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The article delineates the development of nominal synthetic compounding in the history of German. In particular, it is attested an enhancement of the morphological structure which correlates with a morphological intersection of determinative compounding happening from Early New High German onwards.
French suffixations in -age, -ion and -ment are considered roughly equivalent, yet some differences have been pointed out regarding the semantics of the resulting nominalizations. In this study, we confirm the existence of a semantic distinction between them on the basis of a large scale distributional analysis. We show that the distinction is partially determined by the degree of technicality of the denoted action: -age nominals tend to be more technical than -ion ones. We examine this hypothesis through the statistical modeling of technicality. To this end, we propose a linguistic definition of technicality, which we implement using empirical, quantitative criteria estimated in corpora and lexical resources. We show to what extent the differences with respect to these criteria adequately approximate technicality. Our study indicates that this definition of technicality, while amendable, provides new perspectives for the characterization of action nouns.
The paper investigates the different productivity domains (Rainer 2005) of two Italian event denoting suffixes, -mento and -zione. These suffixes share the same eventive semantics, they are both productive and thus can be seen as rivals in the formation of event nominalizations. The aim is to obtain a better understanding of the constraints that play a role in the selection of one affix over the other. By means of a logistic regression model the contribution of different features of the base verb is investigated. The analysis is conducted on a dataset of 678 nominalizations extracted from a section of Midia, a diachronic balanced corpus explicitly built for morphological research (Gaeta 2017). Results show that the frequency, the inflectional class and the number of characters of the base verb as well as the presence of the prefix a- significantly contribute to the definition of the different domains, only partially confirming previous findings.
This paper presents an overview on deverbal nominalizations from Ktunaxa, a language isolate spoken in eastern British Columbia, Canada. Deverbal nominalizations are formed uniformly with a left-peripheral nominalizing particle k (Morgan 1991). However, they do not form a single homogenous class with respect to various syntactic properties. These properties are illustrated with novel data, showing that deverbal nominalizations fall into at least two classes, which are analyzed here as nominalization taking place at either vP or VP, where vP-nominalizations include the external argument and VP-nominalizations do not. Evidence for this division comes from how possession is expressed, the interpretation of the passive (and passive-like constructions), and the licensing of verbal modifiers. As both classes of deverbal nominalizations are constructed uniformly with the nominalizing particle, these properties are derived syntactically from the size of the verbal constituent being nominalized.
In the typology of West African languages, tone has been noted to play crucial grammatical and lexical roles, but its function in word formation has been less systematically explored and remains to be fully understood. Against this backdrop, the present study seeks to examine the form and function of tonal morphology in the formation of action nominals in four Kwa languages spoken in Ghana, namely Akan, Gã, Lεtε, and Esahie, a relatively unexplored language of the Central Tano subgroup. Relying on data from both secondary and primary sources, we argue that tone raising is an important component of Kwa action nominalization, as it is found across different languages and derivational strategies. Specifically, while across the Kwa languages considered, tone raising tends to be an epiphenomenon of phonological conditioning, sometimes tone is the sole component of the nominalization operation or, as in Esahie, it concurs with the affix to the derivation, hence playing a morphological function.
In Japanese, direct combination of verbs or adjectives by coordination (with to 'and') or juxtaposition (with its empty counterpart) can form a NP, if the conjuncts are antonymous to each other; the coordinator to 'and' can combine only NPs elsewhere. We claim that this is because there is a phonetically empty nominalizer that can nominalize each conjunct, and that the new nominal construction has been gradually developing in the history of Japanese. An acceptability-rating experiment targeting 400 participants shows that the younger speakers were likely to judge this construction more acceptable than the older ones, that this tendency is slightly weaker in the Nominative condition than in the Genitive condition, and that the coordination condition was significantly worse than the juxtaposition condition.
Nominalization has been at the forefront of linguistic research since the early days of generative grammar (Lees 1960, Vendler 1968, Lakoff 1970). The theoretical debate as to how a theory of grammar should be envisaged in order to capture the morphosyntactic and semantic complexity of nominalization, initiated by Chomsky's (1970) Remarks on nominalization, is just as lively today, after five decades during which both the empirical scope and the methodology of linguistic research have seen enormous progress. We are delighted to be able to mark this occasion through our collection, next to the anniversary volume Nominalization: 50 Years on from Chomsky's Remarks, edited by Artemis Alexiadou and Hagit Borer, soon to appear with Oxford University Press.
DeriMo is an international meeting dealing with derivational morphology from the perspective of data analysis. Its second edition DeriMo 2019 was held at the Faculty of Mathematics and Physics, Charles University in Prague. The local organizers are researchers of the Institute of Formal and Applied Linguistics (ÚFAL = Ústav Formální a Aplikované Linguistiky) at the Computer Science School of the Faculty of Mathematics and Physics. Chairs of the program committee were Magda Ševčíková (ÚFAL), Zdeněk Žabokrtský (ÚFAL), Eleonora Litta Modignani Picozzi (CIRCSE, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milan), and Marco Passarotti (CIRCSE, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milan).
The relation between word-formation and syntax and whether they form distinct domains of grammar or not has been discussed controversially in different theoretical frameworks. The answer to this question is closely connected to the languages under discussion, among other things, because languages seem to differ considerably in this regard. The discussion in this paper focuses on nominal compounds and phrases. On the basis of a great variety of data from a total of 14 European languages, it is argued that the relation between compounds and phrases, and, more generally, between word formation and syntax, should be characterized not in terms of a categorical but instead in terms of a gradient distinction.
This article deals with the development of -igen verbs in German since the Old High German period, demonstrating that this can be regarded as a process in which the adjective formation morpheme -ig gradually develops into a component of a word formation pattern that derives transitive verbs from nouns. An -igen-verb can be descended not only from an -ig-adjective (würdig – würdigen) but also from a noun without an intermediary -ig-adjective (Pein – *peinig – peinigen). In this article, it is claimed that a word formation pattern with -ig develops over time. The emergence of this word formation pattern can be described as a "reanalysis" of the verb structure accompanied by a "resegmentation" of the original word structure and a semantic "remotivation" of the established unit. It is also pointed out that this development is particularly evident in the Middle High German period.
The International Morphology Meeting is a biennial event held alternately in Vienna and Budapest. The eighteenth edition took place in Budapest in May 2018 and it was organised by the Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, in collaboration with the Department of Theoretical Linguistics and the Department of English Linguistics of Eötvös Loránd University (ELTE). The meeting has invariably dealt with all aspects of morphology, with no preference for any particular framework or approach, albeit offering a leitmotif to orient authors who wish to give a presentation in the main session. This edition’s main theme was "Paradigms in inflection and word formation synchronically and diachronically", which provided potential presenters with the opportunity to submit abstracts in a wide range of topics. In addition to the main session, the conference hosted three workshops: (1) Models and methods in morphology; (2) The learnability of complex constructions from a cross-linguistic perspective; (3) Morphological aspects of Uralic and Turkic languages.
This paper approaches productivity by considering three case studies: compounds, blends and phrasal verbs. The aim of the paper is to encourage a discussion about the factors involved in the notion of productivity, and to show why so many of the established measures are not completely satisfactory or are interpreted in a way that is not.
Department of British and American Studies in cooperation with SKASE (The Slovak Association for the Study of English) organized the Word-Formation Theories III & Typology and Universals in Word-Formation IV Conference. The Conference took place at P.J. Šafárik University in Košice, Slovakia, from 27 June to 30 June 2018. The event was organized by Slávka Tomaščíková, Lívia Körtvélyessy and Pavol Štekauer (P.J. Šafárik University in Košice, Slovakia) and with the support of the APVV project No: APVV-16–0035 Research into extralinguistic factors of word-formation and word-interpretation. The program and the book of abstracts are available at the conference homepage http://kaa.ff.upjs.sk/en/alumni-club/33/word-formation-theories-iii-typology-and-universals-in-word-formation-iv.
Am 31. März 2017 und 01. April 2017 fand in Lyon unter Federführung des Forschungszentrums Centre d'Etudes Linguistiques (CEL – EA 1663) und unter Beteiligung des Labors Interactions, Corpus, Apprentissages, Représentations (ICAR – UMR 5191) der Universitäten Lumière Lyon 2 und der Ecole Normale Supérieure de Lyon ein internationaler Kongress zu Formen, Verfahren und Funktionen der Bildung lexematischer und polylexematischer Einheiten im Deutschen (Formation et préformation lexicale de l'allemand) statt. GermanistInnen aus Deutschland, Frankreich, Polen, Russland und Spanien nahmen an diesem Symposium teil.
Morphology Days is a (nearly) biennial international meeting which deals with morphology within different frameworks and in various perspectives Previous editions of this conference have taken place in Leuven (2015), Leeuwarden (2013), Leiden (2012), Nijmegen (2011), Luik (2009) and Amsterdam (2007) While the first editions of the conference were mainly addressed to researchers working on morphology in the Netherlands and in Belgium, the last editions – including this one – included international contributions The programme and the book of abstract is available at the conference’s homepage at https://morphologydays2017.wordpress.com/program/. Organized by Philippe Hiligsmann, Kristel Van Goethem, Nikos Koutsoukos and Isa Hendrikx from the Université Catholique de Louvain, and Laurent Raiser from the Université de Liège, this edition of Morphology Days hosted more than 30 researchers, among which 3 plenary speakers, coming not only from Belgium but also from France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Spain, the United Kingdom and the United States. Although both inflection and derivation (affixation) where dealt with in the talks, this conference report will only address the studies on derivation.
This paper studies the morphological productivity of German N+N compounding patterns from a diachronic perspective. It argues that the productivity of compounds increases due to syntactic influence from genitive constructions ("improper compounds") in Early New High German. Both quantitative and qualitative productivity measures are adapted from derivational morphology and tested on compound data from the Mainz Corpus of (Early) New High German (1500–1710).
We analyze English and Greek nominal synthetic compounds like truck driver and truck driving from a syntactic perspective couched within Distributed Morphology. We derive the main differences between the two languages from the different morphosyntactic status of the non-head nouns, which are roots in Greek but categorized words in English.
Podravski kajkavski dijalekt
(2011)
Objavljene gramatike hrvatskoga kajkavskog književnog jezika pokušaj su, prije svega, olakšavanja učenja toga jezika strancima s njemačkoga govornog područja. Iako imaju opisni karakter, one su i ogledalo stupnja normiranosti hrvatskoga kajkavskog književnog jezika. U ovom radu donosi se opis i sistematizacija tvorbe komparativa u kajkavskim gramatikama.
In diesem Beitrag soll der semantische Wandel einiger Frauenbezeichnungen analysiert, v.a. zunächst differenziert und anschließend erklärt werden. In fast jeder sprachgeschichtlichen Einführung dient der semantische Wandel der Frauenbezeichnungen als das Paradebeispiel für den semantischen Pfad der Abwertung, der Pejorisierung. Nach Begründungen wird jedoch erstaunlich selten gefragt. Indessen hat es sich seit den 1990er Jahren schnell durchgesetzt, hierfür die eingängige, auf den ersten Blick etwas paradox erscheinende Erklärung von Rudi Keller anzuführen, wonach die semantische Abwertung der Frau in Wirklichkeit auf ihre zu häufi ge Aufwertung, ihre Verehrung und Erhöhung zurückzuführen sei und damit ein sog. "Invisible-hand-Phänomen" bilde.
Überraschenderweise hat eine Auseinandersetzung mit dieser unhinterfragt, ja fast dankbar angenommenen Erklärung kaum stattgefunden. Immerhin präsupponiert diese einiges, etwa dass Frauen sich Männern gegenüber nicht höflich verhielten, bei der Wortwahl also nicht "eine Etage höher" griffen, des Weiteren, dass sich nur das männliche Sprechen über Frauen durchgesetzt haben muss: Haben Frauen nicht gesprochen? Oder hat sich ihr Sprachgebrauch nicht durchgesetzt? Wenn ja, warum?
Dieser Beitrag setzt sich kritisch mit der Kellerschen Erklärung auseinander und argumentiert dafür, dass es sich bei diesem semantischen Wandel um einen Spiegel und nicht, wie Keller (1995) behauptet, um einen "Zerrspiegel des Kulturwandels" handelt.
Contemporary German abounds in doubtful cases where linking elements alternate with zero elements, such as Seminar(+s?+)arbeit 'term paper', Respekt(+s?+)person 'person who commands respect'. This variation indicates a profound language change in the course of which the linking +s+ has spread continuously since Early New High German and is replacing the zero element more and more often. Today, +s+ is the most productive, progressive and most frequently occurring linking element. In this paper, we provide an explanation for the doubtful cases. Most often, the linking +s+ depends directly on the phonological quality of the first part of the compound: the worse its phonological structure, the more likely the occurrence of the linking +s+. It occurs most regularly after first parts of compounds containing a suffix or an unstressed prefix (Verkáuf+s+gespräch 'sales conversation'), while words with an ideal phonological structure (monosyllabic or trochaic words) rarely attract the linking +s+. The variation concentrates on compounds whose first parts feature a stressed prefix (Éinkauf(+s?+)führer 'shopping guide'). There is, however, a further factor which leads to fluctuation in the occurrence of the linking +s+. In cases where the second part of synthetic compounds such as Auftrag(+s?+)geber 'client' contain a high degree of verbality, the linking +s+ blurs the syntactic relation between the immediate constituents, strengthening the morphological character of the compound.
Zu dem Strauß der Bindestrichlinguistiken gesellt sich derzeit ein weiteres, besonders interessantes und vielversprechendes Exemplar, die sog. Zweifelsfall-Linguistik. Ihre Entstehung kann man mit dem "Linguistik online"-Heft "Sprachliche Zweifelsfälle. Theorie und Empirie" [...] auf das Jahr 2003 datieren. [...]
Aus historisch-linguistischer Perspektive handelt es sich sehr häufig um Fälle sich gegenwärtig vollziehenden Sprachwandels, d.h. was heute an seismischen Bewegungen registriert wird, hat seinen Herd, um in diesem Bild zu bleiben, oft im Frühneuhochdeutschen oder noch früher. [...] Gerade für die zukünftigen LehrerInnen ist es wichtig, von der richtig/falsch-Zentriertheit von Zweifelsfällen wegzukommen und stattdessen der Ratio dieses Phänomens näherzukommen (um dann bessere Anleitungen geben zu können). In Veranstaltungen zu Zweifelsfällen erlangt man übrigens eine beträchtliche diachrone Tiefe, d.h. die Bereitschaft, sich in das Problem, seine Genese und seine Hintergründe einzuarbeiten, ist erfreulich hoch. Interessant (und noch nicht erforscht) ist dabei die unterschiedliche Salienz grammatischer Zweifelsfälle: Während die Fugensetzung sofort als Zweifelsfall erkannt und bestätigt wird, ist es bei der schwankenden Flexion zweier koordinierter Adjektive im Dativ ohne Determinans ("unter großem finanziellem?/finanziellen? Aufwand") anders. Auch wenn die Korpora die Schwankung zwischen Parallel- und Wechselflexion zweifelsfrei als Zweifelsfall ausweisen (ca. zwei Drittel Wechselflexion, ca. ein Drittel Parallelflexion), so erreicht diese Flexionsunsicherheit keinen hohen Bewusstheitsgrad. Die höchste Salienz erreichen übrigens orthographische Zweifelsfälle [...], danach Wortbildungsprobleme wie die (Un-)Trennbarkeit von Präfixen vom Typ "gedownloadet/downgeloadet".
This paper is part of an ongoing investigation into the nature of grammatical relations in the Sino-Tibetan language family. The ultimate goal of this investigation is to develop a hypothesis on the typological nature of word order and grammatical relations in the mother language which gave rise to all of the many languages within the Sino Tibetan language family. As the verb agreement (pronominalization) systems of Tibeto-Burman have been said to be a type of ergative marking, and to have been a part of Proto-Tibeto-Burman grammatical relations, the questions of the dating and nature of the agreement systems in Tibeto-Burman are relevant to the discussion of the nature of grammatical relations in Proto-Sino-Tibetan.
Since the mid-1970's, the question of whether or not a verb agreement system1 (VAS) should be reconstructed for Proto-Tibeto-Bunnan (PTB) has been a controversial topic, but because of the large amount of work published arguing in favor of reconstructing a VAS for PTB, especially by James J. Bauman (1974, 1975a, 1975b, 1979) and Scott DeLancey (1980, 1983, 1988, 1989, to appear), many people have begun to accept the existence of a VAS in PTB as received knowledge. In a recent paper on verb agreement systems in Tibeto-Burman, Scott DeLancey states that 'There can no longer be any serious doubt that a system of verb agreement must be attributed to Proto-Tibeto-Bunnan (PTB)' (DeLancey 1988: 1). Though the number of papers supporting this position is quite large, I would like to raise several serious doubts about the theoretical and methodological basis for reconstructing a VAS for PTB' and at the same time argue for the use of functionally and typologically based theories of grammar, as exemplified by the head-marking/dependent-marking distinction developed in Nichols 1986, in diachronic syntax and syntactic reconstruction.
Words ending with the suffix -ost are very common in Czech business language. In German the corresponding words are words derived using different suffixes, created by implicit derivation without suffixes, or formed as compounds. These particularly involve words indicating share, frequency or intensity. Moreover, the Czech negation ne- is expressed in various ways in the German equivalents. There exists a wide variety of equivalents to Czech words derived with the suffix -ost, so it is advisable to familiarize students of translation courses with this fact. Students tend to create these words mostly by using the suffixes -heit or -keit.
One of the means of expressing emotional content is the naming of people. Many negative personal names are created using derivation (suffixes); the goal of this study is to determine which suffixes are frequently used and whether any German suffixes have primarily negative meanings.
Příspěvek z oblasti kontrastivní lingvistiky se zabývá jednotlivými typy ĉeských etických dativŧ, popisuje jejich funkce, sémantické a syntaktické vlastnosti a protějšky v němĉině. Výzkum se opírá o autentická jazyková data vytěţená z elektronických korpusŧ.
V prŧběhu komunikace mŧţe mluvĉí informovat posluchaĉe o svém citovém rozpoloţení přímo, mŧţe ale také své emoce demonstrovat nepřímo, a to pomocí široké palety prvkŧ, poĉínaje obleĉením a drţením těla aţ po rŧzné jazykové prostředky, které k vyjádření emocí mohou, ale nemusí být primárně předurĉeny. Tyto prostředky se dají analyzovat z hlediska morfologického, syntaktického a také z hlediska slovotvorného. Jedná se jak o deriváty, tak o kompozita, která mohou z pragmatického pohledu podmiňovat praktick, nepřehledné mnoţství významových odstínŧ a konotativních zabarvení. Spontánní projev spojený s bezprostředním projevem citŧ je zvláště příznaĉný pro dnešní dobu.
Tento článek tématicky navazuje na přìspěvek "Nominalizačnì tendence v jazyce ekonomiky" v časopise Studia Germanistica 3, přičemņ podává odpovědi na otázky spjaté s tehdy vznikajìcì disertačnì pracì s názvem "Grammatische Mittel der Informationskondensierung in Wirtschaftstexten". V článku je zmìněna souvislost mezi mìrou abstrakce a jazykovou kondenzacì a také pragmatické faktory, které ovlivņujì jejì výskyt v odborném textu. Ve druhé části jsou souhrnně uvedeny výsledky empirické analýzy v oblasti infinitivnìch konstrukcì. Pozornost je věnována zejména faktorům, které majì vliv na jejich uņitì v textu oproti konkurenčnìm vedlejńìm větám.
V německých gramatikách i speciálních studiích se často uvádějí prefigovaná slovesa, jako einschlafen, ausziehen aj., jako příklad sloves dokonavých (perfektivních, telických). Na druhé straně atributivním prézentním participiím (Partizip I) z nich tvořeným (einschlafende, ausziehende) se přisuzuje vid pouze nedokonavý. Na základě korpusového výzkumu se v této studii dokazuje, že prézentní atributivní participia mají v německých textech i význam dokonavý, i když se tento význam uplatňuje poměrně zřídka.
This paper deals with selected semantic, morphological and syntactic characteristics of Yiddish modal verbs, compared to their cognates in German and other Germanic language. In particular, it focuses on the modal ker, the subjunctive zoln and the conditional with volt. The synchronic description is completed by diachronic observations which refer to the Middle High German basis of Yiddish.
The present paper deals with grammaticalization as a comprehensive model of erosive processes in the history of natural languages, exemplified in German and Brazilian Portuguese. Grammaticalization is conceived of as the reduction of pragmatic versatility, semantic concreteness, syntactic liberty and phonetic substance of linguistic elements. It is subdivided into the processes of lexicalization, which transforms polylexematic into monolexematic elements, and deslexicalization, which reduces lexematic to sublexematic elements. In the middle of these processes stands the lexicon, which is seen as the central stock of linguistic elements. Within the lexicon, the process of grammaticalization continues, from lexical word classes through intermediate classes to grammatical word classes. The lower boundary of the lexicon is critical threshold, down to which the process of grammaticalization is compensated for by linguistic recycling that leads lexematic elements back into the linguistic circuit, through the formation of new polylexematic units. Beyond this threshold, however, no recycling is possible any more, so that elements which have once lost their lexical character are condemned to disappear in the long run. The different stages of grammaticalization are introduced and illustrated by means of concrete examples, first from Brazilian Portuguese and afterwards from German.
Aspectos dos tempos verbais
(1998)
In this paper I present two tenses of the German verbal system, the so called Doppelperfekt and Doppelplusquamperfekt. Although these tenses have only been marginally dealt with in the grammars, more studies have recently been made on them within the field of Linguistics. In order to describe these tenses, I will concentrate on the following authors: Hauser-Suida & Hoppe-Beugel (1972), Eroms (1984), Thieroff (1992) und Vater (1994). The tenses will be analysed formally and their meaning and usage illustrated with examples taken from the articles above.
Romance suffix rivalry of action nouns from Middle English verbs in the OED textual prototypes
(2007)
U radu se obrađuju načini tvorbe pridjeva, priloga, prijedloga, zamjenica i veznika na primjerima iz Tadijanovićeva djela „Svašta po malo“. Posebno se upozorava na tipove tvorba koji su neobični zbog značenja koje ima tvorenica, na tvorbu neuobičajenih tvorenica prema već postojećim modelima, na različite pristupe i tumačenja u određivanju tvorbenih načina te na odnos motiviranih i nemotiviranih riječi sa stajališta povijesne i suvremene tvorbe. Analizirani se primjeri uspoređuju s potvrdama iz „Rječnika hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika JAZU“.
U članku se opisuje morfonologija glagolske osnove u prezentskoj paradigmi na građi hrvatsko-crkvenoslavenskih (dalje: HCS) glagola s temeljnom osnovom na -i- u kojih tom završnom -i- prethodi zubni sonant: r, l, n (tj. tipa tvori-ti, moli-ti, brani-ti). U obzir su uzeti svi glagolski leksemi tog tipa iz kartoteke Rječnika crkvenoslavenskoga jezika hrvatske redakcije: 110 li-glagola, 127 ni-glagola i 83 ri-glagola i njihovi prezentski oblici. Metoda opisa je usporedba dotičnog fragmenta HCS gramatike sa staroslavenskim stanjem kao i sa stanjem u starohrvatskim (čakavskim) govorima. U staroslavenskom jeziku u prezentskoj je paradigmi tihglagola osnova okrnjena (tj. okrnjen je sufiks -i-) i pojavljuje se u dvije varijante: palatalnoj (u 1. licu jednine), i tvrdoj (u svim ostalim oblicima). Tako u prezentu nalazimo u osnovi alternacije r ~ ŕ, l ~ ĺ i n ~ ń. U HCS tekstovima morfonološki su najinovativniji ri-glagoli. Kako je u hrvatskom depalataliziran fonem ŕ, kod ri-glagola nije sačuvan staroslavenski morfonološki model. HCS građa ne pokazuje staroslavensku alternaciju r ~ ŕ, tj. kod ri-glagola nema variranja osnove u prezentu (okrnjena osnova u svim oblicima završava nepalatalnim suglasnikom). Kod li-glagola i ni-glagola staroslavenski je morfonološki model očuvan. Međutim, u tekstovima su ipak potvrđene rijetke devijacije od tog modela. Naime, usprkos postojanju grafijskoga sredstva za označavanje palatalnosti fonema ĺ i ń ispred gramatičkog morfema 1. lica jednine -u (tj. uporaba slova ű iza l, n), neki su pisari u rijetkim slučajevima izostavljali označavanje palatalnosti, tj. pisali grafem u (molu, branu). Autorica predlaže različita moguća objašnjenja te pogreške i utvrđuje u kojoj je mjeri ta pojava ograničena na određene HCS tekstove.
Deklinacija brojeva dva, oba, tri i četiri u kajkavskim pravnim tekstovima od 16. do 18. Stoljeća
(2007)
Autori se u članku bave deklinacijom brojeva dva, oba, tri i četiri u kajkavskim tekstovima pravne regulative od 16. do 18. stoljeća. Kao korpus za jezičnu analizu uzimaju 23 teksta iz 16. st., 40 tekstova iz 17. st. i 19 tekstova iz 18. st. U jezičnoj se analizi posebna pažnja posvećuje usporedbi između oblika dvojine i množine u deklinaciji brojeva dva i oba, kao i razvoju množinskih oblika u deklinaciji brojeva tri i četiri. Autori navode sve zabilježene oblike brojeva dva, oba, tri i četiri, uspoređuju njihovu pojavnost u različitom vremenskom presjeku i na temelju rezultata jezične analize nude deklinacijski tip navedenih brojeva. Deklinacija brojeva u kosim padežima promatra se s obzirom na to jesu li navedeni brojevi dijelom prijedložnih ili neprijedložnih izraza, a posebno je pitanje učestalosti indeklinabilnih oblika.
In attempting to understand the history of the morphology of a language or group of languages, we occasionally face a problem of isomorphy, where two or more semantic categories evince the same formal marking. We then must decide which use of that particular form of marking is the oldest, and also determine the possible source and path of development of the marking. In languages with written documents of great time depth this is often not a problem, but in unwritten languages it can be quite difficult. This paper discusses two tools that can be used for this purpose: the concepts of markedness and prototypes.
The Germanic perfect presents (Präteritopräsentien) form a past tense by adding the endings of the weak preterit to the stem of the past participle, e.g. Go. wissa ‘knew’. This is a recent formation (cf. Kortlandt 1989). We may therefore ask ourselves if we can reconstruct the earlier formation which was ousted by the weak preterit. We may also try to recover the motivation for the replacement.
In her discussion of the Japanese adversative passive, Anna Wierzbicka writes (1988: 260): “The problem is extremely interesting and important both for intrinsic reasons and because of its wider methodological implications. It can be formulated like this: if one form can be used in a number of different ways, are we entitled to postulate for it a number of different meanings or should we rather search for one semantic common denominator (regarded as the MEANING of the form in question) and attribute the variety of uses to the interaction between this meaning and the linguistic or extralinguistic context?” Though it “may seem obvious” that the second stand is “methodologically preferable” (261), she takes the first position and concludes that “the Japanese passive has to be recognized as multiply ambiguous” (286). In the following I intend to show that this view is both wrong and fruitful.