Linguistik-Klassifikation
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Part of a Book (100)
- Article (38)
- Conference Proceeding (22)
- Working Paper (13)
- Report (6)
- Book (2)
- Preprint (1)
Language
- English (182) (remove)
Has Fulltext
- yes (182)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (182)
Keywords
- Phonologie (54)
- Phonetik (47)
- Intonation <Linguistik> (30)
- Prosodie (24)
- Artikulation (19)
- Deutsch (17)
- Optimalitätstheorie (13)
- Artikulatorische Phonetik (12)
- Bantusprachen (12)
- Relativsatz (11)
- Slawische Sprachen (10)
- Interrogativsatz (9)
- Polnisch (9)
- Retroflex (9)
- Artikulator (8)
- Konsonant (8)
- Zischlaut (8)
- Akustische Phonetik (7)
- Englisch (7)
- Silbe (7)
- Syntax (7)
- Verschlusslaut (7)
- Vokal (7)
- Kontrastive Phonetik (6)
- Koreanisch (6)
- Lautwandel (6)
- Palatalisierung (6)
- Wortstellung (6)
- Affrikata (5)
- Chewa-Sprache (5)
- Kontrastive Linguistik (5)
- Kontrastive Phonologie (5)
- Linguistik (5)
- Reibelaut (5)
- Satz (5)
- Sprachtypologie (5)
- Stimmhaftigkeit (5)
- Stimmlosigkeit (5)
- Thema-Rhema-Gliederung (5)
- Auditive Phonetik (4)
- Baltoslawische Sprachen (4)
- Experimentelle Phonetik (4)
- Koartikulation (4)
- Kontrastive Grammatik (4)
- Morphonologie (4)
- Morphosyntax (4)
- Neurolinguistik (4)
- Anlaut (3)
- Auslaut (3)
- Ergänzungsfragesatz (3)
- Indogermanische Sprachen (3)
- Junktur (3)
- Phonem (3)
- Stimmgebung (3)
- Uralische Sprachen (3)
- Velar (3)
- Wortakzent (3)
- Aerodynamik (2)
- Aspiration <Linguistik> (2)
- Austronesische Sprachen (2)
- Berbersprachen (2)
- Beschränkung <Linguistik> (2)
- Biolinguistik (2)
- Dialektologie (2)
- Epenthese (2)
- Französisch (2)
- Ganda-Sprache (2)
- Hypotaxe (2)
- Japanisch (2)
- Kernspintomographie (2)
- Kontrastive Syntax (2)
- Laryngal (2)
- Lehnwort (2)
- Liaison (2)
- Lokativ (2)
- Makonde-Sprache (2)
- Markiertheit (2)
- Metrische Phonologie (2)
- Morphem (2)
- Morphologie (2)
- Morphologie <Linguistik> (2)
- Nebensatz (2)
- Nichtlineare Phonologie (2)
- Paiwan (2)
- Palatal (2)
- Palatographie (2)
- Parataxe (2)
- Patholinguistik (2)
- Salish-Sprache (2)
- Sprachliche Universalien (2)
- Sprechtempo (2)
- Stimmband (2)
- Swahili (2)
- Syntaktische Kongruenz (2)
- Tonologie (2)
- Tschechisch (2)
- Tumbuka-Sprache (2)
- Türkisch (2)
- Ungarisch (2)
- Valenz <Linguistik> (2)
- Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft (2)
- Adamaua-Ost-Sprachen (1)
- Afar (1)
- Affix (1)
- Akustische Spektrographie (1)
- Allomorph (1)
- Altfranzösisch (1)
- Altgriechisch (1)
- Alveolar (1)
- Ambiguität (1)
- Amerikanisches Englisch (1)
- Anatolische Sprachen (1)
- Anführungszeichen (1)
- Attischer Dialekt (1)
- Aufsatzsammlung (1)
- Autosegmentale Phonologie (1)
- Baltische Sprachen (1)
- Basaa-Sprache (1)
- Bemba-Sprache (1)
- Chinesisch (1)
- Cochlear-Implantat (1)
- Computerlinguistik (1)
- Computertomographie (1)
- Deklination (1)
- Dentallaut (1)
- Elektroglottographie (1)
- Elektromagnetische Artikulographie (1)
- Endkonsonant (1)
- Evolutionstheorie (1)
- Extraposition (1)
- Fipa (1)
- Futur (1)
- Gallizismus (1)
- Generative Transformationsgrammatik (1)
- German (1)
- Germanismus (1)
- Gesprochene Sprache (1)
- Gleitlaut (1)
- Glottisverschlusslaut (1)
- Grammatiktheorie (1)
- Gujarati (1)
- Halbvokal (1)
- Hausa-Sprache (1)
- Haya (1)
- Hebräisch (1)
- Historische Phonetik (1)
- Historische Phonologie (1)
- Historische Sprachwissenschaft (1)
- Hörstörung (1)
- Indogermanisch (1)
- Infix (1)
- Informationsstruktur (1)
- Interferenz (1)
- Katalanisch (1)
- Kehlkopf (1)
- Keltische Sprachen (1)
- Khoisan (1)
- Kind (1)
- Komoren (1)
- Kongressbericht (1)
- Kontamination <Wortbildung> (1)
- Konvergenztheorie (1)
- Kroatisch (1)
- KwaNdebele (1)
- Kymrisch (1)
- Lautsprache (1)
- Lautsymbolik (1)
- Lautwahrnehmung (1)
- Litauisch (1)
- Logopädie (1)
- Malagassi-Sprache (1)
- Manx (1)
- Metatonie (1)
- Mikronesische Sprachen (1)
- Mittelfranzösisch (1)
- More <Linguistik> (1)
- Mura-Sprache (1)
- Nasal (1)
- Negation (1)
- Neutralisation <Linguistik> (1)
- Niederländisch (1)
- Nominalphrase (1)
- Obstruent (1)
- Opaker Kontext (1)
- Palaung (1)
- Persisch (1)
- Phonologische Opposition (1)
- Pirahã (1)
- Poltern (1)
- Psycholinguistik (1)
- Reduktion <Linguistik> (1)
- Reduplikation (1)
- Rekonstruktion (1)
- Restriktiver Relativsatz (1)
- Russisch (1)
- Satzakzent (1)
- Satzglied (1)
- Schottisch (1)
- Schwa (1)
- Schwedisch (1)
- Silbenstruktur (1)
- Silbentrennung (1)
- Sonant (1)
- Sonorität (1)
- Sotho (1)
- Spracherwerb (1)
- Sprachliches Merkmal (1)
- Sprachproduktion (1)
- Sprachstatistik (1)
- Sprachverstehen (1)
- Sprachwahrnehmung (1)
- Strukturelle Phonologie (1)
- Taiwanesisch (1)
- Tibetisch (1)
- Ton <Phonologie> (1)
- Tonhöhe (1)
- Topikalisierung (1)
- Tswana (1)
- Uganda <West > (1)
- Vedisch (1)
- Versprecher (1)
- Visualisierung (1)
- Vokaldehnung (1)
- Vokalharmonie (1)
- Vorlesen (1)
- Wissenschaftsgeschichte (1)
- Wolfgang von Kempelen (1)
- Xhosa (1)
- Zulu-Sprache (1)
- Zunge (1)
- Zwillingsforschung (1)
- complementation (1)
- fieldwork (1)
- paradigm uniformity (1)
- phonological status (1)
- phonological word (1)
- pirahã (1)
- syntax (1)
- tone (1)
Institute
This study investigates supralaryngeal mechanisms of the two way voicing contrast among German velar stops and the three way contrast among Korean velar stops, both in intervocalic position. Articulatory data won via electromagnetic articulography of three Korean speakers and acoustic recordings of three Korean and three German speakers are analysed. It was found that in both languages the voicing contrast is created by more than one mechanism. However, one can say that for Korean velar stops in intervocalic position stop closure duration is the most important parameter. For German it is closure voicing. The results support the phonological description proposed by Kohler (1984).
The study investigates the contribution of tactile and auditory feedback in the adaptation of /s/ towards a palatal prosthesis. Five speakers were recorded via electromagnetic articulography, at first without the prosthesis, then with the prosthesis and auditory feedback masked, and finally with the prosthesis and auditory feedback available. Tongue position, jaw position and acoustic centre of gravity of productions of the sound were measured. The results show that the initial adaptation attempts without auditory feedback are dependent on the prosthesis type and directed towards reaching the original tongue palate contact pattern. Speakers with a prosthesis which retracted the alveolar ridge retracted the tongue. Speakers with a prosthesis which did not change the place of the alveolar ridge did not retract the tongue. All speakers lowered the jaw. In a second adaptation step with auditory feedback available speakers reorganised tongue and jaw movements in order to produce more subtle acoustic characteristics of the sound such as the high amplitude noise which is typical for sibilants.
Articulatory token-to-token variability not only depends on linguistic aspects like the phoneme inventory of a given language but also on speaker specific morphological and motor constraints. As has been noted previously (Perkell (1997), Mooshammer et al. (2004)) , speakers with coronally high "domeshaped" palates exhibit more articulatory variability than speakers with coronally low "flat" palates. One explanation for that is based on perception oriented control by the speaker. The influence of articulatory variation on the cross sectional area and consequently on the acoustics should be greater for flat palates than for domeshaped ones. This should force speakers with flat palates to place their tongue very precisely whereas speakers with domeshaped palates might tolerate a greater variability. A second explanation could be a greater amount of lateral linguo-palatal contact for flat palates holding the tongue in position. In this study both hypotheses were tested.
A two-week perturbation EMA-experiment was carried out with palatal prostheses. Articulatory effort for five speakers was assessed by means of peak acceleration and jerk during the tongue tip gestures from /t/ towards /i, e, o, y, u/. After a period of no change speakers showed an increase in these values. Towards the end of the experiment the values decreased. The results are interpreted as three phases of carrying out changes in the internal model. At first, the complete production system is shifted in relation to the palatal change, afterwards speakers explore different production mechanisms which involves more articulatory effort. This second phase can be seen as a training phase where several articulatory strategies are explored. In the third phase speakers start to select an optimal movement strategy to produce the sounds so that the values decrease.
Temporal development of compensation strategies for perturbed palate shape in German /S/-production
(2006)
The palate shape of four speakers was changed by a prosthesis which either lowered the palate or retracted the alveoles. Subjects wore the prosthesis for two weeks and were recorded several times via EMA. Results of articulatory measurements show that speakers use different compensation methods at different stages of the adaptation. They lower the tongue immediately after the insertion of the prosthesis. Other compensation methods as for example lip protrusion are only acquired after longer practising periods. The results are interpreted as supporting the existence of different mappings between motor commands, vocal tract shape and auditory-acoustic target.
Several articulatory strategies are available during the production of /u/, all resulting in a similar acoustic output. /u/ has two main constrictions, at the velum and at the lips. A perturbation of either constriction can be compensated at the other one, e.g wider constriction at the velum by more lip protrusion, wider lip opening by more tongue retraction. This study investigates whether speakers use this relation under perturbation. Six speakers were provided with palatal prostheses which were worn for two weeks. Speakers were instructed to make a serious attempt to produce normal speech. Their speech was recorded via EMA and acoustics several times over the adaptation period. Formant values of /u/-productions were measured. Velar constriction width and lip protrusion were estimated. For four speakers a correlation between constriction width and lip protrusion was found. A negative correlation between lip protrusion and F1 or F2 could sometimes be observed, but no correlation occurred between constriction size and either of the formants. The results show that under perturbation speakers use motor equivalent strategies in order to adapt. The correlation between constriction size and lip protrusion is stronger than in studies investigating unperturbed speech. This could be because under perturbation speakers are inclined to try out several strategies in order to reach the acoustic target and the co-variability might thus be greater.
Two hypotheses have been proposed in order to account for velar softening, i.e., a process through which /k/ changes to an affricate. Whereas one hypothesis states that for the process to apply the velar stop has to be realized as an (alveolo) palatal stop (articulation-based hypothesis), the other claims that velar softening is triggered by acoustic similarity between the input and output segments (acoustic equivalence hypothesis). The present paper investigates the acoustic equivalence hypothesis by comparing several acoustic properties of /k/ in various vowel contexts with those of /ts , ts , tc / for three languages differing in stop burst aspiration, i.e., German, Polish and Catalan. Results suggest that the acoustic equivalence hypothesis could account for velar softening in aspirated velar stops but not in unaspirated velar stops. The results also provide an explanation as to why aspirated velar stops are prone to undergo softening more easily when followed by front vocalic segments than in other contexts and positions
This paper shows that several typologically unrelated languages share the tendency to avoid voiced sibilant affricates. This tendency is explained by appealing to the phonetic properties of the sounds, and in particular to their aerodynamic characteristics. On the basis of experimental evidence it is shown that conflicting air pressure requirements for maintaining voicing and frication are responsible for the avoidance of voiced affricates. In particular, the air pressure released from the stop phase of the affricate is too high to maintain voicing, which in consequence leads to a devoicing of the frication part.
A model is proposed that interprets a variety of connected speech processes as resulting from prosodic modulations at different tiers of functional speech motor control along the hypo-hyper dimension [10]. The general background of the model is given by the trichotomy of A-, B- and C-prosodic phenomena [15] that together constitute the acoustic makeup of any speech utterance (with regard to their respective time domains at the uttarance/phrase level, the syllabic level and the segmental level).
Bilabial stops undergoing Surface Palatalization (SP) were analyzed in an EMMA/EPG study. Articulatorily, the point of maximal palatal contact and the labial opening movement were analyzed. The acoustic analysis pertained to stop related timing and the point of the highest F2-value. Results show (i) that SP yields a higher F2 at vowel onset and a lengthened opening gesture and (ii) that morphemeinduced palatalizations are distinguished from word initial ones and sandhi-palatalizations articulatorily and acoustically by a shorter delay of palatal target position with respect to stop production; (iii) no differences are found between ‘repalatalized’ and plain segments in case of sandhi palatalization.
Arguing against Bhat’s (1974) claim that retroflexion cannot be correlated with retraction, the present article illustrates that retroflexes are always retracted, though retraction is not claimed to be a sufficient criterion for retroflexion. The cooccurrence of retraction with retroflexion is shown to make two further implications; first, that non-velarized retroflexes do not exist, and second, that secondary palatalization of retroflexes is phonetically impossible. The process of palatalization is shown to trigger a change in the primary place of articulation to non-retroflex. Phonologically, retraction has to be represented by the feature specification [+back] for all retroflex segments.
The present study poses the question on what phonetic and phonological grounds postalveolar fricatives in Polish can be analyzed as retroflex and whether postalveolar fricatives in other Slavic languages are retroflex as well. Velarization and incompatibility with front vowels are introduced as articulatory criteria for retroflexion, based on crosslinguistic data. According to these criteria, Polish and Russian have retroflex fricatives, whereas Bulgarian and Czech do not. In a phonological representation of these Slavic retroflexes, the necessity of perceptual features is shown. Lastly, it is illustrated that palatalization of retroflex fricatives both in Slavic languages and more generally causes a phonetic and phonological change to a non-retroflex sound.
On the basis of perceptual experiments we show that alveolo-palatal fricatives and palatalized post-alveolars are two separate sounds which are distinguished not only by Polish native speakers but also by German ones. This claim is partly attested by centre of gravity measurements of the two sibilants. In this paper we revise the claim made by Halle & Stevens [1] and Maddieson & Ladefoged [2] that the Polish alveolo-palatal fricatives [˛, ¸] are palatalized postalveolars [SJ, ZJ]. On the basis of perceptual experiments we show that alveolo-palatal fricatives and palatalized post-alveolars are two separate sounds which are distinguished not only by Polish native speakers but also by German ones. This claim is partly attested by centre of gravity measurements of the two sibilants.
In this article we propose that there are two universal properties for phonological stop assibilations, namely (i) assibilations cannot be triggered by /i/ unless they are also triggered by /j/, and (ii) voiced stops cannot undergo assibilations unless voiceless ones do. The article presents typological evidence from assibilations in 45 languages supporting both (i) and (ii). It is argued that assibilations are to be captured in the Optimality Theoretic framework by ranking markedness constraints grounded in perception which penalize sequences like [ti] ahead of a faith constraint which militates against the change from /t/ to some sibilant sound. The occurring language types predicted by (i) and (ii) will be shown to involve permutations of the rankings between several different markedness constraints and the one faith constraint. The article demonstrates that there exist several logically possible assibilation types which are ruled out because they would involve illicit rankings.
Glide formation, a process whereby an underlying high front vowel is realized as a palatal glide, is shown to occur only in unstressed prevocalic position in German, and to be blocked by specific surface restrictions such as *ji and *“j. Traditional descriptions of glide formation (including derivational as well as Optimality theoretic approaches) refer to the syllable in order to capture its conditions. The present study illustrates that glide formation (plus the distribution of long and short tense /i/) in German can better be captured in a Functional Phonology account (Boersma 1998) which makes reference to stress instead of the syllable and thus overcomes problems of former approaches.
In the following study we present the results of three acoustic experiments with native speakers of German and Polish which support implications (a) and (b). In our experiments we measured the friction phase after the /t d/ release before the onset of the following high front vocoid for four speakers of German and Polish. We found that the friction phase for /tj/ was significantly longer than that of /ti/, and that the friction phase of /t/ in the assibilation context is significantly longer than that of /d/.
Dutch has a three-way contrast in labiodental sounds, which causes problems for native speakers of German in their acquisition of Dutch, since German contrasts only two labiodentals. The present study investigates the perception of the Dutch labiodental fricative system by German L2 learners of Dutch and shows that native Germans with no or little knowledge of the Dutch language categorize the Dutch labiodental voiced fricative and approximant as their native voiced fricative. Advanced learners, however, succeed in acquiring a category for the voiced fricative, illustrating that plasticity in the perception of a second language develops with the amount of exposure to the language.
This paper addresses remarks made by Flemming (2003) to the effect that his analysis of the interaction between retroflexion and vowel backness is superior to that of Hamann (2003b). While Hamann maintained that retroflex articulations are always back, Flemming adduces phonological as well as phonetic evidence to prove that retroflex consonants can be non-back and even front (i.e. palatalised). The present paper, however, shows that the phonetic evidence fails under closer scrutiny. A closer consideration of the phonological evidence shows, by making a principled distinction between articulatory and perceptual drives, that a reanalysis of Flemming’s data in terms of unviolated retroflex backness is not only possible but also simpler with respect to the number of language-specific stipulations.