5)
- Griechisch (5)
- Japanisch (5)
- Kongress (5)
- Kontrastive Syntax (5)
- Lokativ (5)
- Malagassi-Sprache (5)
- Satz (5)
- Skopus (5)
- Spezifität (5)
- Sprachstatistik (5)
- Sprachtypologie (5)
- Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft (5)
- syntax (5)
- Aufsatzsammlung (4)
- Ergativ (4)
- Funktionale Kategorie (4)
- Generative Grammatik (4)
- Gradpartikel (4)
- Italienisch (4)
- Kindersprache (4)
- Klitisierung (4)
- Morphonologie (4)
- Nebensatz (4)
- Niederländisch (4)
- Personalpronomen (4)
- Prädikation (4)
- Qiang-Sprache (4)
- Satztyp (4)
- Ungarisch (4)
- Verb (4)
- Austronesische Sprachen (3)
- Bindungstheorie <Linguistik> (3)
- Bulgarisch (3)
- Definitheit (3)
- Demonstrativpronomen (3)
- Ergänzung <Linguistik> (3)
- Ergänzungsfragesatz (3)
- Französisch (3)
- Hypotaxe (3)
- Infinitkonstruktion (3)
- Kontrastive Grammatik (3)
- Koreanisch (3)
- Modalverb (3)
- Negation (3)
- Neugriechisch (3)
- Nominalphrase (3)
- Objekt (3)
- Passiv (3)
- Quantor (3)
- Referenzsemantik (3)
- Satzanalyse (3)
- Satzglied (3)
- Satzsemantik (3)
- Scrambling (3)
- Spaltsatz (3)
- Swahili (3)
- Syntaktische Kongruenz (3)
- Adjektiv (2)
- Adverbiale (2)
- Afrikanische Sprachen (2)
- Albanisch (2)
- Artikulation (2)
- Aspekt <Linguistik> (2)
- Aspiration <Linguistik> (2)
- Aufforderungssatz (2)
- Baskisch (2)
- Consecutio temporum (2)
- Diskontinuität (2)
- Diskursanalyse (2)
- Diskursrepräsentationstheorie (2)
- Distribution <Linguistik> (2)
- Drung (2)
- Experiment (2)
- Feldlinguistik (2)
- Freier Relativsatz (2)
- Ganda-Sprache (2)
- Genitiv (2)
- German (2)
- Grammatiktheorie (2)
- Hebräisch (2)
- Herausstellung (2)
- Instrumental (2)
- Inuktitut (2)
- Isländisch (2)
- Junktur (2)
- Kanuri-Sprache (2)
- Konditionalsatz (2)
- Kontrastive Phonologie (2)
- Kontrolle <Linguistik> (2)
- Korpus <Linguistik> (2)
- Makonde-Sprache (2)
- Modalität (2)
- Morphem (2)
- Nama-Sprache (2)
- Nominalisierung (2)
- Parataxe (2)
- Philippinen-Austronesisch (2)
- Phrasenstrukturgrammatik (2)
- Plural (2)
- Polarität (2)
- Portugiesisch (2)
- Pro-Form (2)
- Prädikativsatz (2)
- Präposition (2)
- Restriktiver Relativsatz (2)
- Salish-Sprache (2)
- Satzakzent (2)
- Satzteil (2)
- Sotho (2)
- Spanisch (2)
- Sprachverarbeitung <Psycholinguistik> (2)
- Spurtheorie (2)
- Subjekt (2)
- Temporalsatz (2)
- Tempus (2)
- Tharaka (2)
- Unbestimmtheit (2)
- Wortbildung (2)
- Yoruba-Sprache (2)
- Zulu-Sprache (2)
- case (2)
- dass (2)
- Ableitung <Linguistik> (1)
- Adversativsatz (1)
- Affix (1)
- Akan-Sprache (1)
- Algorithmus (1)
- Allomorph (1)
- Ambiguität (1)
- Amerikanisches Englisch (1)
- Argument <Linguistik> (1)
- Aschanti-Sprache (1)
- Aspekt (1)
- Asymmetrie (1)
- Auslassung (1)
- Ausrufesatz (1)
- Bahasa Indonesia (1)
- Bantoid (1)
- Basaa-Sprache (1)
- Baushi (1)
- Belebtheit <Grammatik> (1)
- Belhare (1)
- Bemba-Sprache (1)
- Berlin <2001> (1)
- Chinese (1)
- Chomsky (1)
- Demokratische Republik Kongo (1)
- Determinativ (1)
- Dialektologie (1)
- Disambiguierung (1)
- Dutch (1)
- Eindeutigkeit (1)
- Ellipse <Linguistik> (1)
- Epenthese (1)
- Erkenntnistheorie (1)
- Evidenz (1)
- Existentialsatz (1)
- Faktiv (1)
- Finite Verbform (1)
- Fipa (1)
- Frage (1)
- Fragebogen (1)
- Funktionsverb (1)
- Galloitalienisch (1)
- Grammatikalisation (1)
- Grammatikalität (1)
- Grammatische Relation (1)
- Hausa (1)
- Haya (1)
- Herero-Sprache (1)
- Inchoativ (1)
- Indefinitpronomen (1)
- Infix (1)
- Inkorporation <Linguistik> (1)
- Inversion <Grammatik> (1)
- Je suis Charlie (1)
- Kamerun (1)
- Kausativ (1)
- Khoisan (1)
- Kognitive Entwicklung (1)
- Komoren (1)
- Konfiguration <Linguistik> (1)
- Kongo-Sprache (1)
- Kongressbericht (1)
- Konjunktion (1)
- Konsekutivsatz (1)
- Konstruktionsgrammatik (1)
- Kontrastive Semantik (1)
- Kopula (1)
- Kopulasatz (1)
- Lerntheorie (1)
- Lexicalized Tree Adjoining Grammar (1)
- Logische Form <Linguistik> (1)
- Lokale Präposition (1)
- Makua-Sprache (1)
- Malawi (1)
- Mboshi-Sprache (1)
- Methodologie (1)
- Mittelenglisch (1)
- Modalität <Linguistik> (1)
- Morphologie <Linguistik> (1)
- Move-alpha (1)
- Mura-Sprache (1)
- Mögliche Welt (1)
- Mündlichkeit (1)
- Nicht-restriktiver Relativsatz (1)
- Niger-Kongo-Sprachen (1)
- Nilosaharanische Sprachen (1)
- Nilotische Sprachen (1)
- Niue-Sprache (1)
- Noam (1)
- Notwendigkeit (1)
- Objektsatz (1)
- Opaker Kontext (1)
- Oslo <1999> (1)
- Paiwan (1)
- Palauisch (1)
- Palaung (1)
- Parametrisierung (1)
- Parasitic gap (1)
- Partitiv (1)
- Partizip Perfekt (1)
- Perfekt (1)
- Phonetik (1)
- Phrasenkompositum (1)
- Phrasenmarker (1)
- Phrasenstruktur (1)
- Pirahã (1)
- Possessivität (1)
- Potsdam <2002> (1)
- Proto-Indo-European (1)
- Proto-Tibetobirmanisch (1)
- Präsupposition (1)
- Quantifizierung <Linguistik> (1)
- Raising (1)
- Range Concatenation Grammar (1)
- Reduktion <Linguistik> (1)
- Reduplikation (1)
- Reflexivpronomen (1)
- Relevanz <Linguistik> (1)
- Resultativ (1)
- Reziprozität (1)
- Reziprozität <Linguistik> (1)
- Rumänisch (1)
- Saharanische Sprachen (1)
- Samoanisch (1)
- Satzadverb (1)
- Schriftlichkeit (1)
- Schwedisch (1)
- Senufo (1)
- Serbian (1)
- Serbisch (1)
- Serialverb-Konstruktion (1)
- Skandinavische Sprachen (1)
- Slawische Sprachen (1)
- Sprachgeschichte (1)
- Sprachproduktion (1)
- Sprachtheorie (1)
- Sprachverarbeitung (1)
- Sprachwahrnehmung (1)
- Stativ <Grammatik> (1)
- Stochastik (1)
- Strukturelle Grammatik (1)
- Strukturelle Phonologie (1)
- Suppire (1)
- Suppire-Sprache (1)
- Taiwan-Austronesisch (1)
- Teilsatz (1)
- Temporaladverb (1)
- Thai (1)
- Theory of mind (1)
- Tibetobirmanische Sprachen ; Nungisch (1)
- Tongaisch (1)
- Tonologie (1)
- Tswana (1)
- Tukangbesi (1)
- Tumbuka-Sprache (1)
- Türkisch (1)
- Umgangssprache (1)
- Universalgrammatik (1)
- Venetisch (1)
- Verbalphrase (1)
- Vietnamese (1)
- Vokal (1)
- Vokalharmonie (1)
- Xhosa (1)
- Zentralkhoisan-Sprachen (1)
- Zulu (1)
- acceptability (1)
- agree (1)
- also (1)
- anticausatives (1)
- argument dislocation (1)
- background particles (1)
- causatives (1)
- clefts (1)
- complementation (1)
- cyclicity (1)
- epp (1)
- ergativity (1)
- features (1)
- fieldwork (1)
- focus particles (1)
- free-choice (1)
- gradience grammar (1)
- grammaticality (1)
- hierarchies (1)
- long wh-movement (1)
- passives (1)
- person splits (1)
- phi-features (1)
- phonology (1)
- pirahã (1)
- pp modification (1)
- question formation (1)
- root classes (1)
- stress patterns (1)
- subject inversion (1)
- syntactic decomposition (1)
- temporal gradation (1)
- temporal limitation (1)
- tone (1)
- tones (1)
- word order variation (1)
Institute
- Extern (12)
This paper deals with restitutive and repetitive 'wieder'. Proceeding from the assumption that adverbial adjuncts have base positions which reflect their semantic relations to the rest of the sentence, it is shown that repetitive 'wieder' belongs to the class of event adverbs minimally c-commanding the base positions of all arguments whereas restitutive 'wieder' has many properties in common with process adjuncts, minimally c-commanding the final verb.
Rethinking the adjunct
(2000)
The purpose of the present paper is twofold: first, to show that, when defining the adjunct, it is necessary to distinguish in a strict modular way between the syntactic level and the lexico-semantic level. Thus, the adjunct is a syntactic category on a par with the specifier and the complement, whereas the argument belongs to the same set as does (among others) the modifier. The consequence of this distinction is that there is no direct one-to-one opposition between adjuncts and arguments. Nor is there any direct one-to one relation between adjuncts and modifiers.
The second and main purpose of the paper is to account for the well-known difference between the position of a specific set of modifiers (cause, time, place etc.) in, on the one hand, English and Swedish, on the other, German. In English and Swedish the default position of these modifiers is postverbal, whereas in German it is preverbal. Further, in English and Swedish, these modifiers occur in a mirror order compared with their German counterparts, an order which, from a semantic point of view, is not the expected one. I shall demonstrate that this difference is due to the different settings of the verbal head parameter, the former languages being VO-languages and the latter being OV -languages. I shall further argue that in English and Swedish these modifiers are base generated as adjuncts to an empty VP, which is a complement of the main verb of what I shall call the minimal VP (MVP), whereas in German they are adjuncts on top of the MVP. Finally, I shall argue that the postverbal modifiers move at the latest at LF to the top of the MVP, in order to take scope over it, the restriction being 'Shortest move'. The movement results in the correct scope order of the postverbal modifiers.
The proposed structure also accounts for the binding data, in particular for the binding of a specific Swedish possessive anaphor 'sin'. This pronoun, which may occur within the MVP, must not occur within the postverbal modifiers in the empty VP. This supports the assumption that there is a strict borderline between the MVP and the assumed empty VP. The account is also in accordance with the focus data, the specific set of modifiers being potential focus exponents in a wide focus reading in English and Swedish, but not in German.
In this study, I investigate the positions and interpretations available to 'manner' adverbs in English. My central claim, contra Wyner (1994, 1998), is that an association does exist between 'manner' adverb positions and interpretations, which is best characterized in terms of Peterson's (1997) distinction between 'restrictive' and 'non-restrictive' modification. I also claim, however, that the association in question is not as general as commonly claimed; and, in particular, does not apply directly to 'manner' adverbs in 'fronted' and 'parenthetical' positions, which require special syntactic description.
In this paper I would like to show that the principles which have been proposed so far to account for the relationship between the informational level and the syntactic level in a Chinese utterance are unable to predict some interesting and regular facts of that language.
To my mind, the form and the position of the question operator in an interrogative utterance provide two distributional tests which univocally indicate where the new information lies. Hence, the pairing of affirmative and interrogative sentences might be a better approach to locate where the new information lies in a Chinese utterance.
Editorial preface
(2000)
The present issue grew out of two sources. The main one was the workshop on Adding and Omitting (A & 0) held during the DGfS Conference organized in Konstanz at the beginning of 1999 by our ZAS project on Syntax der Fokusbildung. The purpose of the workshop was to bring together people working on topicalization (addition of expressions, in a sense) and ellipsis (omission, i.e. deletion of linguistic material) and their relations and interaction. Since the workshop was very successful and met with a great deal of interest on the part of both participants and outsiders, we decided to collect and publish the papers that were presented. Towards the end of 1999, a follow-up workshop on Ellipsis and Information Structure was organized by Kerstin Schwabe and Susanne Winkler (Tübingen). The papers given at this second meeting were supposed to be an integral part of the publication as well. More and more people got involved, further developing our common understanding of the topic phenomenon, so that there was too much material for a single volume. We therefore decided to split the enterprise into two volumes. The ellipsis papers are to be published by 'Benjamins' this year in Interpreting Omitted Structures.
As part of a major project on the syntactic organisation of written discourse in the recent history of the English language, this paper tackles the distribution of sentences comprising left-dislocated constituents in a corpus of texts from late Middle English onwards. Once the phenomenon of left dislocation has been properly defined, this investigation will concentrate on the analysis of the corpus in the following directions: (i) statistical evolution of left dislocation in the recent history of the English language; (ii) the influence of orality and genre on left dislocation; (iii) information conveyed by the left-dislocated material, that is, the discourse-based referentiality potential of the left-dislocated constituents in terms of recoverability, and its association with end-focus; and (iv) grammatical complexity of the left-dislocated material and its association with end-weight.
The Bantu language Makhuwa makes a distinction between cojoint and disjoint verb forms. Two hypotheses are made from generalisations on the distribution of the conjoint and disjoint verb forms in Makhuwa. 1) The verb appears in its conjoint form when a focal element occupies the Immediate After Verb (IAV) position; 2) the verb appears in its disjoint form when the IAV position is empty. A syntactic analysis is provided that accounts for these hypotheses if the IAV position is defined in terms of structural rather than linear adjacency between two heads in a direct c-command relation.
In the syntactic analysis two focus projections are proposed: one under TP (Ndayiragije 1999) hosting the disjoint morpheme and one under vP, to whose specifier focal elements move. Non-focal elements remain in-situ. This analysis accounts both for the strong adjacency requirement of a cojoint verb form and its focal object and for the empty IAV position that requires a verb to appear in its disjoint form.
This paper presents a sketch of the prosodic, syntactic and morphological means of expressing focus in Chitumbuka, an underdescribed Bantu language of Malawi. The chief prosodic correlate of focus is boundary narrowing – rephrasing conditioned by focus – which is used not only to signal in situ focus but also in syntactic and morphological focus constructions. Of theoretical importance is the fact that rephrasing does not lend culminative prominence to the focused constituent. Although Chitumbuka has culminative sentential stress, its position remains fixed at the right edge of the clause, independent of the position of focus. This makes Chitumbuka a challenge for theories of focus prosody which claim that the focused constituent must have culminative sentential prominence.
This paper discusses locative inversion constructions in Otjiherero against the background of previous work by Bresnan and Kanerva (1989) on the construction in Chichewa, and Demuth and Mmusi (1997) on Setswana and related languages. Locative inversion in Otjiherero is structurally similar to locative inversion in Chichewa and Setswana, but differs from these languages in that there are fewer thematic restrictions on predicates undergoing locative inversion. As Otjiherero has a three-way morphological distinction of locative subject markers, this shows that there is no relation between agreement morphology and thematic restrictions in locative inversion, confirming the result of Demuth and Mmusi. The availability of transitive predicates to participate in locative inversion in Otjiherero furthermore raises questions about the relation between locative inversion, valency, and applicative marking, and these are addressed in the paper, although further research is needed for a full analysis. In terms of function of the locative subject markers, Otjiherero presents, like Chishona, a split system where all markers support locative readings, but where one of them is also used in expletive contexts. In contrast to Chishona, though, this is the class 16, rather than the class 17 marker.
Genitive focus in Supyire
(2006)
Supyire has two distinct genitive constructions, one consisting of juxtaposed nouns, and the other marked with a particle. This study demonstrates that the marked genitive correlates significantly in natural discourse with contrastive focus as operationally defined in Myhill and Xing (1996). The method used avoids the vicious circularity of many discourse-based studies of focus. Contrastive focus, rather than being "coded", is a pragmatic construal which is dependent on other elements in the communicative context. This construal is only one of the possible construals of the marked genitive (contra Carlson 1994). In this it is not unlike other so-called "contrastive focus" constructions noted in the literature, such as contrastive stress in English.
The impact of the morphological alternation of subject markers on tense/aspect: the case of Swahili
(2006)
Subject markers for the first, second and third person singular in Southern Swahili dialects display morphological variation in that specific forms are chosen with different tense-aspect markers. This paper documents this variation in the different dialects and presents a distributional chart which reveals the symmetric patterns between these subject markers and their corresponding tense-aspect formatives. The study corroborates earlier work in the manifestation of variant morphological tense-aspect formatives of the regional dialects of Swahili by Mazrui (1983).
Introduction
(2006)
The papers in this volume reflect a number of broad themes which have emerged during the meetings of the project as particularly relevant for current Bantu linguistics. [...] The papers show that approaches to Bantu linguistics have also developed in new directions since this foundational work. For example, interaction of phonological phrasing with syntax and word order on the one hand, and with information structure on the other, is more prominent in the papers here than in earlier literature. Quite generally, the role of information structure for the understanding of Bantu syntax has become more important, in particular with respect to the expression of topic and focus, but also for the analysis of more central syntactic concerns such as questions and relative clauses. This, of course, relates to a wider development in linguistic theory to incorporate notions of topic and focus into core syntactic analysis, and it is not surprising that work on Bantu languages and on linguistic theory are closely related to each other in this respect. Another noteworthy development is the increasing interest in variation among Bantu languages which reflects the fact that more empirical evidence from more Bantu languages has become available over the last decade or so. The picture that emerges from this research is that morpho-syntactic variation in Bantu is rich and complex, and that there is strong potential to link this research to research on micro-variation in European (and other) languages, and to the study of morpho-syntactic variables, or parameters, more generally.
Modern theorists rarely agree on how to represent the categories of tense and aspect, making a consistent analysis for phenomena, such as the present perfect, more difficult to attain. It has been argued in previous analyses that the variable behavior of the present perfect between languages licenses independently motivated treatments, particularly of a morphosyntactic or semanticsyntactic nature (Giorgi & Pianesi 1997; Schmitt 2001; Ilari 2001). More specifically, the wellknown readings of the American English (AE) present perfect (resultative, experiential, persistent situation, recent past (Comrie 1976)), are at odds with the readings of the corresponding structure in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), the 'pretérito perfeito composto' (default iterativity and occasional duration (Ilari 1999)). Despite these variations, the present work, assuming a tense-aspect framework at the semantic-pragmatic interface, will provide a unified analysis for the present perfect in AE and BP, which have traditionally been treated as semantically divergent. The present perfect meaning, in conjunction with the aspectual class of the predicate, can account for the major differences between languages, particularly regarding iterativity and the "present perfect puzzle", regarding adverb compatibility.
In this paper I firstly argue that secondary predicates are complement of v, and v is overtly realized by Merge or Move in secondary predication in Chinese. The former option derives the de-construction, whereas the latter option derives the V-V construction. Secondly, I argue that resultatives are hosted by complement vPs, whereas depictives are hosted by adjunct vPs. This complement-adjunct asymmetry accounts for a series of syntactic properties of secondary predication in Chinese: the position of a secondary predicate with respect to the verb of the primary predicate, the co-occurrence patterns of secondary predicates, the hierarchy of depictives, the control and ECM properties of resultative constructions, and the locality constraint on the integration of secondary predicates into the structure of primary predication. Thirdly, I argue that the surface position of de is derived by a PF operation which attaches de to the right of the leftmost verbal lexical head of the construction. Finally, I argue that in the V-V resultative construction, the assumed successive head-raising may account for the possible subject-oriented reading of the resultative predicate, and that the head raising out of the lower vP accounts for the possible non-specific reading of the subject of the resultative predicate.
The paper characterizes three different domains in the German middle field which are relevant for the interpretation of an indefinite. It is argued that the so-called 'strong' reading of an indefinite is the basic one and that the 'weak' reading needs special licensing which is mirrored by certain syntactic requirements. Some popular claims about the relation between the position and the interpretation of indefinites as well as some claims about scrambling are discussed and rejected. From the findings also follows that the strong reading of an indefinite is independent of its information status.
[V]oice in Malagasy is less like voice in English and more like wh-agreement, of the sort which Chung (1998) documents for Chamorro. In A' -extraction contexts in Chamorro, regular subject agreement […] is replaced by special morphology indicating whether the extracted element is a subject, object, or oblique […]. In Pearson (to appear) I suggested that Malagasy voice marking is a 'generalized' version of this type of marking: While in Chamorro wh-agreement is confined to questions, relative clauses, and the like, in Malagasy it appears in all clause types due to a requirement that the specifier of WhP be filled in every clause. [...]
In this paper I focus on the voice affixes themselves and propose an account of their distribution. Specifically, I argue that they are realizations of light verbs and Case-checking heads, which combine with the root through head-to-head movement. The distribution of the affixes is determined by the positions from which, and through which, the null operator […] moves on its way to the specifier of WhP. For example, the actor-topic prefix m- is treated as a nominative Casechecking head, which gets spelled out just in case the operator raises through its specifier. (My analysis is thus in the spirit of Guilfoyle, Hung, & Travis (1992), who also associate voice morphemes with Case licensing.)
The filling of the 'Vorfeld' in German sentences is basically obligatory; which constituent, however, actually moves to the Vorfeld is underdetermined by syntax and thus governed presumably by discourse factors. Coming from English, there are certain competing expectations one could have: either the topic — more specifically, the backward-looking center — of a sentence is moved to the Vorfeld, or an element in a poset relationship to a set mentioned in the previous discourse, or elements with other functions, such as the exposition of brand-new information or the setting of a scene. A study of a corpus of texts of different stylistic levels showed that indeed all elements expected to appear in the Vorfeld are eligible for Vorfeld-movement, but that there is a strict ranking. Preferred Vorfeld-fillers are phrases containing brand-new information as well as scene-setting elements; only if no such elements are present can elements in a poset relationship with some previously mentioned set be moved to the Vorfeld. Finally, if such elements are not present either, backward-looking centers can move to the Vorfeld. Backward-looking centers have, for this reason, a relatively poor quota among Vorfeld-fillers, namely around 50%.
In this paper, we investigate two pairs of structures in German and English: German Weak Pronoun Left Dislocation and English Topicalization, on the one hand, and German and English Hanging Topic Left Dislocation, on the other. We review the prosodic, lexical, syntactic, and discourse evidence that places the former two structures into one class and the latter two into another, taking this evidence to show that dislocates in the former class are syntactically integrated into their 'host' sentences while those in the latter class are not. From there, we show that the most straightforward way to account for this difference in 'integration' is to take the dislocates in the latter structures to be 'orphans', phrases that are syntactically independent of the phrases with which they are associated, providing additional empirical and theoretical support for this analysis — which, we point out, has a number of antecedents in the literature.
The phenomenon of phonological opacity has been the subject of much debate in recent years, with scholars opposed to the Optimality Theory (OT) research program arguing that opacity proves OT must be false, while the solutions proposed within OT, such as sympathy theory and stratal OT , have proved to be unsatisfying to many OT proponents, who have found these proposals to be inconsistent with the parallelist approach to phonological processes otherwise characteristic of OT. In this paper I reexamine one of the best known cases of opacity, that found in three processes of Tiberian Hebrew (TH), and argue that these processes only appear to be opaque, because previous analyses have treated them as pure phonology, rather than as an interaction between phonology and morphology. Once it is recognized that certain words of TH are lexically marked to end with a syllabic trochee, and that the goal of paradigm uniformity exerts grammatical pressure on phonology, the three processes no longer present a problem to parallelist OT. The results suggest the possibility that all crosslinguistic instances of apparent opacity can be explained in terms of the phonology-morphology interface and that purely phonological opacity does not exist. If this claim is true, then parallelist OT can be defended against its detractors without the need for additional mechanisms like sympathy theory and stratal OT.
This paper investigates how syntax and focus interact in deriving the phonological phrasing of utterances in Xhosa, a Bantu language spoken in South Africa. Although the influence of syntax on phrasing is uncontroversial, a purely syntactic analysis cannot account for all the data reported for Xhosa by Jokweni (1995). Focus influences the phrasing in that it inserts a phonological phrase-boundary after the focused constituent. This generalization can account for the variation found in the phrasing of adverbials.
The findings are dealt with in an OT-based framework following Truckenbrodt's work on Chichewa (1995, 1999) which is extended to the phrasing of adjuncts.