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This article discusses the potential of a historical approach to sustainability transformations. Using environmental issues and governance structures as case studies, it first describes how historical “sustainability transformations” can be conceptualized. It then suggests that 19th-century constitutional reforms can be read as attempts at reaching fiscal sustainability, whereas some social reforms can be interpreted as attempts to render the capitalist economy sustainable. In conclusion, the article highlights that the primary value of historical approaches to sustainability transformations will not lie in models, but in encouraging more creative questions.
Der Zweifel muss schweigen, soll ein richterliches Urteil überzeugen. Gewissheit zu verbreiten, ist das nicht allzu heimliche Ziel der juristischen Ausbildung. Der Charme der Gutachtentechnik, alles Mögliche zu erwägen und zu prüfen, wird in der Referendarausbildung durch die Relationstechnik ersetzt und in der richterlichen Urteilspraxis vollends desavouiert. Gewissheitsdenken und Erledigungsökonomie gehen in Führung. Vieles bleibt "dahingestellt", wenn die Entscheidung einmal feststeht. Und die Gutachten von Rechtsexperten hängen dem Interesse der Auftraggeber häufig einen mehr als fadenscheinigen Mantel um. Ungewissheit, das scheint gewiss, ist Sache der juristischen Zunft nicht. ...
Das Oberverwaltungsgericht für Nordrhein-Westfalen hat am 19. März eine für die rechtsstaatliche Prägung deutscher Außenpolitik sehr bedeutsame Entscheidung getroffen. Demnach muss sich die Bundesrepublik in Zukunft vergewissern, ob durch den Einsatz von US-Drohnen, die über deutsches Gebiet gesteuert werden, Völkerrecht verletzt wird. Ist dies der Fall, muss sie Maßnahmen treffen, damit eine solche Rechtsverletzung unterbleibt. Ein einfaches Wegducken der Bundesrepublik ist damit nicht mehr möglich. ...
Mike Rapport is one of the few scholars who write European history not as the history of a few select countries, but of the entire continent. Rapport is at home in the history of the Balkans as well as France, Italy, Germany, Russia, and Scandinavia, and well versed in the historiography published in English, French, and Italian. Rapport's well-rounded viewpoint is one excellent argument for anyone suffering from "1848 fatigue" after the sesquicentennial celebrations and their aftermath in conference volumes and historiographical reviews to put aside any skepticism regarding the possibility of anyone presenting a novel perspective; the book itself is another. In it, Rapport offers a narrative history of the events of 1848 in those European countries and regions affected directly by the revolution--France, Italy, the German states, Denmark, and Rumania--with some remarks on areas where the impact was more indirect (Britain, Russia, the Ottoman Empire, and Scandinavia). This book is less obviously an academic textbook than Jonathan Sperber's excellent survey of the revolutions of 1848, and less encyclopedic than the survey of national events and overarching themes edited by Dieter Dowe and others for the 1998 anniversary. ...
The focus of this work, the debate about a body of law dealing with aristocratic issues, is not easy to summarize. This problem stems in part from a topic that historians who do not work on law might be forgiven for considering nonexistent; in part, it has to do with the indirect way in which Dorothee Gottwald engages with current trends in the historiography of nineteenth-century Germany. ...
The paper aims at presenting research about Neo-Conservatism, in particular about the origin(s), history of development, ideas, and foreign policy goals. The core argument of the paper is that the discipline of International Relations (IR), in particular the North American Research and the Peace and Conflict Research, should take the Neoconservatives seriously. Three arguments can be made for this: First of all, Neoconservatives such as Robert Kagan, Charles Krauthammer, and Normen Podhoretz are participating in the debates about US foreign policy, and they introduce their ideas (e.g. "democracy promotion", "unipolar moment", and "benevolent empire") into the discourse. The foreign policy of the Reagan administration as well as the foreign policy of George W. Bush was highly influenced by neoconservative ideas. To sum up, Neo-Conservatism is the fourth influential school of US foreign policy beside Isolationism, Liberal Internationalism, and Realism. Secondly, Neoconservatives are proponents of a war-prone-US foreign policy, and advocates of the "war on terror" and the Iraq War. And finally, Neoconservatives are characterized by ideas, in particular the idea of democracy promotion, as the purpose of American politics and historic mission. Along with this, a neoconservative misunderstanding of IR theories becomes apparent. The "Democrat Realist" Krauthammer and the "Wilsonianist" Podhoretz both refer to "Realism", "Liberalism" and Wilson’s doctrine "to make the world safe for democracy" in a way which is not only misleading, but deceptive. Neoconservatives suggest that Realism is a sole power politics-theory without normative bias, and that the scholars of the liberal peace theory as well as Wilson and his successors claim for a policy of democracy promotion by using force and waging war. Against this background, a critical examination with Neoconservatism is presented in the paper. To reveal the neoconservative misunderstanding of IR discipline and its two important school of thoughts, the few similarities but numerous differences between Neo-Conservatism on the one hand and realist and liberal approaches in IR on the other hand are worked out.