Linguistik-Klassifikation
Refine
Year of publication
- 2006 (74) (remove)
Document Type
- Part of a Book (42)
- Conference Proceeding (22)
- Working Paper (4)
- Preprint (3)
- Article (1)
- Book (1)
- Report (1)
Has Fulltext
- yes (74) (remove)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (74)
Keywords
- Thema-Rhema-Gliederung (21)
- Englisch (11)
- Syntax (10)
- Formale Semantik (9)
- Bantusprachen (6)
- Wortstellung (5)
- Deutsch (4)
- Gradpartikel (4)
- Lexikologie (4)
- Russisch (4)
- Syntaktische Kongruenz (4)
- Interrogativsatz (3)
- Intonation <Linguistik> (3)
- Koordination <Linguistik> (3)
- Lokativ (3)
- Negation (3)
- Phonologie (3)
- Topikalisierung (3)
- Adjunkt <Linguistik> (2)
- Afrikanische Sprachen (2)
- Consecutio temporum (2)
- Genitiv (2)
- Griechisch (2)
- Hypotaxe (2)
- Informationsstruktur (2)
- Kanuri-Sprache (2)
- Kausativ (2)
- Konditionalsatz (2)
- Kopula (2)
- Modalverb (2)
- Morphem (2)
- Morphosyntax (2)
- Nama-Sprache (2)
- Niederländisch (2)
- Nominalphrase (2)
- Numerus (2)
- Parataxe (2)
- Passiv (2)
- Polarität (2)
- Portugiesisch (2)
- Prädikat (2)
- Quantor (2)
- Referenzsemantik (2)
- Satz (2)
- Satzsemantik (2)
- Skopus (2)
- Sotho (2)
- Spaltsatz (2)
- Temporalsatz (2)
- Tharaka (2)
- Valenz <Linguistik> (2)
- Yoruba-Sprache (2)
- syntax (2)
- Ableitung <Linguistik> (1)
- Adversativsatz (1)
- Akan-Sprache (1)
- Albanisch (1)
- American sign language (1)
- Amerikanisches Englisch (1)
- Anapher <Syntax> (1)
- Arabisch (1)
- Argument <Linguistik> (1)
- Aschanti-Sprache (1)
- Aspekt <Linguistik> (1)
- Aufforderungssatz (1)
- Baushi (1)
- Bemba-Sprache (1)
- Bewegungsverb (1)
- Bulgarisch (1)
- Chewa-Sprache (1)
- Diskursrepräsentationstheorie (1)
- Drung (1)
- Ellipse <Linguistik> (1)
- Erkenntnistheorie (1)
- Existentialsatz (1)
- Extraposition (1)
- Faktiv (1)
- Frage (1)
- Funktionsverb (1)
- Genus (1)
- German (1)
- Grammatiktheorie (1)
- Grammatische Person (1)
- Hausa (1)
- Herero-Sprache (1)
- Indefinitpronomen (1)
- Inuktitut (1)
- Inversion <Grammatik> (1)
- Japanisch (1)
- Komparativ (1)
- Konjunktion (1)
- Kontrastive Semantik (1)
- Kontrastive Syntax (1)
- Korrelativsatz (1)
- Kymrisch (1)
- Lexicalized Tree Adjoining Grammar (1)
- Makua-Sprache (1)
- Malawi (1)
- Modalität <Linguistik> (1)
- Morphologie <Linguistik> (1)
- Mögliche Welt (1)
- Negativer Polaritätsausdruck (1)
- Neugriechisch (1)
- Niger-Kongo-Sprachen (1)
- Nilosaharanische Sprachen (1)
- Notwendigkeit (1)
- Oberflächenstruktur <Linguistik> (1)
- Objekt <Linguistik> (1)
- Optimalitätstheorie (1)
- Perfekt (1)
- Possessivität (1)
- Pragmatik (1)
- Pronomen (1)
- Prosodie (1)
- Prädikation (1)
- Reflexivpronomen (1)
- Relativsatz (1)
- Relevanz <Linguistik> (1)
- Saharanische Sprachen (1)
- Satzglied (1)
- Schwedisch (1)
- Semantik (1)
- Senufo (1)
- Spanisch (1)
- Sprachtypologie (1)
- Subjekt (1)
- Suppire (1)
- Suppire-Sprache (1)
- Swahili (1)
- Temporaladverb (1)
- Tempus (1)
- Tibetobirmanische Sprachen ; Nungisch (1)
- Tiefenstruktur (1)
- Tigrinisch (1)
- Ungarisch (1)
- Verb (1)
- Zentralkhoisan-Sprachen (1)
- Zulu (1)
- anticausatives (1)
- case (1)
- causatives (1)
- ergativity (1)
- features (1)
- hierarchies (1)
- passives (1)
- person splits (1)
- phi-features (1)
- pp modification (1)
- root classes (1)
- syntactic decomposition (1)
Institute
- Extern (1)
Comparative correlative (CC) constructions have received much attention in recent years. Major issues have been whether they involve special constructions and whether they have symmetric or asymmetric structures. Evidence from Romance suggests that they require special constructions and that they may be either symmetric or asymmetric. French has a single construction which is asymmetric for some speakers and symmetric for others. Spanish has two distinct constructions, one asymmetric and the other symmetric with quite different properties. The facts can be accommodated in a straightforward way within construction-based HPSG.
This paper demonstrates that there are no empirical and theoretical motivations for regarding verbal predicate focus constructions as (diachronically) derived from cleft constructions. Instead, it is argued that predicate fronting for the purpose of focus or topic is comparable to verb (phrase) fronting structures in other languages (e.g., Germanic). The proposed analysis further indicates that related doubling strategies observed in certain languages are the consequences of parallel chains that license the fronted verb (phrase) in the left periphery, and the Agree-tense-aspect features inside the proposition.
In the recent literature there is growing interest in the morpho-syntactic encoding of hierarchical effects. The paper investigates one domain where such effects are attested: ergative splits conditioned by person. This type of splits is then compared to hierarchical effects in direct-inverse alternations. On the basis of two case studies (Lummi instantiating an ergative split person language and Passamaquoddy an inverse language) we offer an account that makes no use of hierarchies as a primitive. We propose that the two language types differ as far as the location of person features is concerned. In inverse systems person features are located exclusively in T, while in ergative systems, they are located in T and a particular type of v. A consequence of our analysis is that Case checking in split and inverse systems is guided by the presence/absence of specific phi-features. This in turn provides evidence for a close connection between Case and phi-features, reminiscent of Chomsky’s (2000, 2001) Agree.
The causative/anticausative alternation has been the topic of much typological and theoretical discussion in the linguistic literature. This alternation is characterized by verbs with transitive and intransitive uses, such that the transitive use of a verb V means roughly "cause to Vintransitive" (see Levin 1993). The discussion revolves around two issues: the first one concerns the similarities and differences between the anticausative and the passive, and the second one concerns the derivational relationship, if any, between the transitive and intransitive variant. With respect to the second issue, a number of approaches have been developed. Judging the approach conceptually unsatisfactory, according to which each variant is assigned an independent lexical entry, it was concluded that the two variants have to be derivationally related. The question then is which one of the two is basic and where this derivation takes place in the grammar. Our contribution to this discussion is to argue against derivational approaches to the causative / anticausative alternation. We focus on the distribution of PPs related to external arguments (agent, causer, instrument, causing event) in passives and anticausatives of English, German and Greek and the set of verbs undergoing the causative/anticausative alternation in these languages. We argue that the crosslinguistic differences in these two domains provide evidence against both causativization and detransitivization analyses of the causative / anticausative alternation. We offer an approach to this alternation which builds on a syntactic decomposition of change of state verbs into a Voice and a CAUS component. Crosslinguistic variation in passives and anticausatives depends on properties of Voice and its combinations with CAUS and various types of roots.
It has often been noticed that one syntactic argument position can be realized by elements which seem to realize different thematic roles. This is notably the case with the external argument position of verbs of change of state which licenses volitional agents, instruments or natural forces/causers, showing the generality and abstractness of the external argument relation. (1) a. John broke the window (Agent) b. The hammer broke the window (Instrument) c. The storm broke the window (Causer) In order to capture this generality, Van Valin & Wilkins (1996) and Ramchand (2003) among others have proposed that the thematic role of the external argument position is in fact underspecified. The relevant notion is that of an effector (in Van Valin & Wilkins) or of an abstract causer/initiator (in Ramchand). In this paper we argue against a total underspecification of the external argument relation. While we agree that (1b) does not instantiate an instrument theta role in subject position, we argue that a complete underspecification of the external theta-position is not feasible, but that two types of external theta roles have to be distinguished, Agents and Causers. Our arguments are based on languages where Agents and Causers show morpho-syntactic independence (section 2.1) and the behavior of instrument subjects in English, Dutch, German and Greek (section 2.2 and 3). We show that instrument subjects are either Agent or Causer like. In section (4) we give an analysis how arguments realizing these thematic notions are introduced into syntax.
In my paper, I show that the so-called German right dislocation actually comprises two distinct constructions, which I label 'right dislocation proper' and 'afterthought'. These differ in their prosodic and syntactic properties, as well as in their discourse functions. The paper is primarily concerned with the right dislocation proper (RD). I present a semantic analysis of RD based on the 'separate performative' account of Potts (2004, 2005) and Portner (forthc.). This analysis allows a description of the semantic contribution of RD to its host sentence, as well as explaining certain semantic constraints on the kind of NP in the RD construction.
Abstract: A functional typology of copular be in Russian allows us to systematically relate variants of predication with and without copula. The analysis sketched in this article does not need empty categories; neither does it have to stipulate categories, category changes or constituents that are not morphologically signalled. With regard to HPSG formalization, the presented approach independently motivates the use of features and mechanisms that are already available in this framework.
Complex focus versus double focus : investigations on multiple focus interpretations in Hungarian
(2006)
The main aim of this paper is to point out several problems with the semantic analysis of Hungarian focus interpretation and 'only'. For current semantic analyses the interpretation of Hungarian identificational/exhaustive focus and 'only' is problematic, since in classical semantic analyses 'only' is identified with an exhaustivity operator. In this paper I will discuss multiple focus constructions and question-answer pairs in Hungarian to show that such a view cannot be applied to Hungarian exhaustive focus. Next to this I will discuss possible interpretations of Hungarian sentences containing multiple prosodic foci: complex focus versus double focus. My claim is that in order to interpret multiple focus (in Hungarian) we have to take into consideration the different intonation patterns, the occurrence of 'only', and the syntactic structure as well.
Reflexive pronouns as central anaphoric elements are subject to general principles determined by Universal Grammar and shared by all languages that use reflexives as part of their grammatical structure. In addition to these general conditions, there are language particular properties, which different languages can exhibit on the basis of different regulations. One variation of this sort is the particular role of Reflexives in German, which can show up as improper Arguments, which are subject to standard syntactic and morphological conditions, but do not represent an argument of the head they belong to. Hence the particular property is the effect of syntactic, morphological and semantic conditions. A simple illustration of the phenomena I will explore in this contribution is based on the following observation.