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Although many observers consider the Bush administration’s “faith-based initiative” a unique breach in the wall of separation between church and state, close ties between the federal government and religious agencies are no novelty in the history of American public policy. Since the end of the Second World War, billions of dollars of public funds have been made available to religiously-affiliated hospitals, nursing homes, educational institutions, and social services - institutions which were regarded as vital to Cold War preparedness. By the same token, government use of religious foreign aid agencies, the donation of surplus land and military facilities to religious charities, and the funding of the chaplaincy in the armed forces have undergirded Cold War foreign policy goals. Based on the principle of subsidiarity, post-war public policy thus integrated religious groups into the framework of the welfare and national security state in ways which underwrote both the expansion of the federal government and the growth of religious agencies. Crucially, public funding relations involved not only mainline Protestant, Jewish and Catholic organizations, but also white evangelicals, who had traditionally been the most outspoken opponents of closer ties between church and state. Cold War Anti-Communism, the fear of Catholic or secularist control of public funds, and pragmatic considerations, however, ushered in the gradual revision of their separatist views. Ironically, the programs of Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society, so vilified by the Christian Right, pioneered many of the funding streams most beneficial to evangelical providers. Considering that since 1945 the sprawling and loosely organized evangelical movement has become the largest single religious faction in the US, and that conservative Protestants now form the most strongly Republican group in the religious spectrum, these findings are of particular importance. They suggest that Cold War state-building and the resurgence of Evangelicalism mutually reinforced each other in ways which have been largely ignored by scholarship on conservatism and its focus on the “backlash” against the political and cultural upheaval of the 1960s. Based on newly accessible archival materials and a comprehensive review of secondary literature, this paper suggests that the institutional and ideological ties between evangelicals and the state, which developed in the aftermath of the Second World War, are as important in understanding the political mobilization of conservative Protestants as the more recent “culture war” sentiments.
Der Präventivkrieg gegen den Irak, die sogenannte Operation Iraqi Freedom vom 20. März bis 1. Mai 2003, scheint es erneut zu bestätigen – demokratische Öffentlichkeiten sind manipulierbar. Wie sonst ließen sich die erheblichen Fehlwahrnehmungen der amerikanischen Bevölkerung erklären, die sich mit der "Vermarktung" des Militäreinsatzes durch die Administration von George W. Bush (vgl. Freedman 2004, Kaufmann 2004 u. Pfiffner 2004) so sehr im Einklang zu befinden scheinen? ...
Inhalt: Vorbemerkung Multikulturalismus und der amerikanische consensus Hans-Jürgen Puhle Probleme der Institutionalisierung des Multikulturalismus Diskussionsbeitrag von Kurt L. Shell Anmerkungen zum Verhältnis von »Multiculturalism« und »Liberalism« in den USA Diskussionsbeitrag von Söhnke Schreyer Probleme der Institutionalisierung von Multikulturalismus im Politikfeld der Erziehung Diskussionsbeitrag von Ulrike Fischer Multikulturalismus im Bildungsbereich: Afrozentrismus Diskussionsbeitrag von Rüdiger Wersich Die in der vorliegenden Ausgabe der ZENAF Arbeits- und Forschungsberichte zusammengestellten Beiträge von Hans-Jürgen Puhle, Kurt L. Shell, Söhnke Schreyer, Ulrike Fischer und Rüdiger Wersich dokumentieren Aspekte einer in den zurückliegenden Semestern am ZENAF geführten Diskussion zur Problematik des Multikulturalismus in den USA. Die Diskussion begann anlässlich der Tagung der Sektion Politikwissenschaft der DGfA ("Die USA als multikulturelle Gesellschaft") in Frankfurt im November 1991. Im Sommersemester 1993 und im Wintersemester 1993/94 folgten zwei Diskussionsrunden im Rahmen des Jour Fixe des ZENAF unter dem Leitthema "Probleme der Institutionalisierung des Multikulturalismusll• Eine gemeinsame Diskussionsgrundlage bildete zunächst der in dieser ZAF-Ausgabe abgedruckte Aufsatz von Hans-Jürgen Puhle: "Multikulturalismus in den USA", der bereits (in englischer Fassung) als Vortrag auf der Jahrestagung der DGfA ("Multikulturalismus: Politische, soziale und kulturelle Konsequenzen am Beispiel der USA") in Berlin im Juni 1992 gehalten wurde. Die Publikation des Aufsatzes in einem von Berndt Ostendorf herausgegebenen Sammelband (''Multikulturelle Gesellschaft: Modell Amerika?", München) ist für 1994 vorgesehen. Die übrigen Beiträge dieser ZAF-Ausgabe sind überarbeitete Versionen von Kurz-Statements, die von den Autoren für die beiden Diskussions-Veranstaltungen am ZENAF vorbereitet wurden. Die angeregte und intensive Diskussion, an der sich eine erfreulich große Zahl von Teilnehmern aus verschiedenen Fachbereichen der Kultur- und Sozialwissenschaften beteiligten, kann diese Zusammenstellung allerdings nicht in ihrer vollen Breite repräsentieren. Für das Sommersemester 1994 ist eine Fortsetzung der Veranstaltungen am ZENAF geplant, die weitere Fragen der Problematik der Institutionalisierung des Multikulturalismus aufgreifen soll.
Since the early 1960s ethno-territorial movements have increasingly challenged established patterns of political integration in western democracies. The purpose of this paper is to compare the formation and different paths of development of such nationalist movements in Quebec (Canada) and Corsica (France). The paper presents a brief outline of an argument more fully developed in a study on the two cases. After a short introduction I will first discuss theoretical aspects of minority nationalism. Secondly, I will try to give an overview over major findings and conclusions of my study.
Taxation and tax policy reform appears on the political agenda in most advanced welfare states in Europe and North America. Of course studies of taxation and tax policy are nothing new and have existed ever since people have paid taxes. The current work is situated in the context of the future of the welfare state and the reinforced international economic and political integration referred to as "globalization." The purpose of this paper is to analyze how globalization is affecting tax policy in advanced welfare states. In comparing the evolution of tax policy in Canada with those in the United States, Germany and Sweden from 1960 to 1995, I will try to review the conventional antiglobalization thesis, i.e., that globalization leads to a "race to the bottom" in revenue and expenditures policies, or as others have called it, a "beggar the neighbour policy" (Tanzi and Bovenberg 1990, 187). ... Conclusion: The empirical data and theoretical models clearly show that globalization is one relatively minor factor among many that explain tax policy reforms. And even that limited influence is mediated by domestic political systems, institutions and constellations of actors. As the data has shown, the conventional globalization thesis of a race to the bottom is not borne out. Tax rates and tax revenues are still increasing, despite the ongoing trend toward international trade integration. Countervailing pressures like the high cost of welfare programs, different parties in government, strong labour unions, and institutional veto players counteract the pressure of globalization on tax policy. As for the future of taxation in Canada, it is more likely to be one of gradual evolution than radical change. Although the data don’t show any downward pressure on tax rates and tax revenues comparatively speaking, there are at least four key factors in Canada that are likely to put pressure on future tax rates, although regional political dynamics and the workings of fiscal federalism suggest that tax reductions will be a higher priority in some provinces than others (Hale 2002). First, neoliberalism will continue to shape fiscal and tax policy, including the role of the tax system in delivering social policies and programs in most parts of Canada. Second, governments that seek to define their own economic and social priorities rather than simply react to events beyond their borders will have to exercise centralized control over budgetary policies and spending levels if they hope to foster the economic growth needed to finance social services in the context of Canada’s changing demographics. Third, the ability of governments to combine the promotion of economic growth and higher living standards will be closely linked to their ability to develop a workable division of responsibilities among federal and provincial governments and with other national governments. Finally, the diffusion of new technologies will continue to transform national and regional economies while giving individuals greater opportunity to avoid government and tax regulations that run contrary to their perceived interests and values. This discussion of determinants that shape tax policy reform has shown that successful management of fiscal and tax policy requires a capacity to set priorities; adapt to changing circumstances; and build a consensus that enables competing economic, social, regional and ideological interests to identify their own well-being in the broader political and economic environment. Tax policy is shaped by many political, economic and social determinants. As Geoffrey Hale correctly concludes, "it should not be surprising if the tax system stubbornly refuses to confirm either economic theories or political ideologies, but reflects past decisions and the policy tradeoffs of the political process" (2002, 71). The notion of tax policy being driven by globalization and forces associated with globalization (both positive and negative) is simply not borne by the facts.