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Contemporary German abounds in doubtful cases where linking elements alternate with zero elements, such as Seminar(+s?+)arbeit 'term paper', Respekt(+s?+)person 'person who commands respect'. This variation indicates a profound language change in the course of which the linking +s+ has spread continuously since Early New High German and is replacing the zero element more and more often. Today, +s+ is the most productive, progressive and most frequently occurring linking element. In this paper, we provide an explanation for the doubtful cases. Most often, the linking +s+ depends directly on the phonological quality of the first part of the compound: the worse its phonological structure, the more likely the occurrence of the linking +s+. It occurs most regularly after first parts of compounds containing a suffix or an unstressed prefix (Verkáuf+s+gespräch 'sales conversation'), while words with an ideal phonological structure (monosyllabic or trochaic words) rarely attract the linking +s+. The variation concentrates on compounds whose first parts feature a stressed prefix (Éinkauf(+s?+)führer 'shopping guide'). There is, however, a further factor which leads to fluctuation in the occurrence of the linking +s+. In cases where the second part of synthetic compounds such as Auftrag(+s?+)geber 'client' contain a high degree of verbality, the linking +s+ blurs the syntactic relation between the immediate constituents, strengthening the morphological character of the compound.
Zu dem Strauß der Bindestrichlinguistiken gesellt sich derzeit ein weiteres, besonders interessantes und vielversprechendes Exemplar, die sog. Zweifelsfall-Linguistik. Ihre Entstehung kann man mit dem "Linguistik online"-Heft "Sprachliche Zweifelsfälle. Theorie und Empirie" [...] auf das Jahr 2003 datieren. [...]
Aus historisch-linguistischer Perspektive handelt es sich sehr häufig um Fälle sich gegenwärtig vollziehenden Sprachwandels, d.h. was heute an seismischen Bewegungen registriert wird, hat seinen Herd, um in diesem Bild zu bleiben, oft im Frühneuhochdeutschen oder noch früher. [...] Gerade für die zukünftigen LehrerInnen ist es wichtig, von der richtig/falsch-Zentriertheit von Zweifelsfällen wegzukommen und stattdessen der Ratio dieses Phänomens näherzukommen (um dann bessere Anleitungen geben zu können). In Veranstaltungen zu Zweifelsfällen erlangt man übrigens eine beträchtliche diachrone Tiefe, d.h. die Bereitschaft, sich in das Problem, seine Genese und seine Hintergründe einzuarbeiten, ist erfreulich hoch. Interessant (und noch nicht erforscht) ist dabei die unterschiedliche Salienz grammatischer Zweifelsfälle: Während die Fugensetzung sofort als Zweifelsfall erkannt und bestätigt wird, ist es bei der schwankenden Flexion zweier koordinierter Adjektive im Dativ ohne Determinans ("unter großem finanziellem?/finanziellen? Aufwand") anders. Auch wenn die Korpora die Schwankung zwischen Parallel- und Wechselflexion zweifelsfrei als Zweifelsfall ausweisen (ca. zwei Drittel Wechselflexion, ca. ein Drittel Parallelflexion), so erreicht diese Flexionsunsicherheit keinen hohen Bewusstheitsgrad. Die höchste Salienz erreichen übrigens orthographische Zweifelsfälle [...], danach Wortbildungsprobleme wie die (Un-)Trennbarkeit von Präfixen vom Typ "gedownloadet/downgeloadet".
Zum Informationsangebot deutscher Aussprachewörterbücher für tschechische Germanistikstudierende
(2013)
Aussprachewörterbücher stellen für nichtmuttersprachliche Germanistikstudierende nach wie vor eine der wichtigsten Informationsquellen über die gesprochene Form der deutschen Gegenwartssprache dar. Beim Vergleich der gängigen Aussprachewörterbücher des Deutschen kann man jedoch gravierende Unterschiede feststellen, die einen Nichtmuttersprachler leicht zu desorientieren (wenn nicht gerade zu verwirren) vermögen. Im Beitrag werden die zwei gebräuchlichsten Aussprachewörterbücher der deutschen Sprache (DUDEN Das Aussprachewörterbuch und De Gruyter Deutsches Aussprachewörterbuch) im Hinblick auf das darin enthaltene Informationsangebot für tschechische Germanistikstudierende verglichen. In den Vordergrund tritt somit die Darstellung der für tschechische Deutschstudierende problematischen phonetischen Erscheinungen. Des Weiteren wird folgenden Aspekten Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt: konzeptionelle Ausgangspunkte, Umfang und Stichwörterauswahl, theoretische Beschreibung des phonetisch-phonologischen Systems des Deutschen sowie der deutschen Standardlautung, Aktualitätsbezug, Beschreibung von regionalen Varietäten, Berücksichtigung der Phonostilistik usw.
This exercise explores the historical relationship between tone, aspiration, prefixes and stem initial consonants in Tibetan. (The stem-initial consonant is underlined in those words that have prefixes or initial clusters; [ts], [tsh], [tç], [tçh], etc., all count as single consonants.) Other phonetic developments are also explored.
Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich der phonetischen Motivation phonologischer Palatalisierungsprozesse, bei welchen Vorderzungenvokoide die Palatalisierung (bzw. Affrizierung) vorangehender Plosive bewirken. Durch akustische Analysen zu deutschen und bulgarischen stimmlosen alveolaren und velaren Verschlußlauten wird der Einfluß nachfolgender vorderer Vokoide und des tiefen Vokals /a/ auf die geräuschähnliche Phase nach der plosiven Verschlußlösung der Konsonanten untersucht. Zum Zwecke der Überprüfung einer nach universellen phonologischen Prinzipien formulierten Hierarchie der wahrscheinlichen Inputkandidaten für Palatalisierungen werden akustische Messungen zur Zeitdauer und zu den spektralen Eigenschaften des konsonantischen Segments in wortinitialen Konsonant-Vokoid-Sequenzen vorgestellt. Die Ergebnisse der Studie unterstützen nur teilweise die vorgeschlagene Hierarchiehypothese und zeigen, daß sprachspezifische Besonderheiten einen Einfluß auf die Anordnung der Elemente der Hierarchie ausüben.
As work like McCarthy (2002: 128) notes, pre-Optimality Theory (OT) phonology was primarily concerned with representations and theories of subsegmental structure. In contrast, the role of representations and choice of structural models has received little attention in OT. Some central representational issues of the pre-OT era have, in fact, become moot in OT (McCarthy 2002: 128). Further, as work like Baković (2007) notes, even for assimilatory processes where representation played a central role in the pre-OT era, constraint interaction now carries the main explanatory burden. Indeed, relatively few studies in OT (e.g., Rose 2000; Hargus & Beavert 2006; Huffmann 2005, 2007; Morén 2006) have argued for the importance of phonological representations. This paper intends to contribute to this work by reanalyzing a set of processes related to vowel harmony in Shimakonde, a Bantu language spoken in Mozambique and Tanzania. These processes are of particular interest, as Liphola’s (2001) study argues that they are derivationally opaque and so not amenable to an OT analysis. I show that the opacity disappears given the proper choice of representations for vowel features and a metrical harmony domain.
Das hethitische Phonem /xw/
(2014)
In the Hittite phonological system there was a labialized velar fricative /xw/ beside the plain velar fricative /x/ parallel to the opposition between the velar stops /kw/ and /k/. The frequent syllable /xwa/ was spelled either hu-(u) or hu-wa. Evidence from the frequency of words with initial hu in the lexicon, from spelling variations and from ablaut alternations is presented to demonstrate the existence of /xw/. It is suggested that Hittite /xw/ regularly corresponds to the reflexes of *w in the non-Anatolian Indo-European languages.
The collection of papers in this volume presents results of a collaborative project between the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London, the Zentrum für allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Typologie und Universalienforschung (ZAS) in Berlin, and the University of Leiden. All three institutions have a strong interest in the linguistics of Bantu languages, and in 2003 decided to set up a network to compare results and to provide a platform for on-going discussion of different topics on which their research interests converged. The project received funding from the British Academy International Networks Programme, and from 2003 to 2006 seven meetings were held at the institutions involved under the title Bantu Grammar: Description and Theory, indicating the shared belief that current research in Bantu is best served by combining the description of new data with theoretically informed analysis. During the life-time of the network, and partly in conjunction with it, larger externally funded Bantu research projects have been set up at all institutions: projects on word-order and morphological marking and on phrasal phonology in Leiden, on pronominal reference, agreement and clitics in Romance and Bantu at SOAS, and on focus in Southern Bantu languages at ZAS. The papers in this volume provide a sampling of the work developed within the network and show, or so we think, how fruitful the sharing of ideas over the last three years has been. While the current British Academy-funded network is coming to an end in 2006, we hope that the cooperative structures we have established will continue to develop - and be expanded - in the future, providing many future opportunities to exchange findings and ideas about Bantu linguistics.
Low- dimensional and speaker-independent linear vocal tract parametrizations can be obtained using the 3-mode PARAFAC factor analysis procedure first introduced by Harshman et al. (1977) and discussed in a series of subsequent papers in the Journal of the Acoustical Society of America (Jackson (1988), Nix et al. (1996), Hoole (1999), Zheng et al. (2003)). Nevertheless, some questions of importance have been left unanswered, e.g. none of the papers using this method has provided a consistent interpretation of the terms usually referred to as "speaker weights". This study attempts an exploration of what influences their reliability as a first step towards their consistent interpretation. With this in mind, we undertook a systematic comparison of the classical PARAFAC1 algorithm with a relaxed version, of it, PARAFAC2. This comparison was carried out on two different corpora acquired by the articulograph, which varied in vowel qualities, consonantal contexts, and the paralinguistic features accent and speech rate. The difference between these statistical approaches can grossly be described as follows: In PARAFAC1, observation units pertain to the same set of variables and the observation units are comparable. In PARAFAC2, observations pertain to the same set of variables, but observation units are not comparable. Such a situation can be easily conceived in a situation such as we are describing: The operationalization we took relies on the comparability of fleshpoint data acquired from different speakers, which need not be a good assumption due to influences like sensor placement and morphological conditions.
In particular, the comparison between the two different approaches is carried out by means of so-called "leverages" on different component matrices originating in regression analysis, calculated as v = diag(A(A A)−1A ) and delivering information on how "influential" a particular loading matrix is for the model. This analysis could potentially be carried out component by component, but we confined ourselves to effects on the global factor structure. For vowels, the most influential loadings are those for the tense cognates of non-palatal vowels. For speakers, the most prominent result is the relative absence of effects of the paralinguistic variables. Results generally indicate that there is quite little influence of the model specification (i.e. PARAFAC1 or PARAFAC2) on vowel and subject components. The patterns for the articulators indicate that there are strong differences between speakers with respect to the most influential measurement as revealed by PARAFAC2: In particular, the most influential y-contribution is the tongue-back for some talkers and the tongue-dorsum for other speakers. With respect to the speaker weights, again, the leverage patterns are very similar for both PARAFAC-versions. These patterns converge with the results of the loading plots, where the articulator profiles seem to be most altered by the use of PARAFAC2. These findings, in general, are interpreted as evidence for the reliability of the PARAFAC1 speaker weights.
This work investigates laryngeal and supralaryngeal correlates of the voicing contrast in alveolar obstruent production in German. It further studies laryngealoral co-ordination observed for such productions. Three different positions of the obstruents are taken into account: the stressed, syllable initial position, the post-stressed intervocalic position, and the post-stressed word final position. For the latter the phonological rule of final devoicing applies in German. The different positions are chosen in order to study the following hypotheses:
1. The presence/absence of glottal opening is not a consistent correlate of the voicing contrast in German.
2. Supralaryngeal correlates are also involved in the contrast.
3. Supralaryngeal correlates can compensate for the lack of distinction in laryngeal adjustment.
Including the word final position is motivated by the question whether neutralization in word final position would be complete or whether some articulatory residue of the contrast can be found.
Two experiments are carried out. The first experiment investigates glottal abduction in co-ordination with tongue-palate contact patterns by means of simultaneous recordings of transillumination, fiberoptic films and Electropalatography (EPG). The second experiment focuses on supralaryngeal correlates of alveolar stops studied by means of Electromagnetic Articulography (EMA) simultaneously with EPG. Three German native speakers participated in both recordings. Results of this study provide evidence that the first hypothesis holds true for alveolar stops when different positions are taken into account. In fricative production it is also confirmed since voiceless and voiced fricatives are most of the time realised with glottal abduction. Additionally, supralaryngeal correlates are involved in the voicing contrast under two perspectives. First, laryngeal and supralaryngeal movements are well synchronised in voiceless obstruent production, particularly in the stressed position. Second, supralaryngeal correlates occur especially in the post-stressed intervocalic position. Results are discussed with respect to the phonetics-phonology interface, to the role of timing and its possible control, to the interarticulatory co-ordination, and to stress as 'localised hyperarticulation'.
This special issue of the ZAS Papers in Linguistics contains a collection of papers of the French-German Thematic Summerschool on "Cognitive and physical models of speech production, and speech perception and of their interaction".
Organized by Susanne Fuchs (ZAS Berlin), Jonathan Harrington (IPdS Kiel), Pascal Perrier (ICP Grenoble) and Bernd Pompino-Marschall (HUB and ZAS Berlin) and funded by the German-French University in Saarbrücken this summerschool was held from September 19th till 24th 2004 at the coast of the Baltic Sea at the Heimvolkshochschule Lubmin (Germany) with 45 participants from Germany, France, Great Britain, Italy and Canada. The scientific program of this summerschool that is reprinted at the end of this volume included 11 key-note presentations by invited speakers, 21 oral presentations and a poster session (8 presentations). The names and addresses of all participants are also given in the back matter of this volume.
All participants was offered the opportunity to publish an extended version of their presentation in the ZAS Papers in Linguistics. All submitted papers underwent a review and an editing procedure by external experts and the organizers of the summerschool. As it is the case in a summerschool, papers present either works in progress, or works at a more advanced stage, or tutorials. They are ordered alphabetically by their first author's name, fortunately resulting in the fact that this special issue starts out with the paper that won the award as best pre-doctoral presentation, i.e. Sophie Dupont, Jérôme Aubin and Lucie Ménard with "A study of the McGurk effect in 4 and 5-year-old French Canadian children".
Tento článek se zabývá následující otázkou: Jsou [Ə] a [ɐ] německé fonémy nebo ne? Hlavní myšlenka se zabývá rozmezím testu minimálních párů jako metody k určení fonematického system jazyka. Tento test je úspěšný do té doby, pokud nejsou dané prvky přesně předvídatelné. Ty jsou předpověditelné, pokud existují fonologická pravidla, která vysvětlují výskyt fónu. Zde se argumentuje, ţe /Ə/ je německý foném, ale [ɐ] není.
Demonstrationen von Gefühlsexpressionen : Exemplarische Untersuchungen an authentischen Gesprächen
(2010)
V ĉlánku jsou analyzovány tři příklady slovně vyjádřených citŧ. A) Případ spoleĉného rozhořĉení přispívající ke stabilizaci identity skupiny se stoupajícím a zase klesajícím prŧběhem; B) Vyprávění, ve kterém se bývalé rozĉilení vypravěĉky odráţí v mruĉení (mh, mh); C) Líĉení hrozivé přírodní události. Cílem je popsat spoleĉné pŧsobení gramatických, lexikálních a zvláště prozodických znakŧ promluvy.
V lingvistickém výzkumu byla malá pozornost věnována onomatopoickým výrazŧm ĉasto uţívaným zvláště v komiksech a v dětské literatuře jako nástroj k vyjádření emocí. Ĉlánek, jehoţ cílem je vyplnit mezeru ve výzkumu, nejprve podává přehled o vztazích mezi onomatopoi a emocemi. Autor zdŧrazňuje, ţe konkrétní realizace onomatopoických slov je v kaţdém jazyce jiná a závisí na jazykových konvencích. Následně jsou srovnána německá a ĉeská onomatopoická slovesa s emoĉními konotacemi. Srovnání ukazuje širokou škálu rozdílŧ, které se týkají nejen formálních aspektŧ, ale také významu těchto sloves. Závěrem vyplývá, ţe emoce jsou vázány na jazykový kontext, a proto nemohou být přesně přeloţeny.
Cìlem tohoto článku je ukázat, ņe je nutné při jazykovém rozboru středověkého německého textu, chceme-li se alespoņ přiblìņit jeho zvukové podobě, vņdy vycházet přìmo z rukopisu. Normalizovaná edice totiņ často stìrá fonetické zvláńtnosti a namnoze tìm dokonce ztěņuje i porozuměnì. Z analýzy nańeho textu např. jasně výplývajì rozdìy ve fonetické realizaci dvojhlásek ai/ay a ei/ey vzniklých kontrakcì -age- a -ege-, které K. Bartsch ve své edici přepisuje jako ei, a tìm zvyńuje počet homografických slov. Naproti tomu rozlińovánì s (germánské s) a z(z) (germánské t) a restaurace počátečnìho s ve skupině sw- nemá v jazyce rukopisu ņádnou oporu a archaizuje tak neņádoucìm způsobem jazykovou podobu celého textu.
Článek pojednává o zlomku lékařského receptu z 15. stoletì, který je v současné době uchováván pod signaturou I E a 16 v Oddělenì rukopisů a starých tisků Knihovny Národnìho muzea v Praze, a zabývá se dìlčìmi aspekty textové analýzy v oblasti grafematiky, fonetiky, morfologie, syntaxe a slovnì zásoby.
It has been established since Kanerva’s work that focus conditions phrasing – directly or indirectly – in several other Bantu languages, e.g. Chimwiini (Kisseberth 2007, Downing 2002, Kisseberth & Abasheikh 2004), Xhosa (Jokweni 1995, Zerbian 2004), Chitumbuka (Downing 2006, 2007), Zulu (Cheng & Downing 2006, Downing 2007), Bemba (Kula 2007), etc.
In this paper, I will argue that focus also conditions phrasing in Shingazidja, a Bantu language3 spoken on Grande Comore (or Ngazidja, the largest island of the Comoros).
Many works have been dedicated to the tonology of Shingazidja. The bases of the system were firstly identified by Tucker & Bryan (1970) and reanalyzed by Philippson (1988). Later, Cassimjee & Kisseberth (1989, 1992, 1993, 1998) provide a very convincing analysis of the whole system of the language, and my own research (Patin 2007a) shows a great correspondence with their results. However, little attention has been paid by these authors or others (Jouannet 1989, Rey 1990, Philippson 2005) to the phonology-pragmatics interface, especially on the relation between focus and phrasing. This paper thus proposes to explore this question. It will be claimed that focus, beside syntax, has an influence on phrasing in Shingazidja.