300 Sozialwissenschaften
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Article (384)
- Review (21)
- Working Paper (6)
- Part of a Book (2)
- Contribution to a Periodical (1)
- Doctoral Thesis (1)
Language
Has Fulltext
- yes (415)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (415)
Keywords
- Adorno (52)
- Critical Theory (31)
- Reconhecimento (26)
- Recognition (24)
- Axel Honneth (23)
- Frankfurt School (22)
- Theodor W. Adorno (19)
- Teoria Crítica (18)
- Critical theory (17)
- Escola de Frankfurt (16)
Institute
- Philosophie (415) (remove)
This paper intends to present some considerations on a possible epistemology of noise as a response to theory of recognition and its bases on theory of communicative action. The principal movement will be to recover some aspects of Marcuse’s and Foucault’s perspective on the disturbances narratives in social sphere. The interest for them becomes stronger from Habermas’ perspective on their “performative contradicions”. Both of them would appeal to social aspects that escapes from critical normativities. Foucault’s structures of power as well as Marcuse’s psychoanalytical drives would represent aspects of the same Habermasian problem: the absence of auto-critical rationality. However, we can question: what would offer to the two authors the limits of communicative action?
The papers here collected are divided in an English and an Italian section, to facilitate the reader who is confident, or prefers, only one of these languages. In both sections, Critical Theory is addressed in a twofold way: as regards its origins in the so-called School of Frankfurt and as concerns its further and contemporary developments, from an interdisciplinary perspective.
Critical Theory offers a new way to understand not only the society, but also the individual. In particular, I will focus on the thought of Adorno and his conception of society.
First, I want to investigate the Adornian description of society in its totalitarian face and in its paradoxical relationship with the individual. The individual, first element of society, without which any society cannot be imaged, paradoxically finds – in the society – its liquidation and destruction.
Secondly, I want to consider the Adornian revolutionary statement in a conversation with Horkheimer of a need of a “New Manifesto”. Do we need it even today? Would be really possible a new Marxian society in our world? The attempt to answer to those questions will conclude my paper.
The evolution of Critical Theory in the thought of Jürgen Habermas has important consequences for political questions, influencing the actual intellectual debate. This paper examines the main works and studies of Habermas about the epistemology of social sciences, the critique of late capitalist society, the public sphere and democracy, and proposes a comparison with the positions of Jacques Derrida, to have a better comprehension of this evolution.
Critical Theory is the key-word representing all the universe of thought commonly known as „Frankfurt School”. Within it, Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno and Herbert Marcuse are not so far each other, as instead are Max Horkheimer and Marcuse – considering what I in this paper define as the conservative turn of the director of the Institut für Sozialforschung. Whereas Adorno refuses any engagement in the political and lives as an obsession the theory-praxis relation, Marcuse is closer to a certain critical Marxism and to the student movements of Sixities and Seventhies. The crucial issue of the theory-praxis relation comes back clearly in the distance between Marcuse and the other two maîtres à penser, about their judgment on the ’68 movement.
The one-dimensionality of econometric data: the Frankfurt School and the critique of quantification
(2020)
Econometric data are used to produce authoritative facts about the world. Yet, as numbers enjoy a central place in modern reasoning (particularly in government as their presumed objectivity and neutrality assist impartial decision-making), it is important that they receive scrutiny. Using methodological techniques from Western Marxism, with special reference to the work of Lukács, Horkheimer and Adorno, and Marcuse to inform a critique of Acemoglu and Robinson, I argue that the historical emergence of econometrics as a mode of mediated knowledge is a reified practice within the broader technical administration of social life, a practice that is not a transparent representation of social phenomena. This is because when econometrics transforms the thing being measured into a statistical indicator it eclipses political disputes with technical disputes, sidestepping good faith democratic deliberation about what goods are worth pursuing. Effectively, one-dimensional thought cannot perceive the origins of items put into circulation and so ideology is produced – what seems value-free is value-laden.
Este artigo pretende analisar o efeito da operação de enquadramento editorial levada a cabo pela Editora Sur, vinculada à Revista Sur, na circulação do repertório frankfurtiano na Argentina da década de 1960. Ao traduzirem e divulgarem autores como Adorno, Horkheimer e Benjamin, a partir de sua posição específica no campo cultural argentino, a coleção Estudios Alemanes contribui para que seus autores sejam desvinculados da tradição marxista e alocados em uma categoria mais ampla de “pensamento alemão”. Com isso, a circulação desses autores fica restritra a certo público, já cativo da perspectiva teórica e política da Revista Sur. Neste artigo, descrevo a coleção nos marcos da difusão mais ampla da tradição alemã no campo letrado argentino, atentando para os deslocamentos de prestígio que ela mobiliza e, sobretudo, para a composição de uma “atitude intelectual” que, a despeito do conteúdo dos textos em circulação, condiciona a recepção e ressignificação dos textos frankfurtianos.
The essay focuses on the impact of Marcuse’s Eros and Civilization in Germany in 1968. First, the essay discusses how Freud’s theory was used in the late twenties at the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt. Then, it focuses on how certain of Adorno and Horkheimer’s ideas were developed in Eros and Civilization. Finally, it shows how Marcuse’s work became relevant for the intellectual development of the student movement in Germany.
Historiadora do cinema, Miriam Hansen examinou e sistematizou as contribuições de Siegfried Kracauer, Walter Benjamin e Theodor Adorno para a teorização do cinema. Nesta pesquisa bibliográfica, buscamos sintetizar e apresentar aos leitores de língua portuguesa o desenvolvimento de sua investigação sobre o tema. Mostramos como Hansen foi capaz de identificar as principais diferenças entre os teóricos frankfurtianos, bem como evidenciar que eles, em comum, pensaram este fenômeno cultural contemporâneo em relação às condições sociais e econômicas de produção. Em suas reflexões, o cinema aparece como expressão da sociedade urbano-industrial, como um elemento sintomático da cultura de massa.
Dialéctica del Iluminismo, de T.W. Adorno y Max Horkheimer, puede llevar a la confusión de entender pensamiento y razón como términos indiferenciados. Este vínculo tiende a establecerse a través de un mecanismo de metonimia que remite uno al otro como si ambos fueran semejantes. Sin embargo, la primera dificultad al confundir ambos términos y la misma dificultad de Horkheimer en su Crítica de la razón instrumental es la de establecer la diferencia entre razón objetiva y metafísica, así como ubicar valorativamente al mito en esta segunda categoría. El presente trabajo explora las claves que permiten operar la igualación del mito a Iluminismo y la reducción de ambos a metafísica en el pensamiento de la Escuela de Frankfurt.
A publicação deste polêmico artigo é uma homenagem de Lua Nova aos oitenta anos de História e Consciência de Classe, de Georg Lukács. Seu autor faz um resgate do jovem Lukács, identificando os pressupostos e idéias que tornam esse livro de 1923 não tanto filosoficamente, mas politicamente, um feito revolucionário, em sintonia com o ''Evento de 1917'' na Rússia. Zizek entende que é justamente seu teor político, o qual aponta para uma crítica radical dos regimes liberal-democráticos predominantes no Ocidente, que o mantém atual, nesse sentido ultrapassando os limites auto-impostos dos autores da Dialética do esclarecimento.
O presente trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar algumas idéias sobre o tema do treinamento corporal e sua relação com o domínio da natureza. Para isso apresenta-se a teoria da formação do sujeito e da civilização desenvolvida por Theodor W. Adorno e Max Horkheimer, sobretudo na Dialética do esclarecimento. A ênfase recai sobre o papel do sacrifício nesse processo, e a relação deste com o corpo. A partir daí procura-se entender o esporte, e dentro dele o treinamento corporal, com vistas a desenvolver uma análise daquele baseada na lógica sacrificial e na correspondente redução do corpo a uma naturalidade desqualificada e fungível.
Plato's allegory of the cave set a fashion for philosophy, i.e. to distinguish between appearance and reality. This fashion is still distinguishable in the work of two philosophers whose social critiques, at a first glance, are worlds apart: Herman Dooyeweerd of the Free University in Amsterdam, and Theodor Adorno o f the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University in Frankfurt. Upon a closer look, however, many similarities appear. Their diagnoses of Western society probes beneath the beguiling surface of scientific and technological progress to reveal serious tensions deeply embedded in Western culture. The question arises: how conscious are they of their own embeddedness in this cultural crisis? Dooyeweerd and Adorno are analysed on this issue, and the conclusion shows Dooyeweerd’s philosophy to suffer from an intellectual hybris, whereas Adorno’s is portrayed as burdened with a paralysing aestheticism. The result of this critical analysis of Dooyeweerd and Adorno is a suggestion to rehabilitate the tradition of Christian thinking as an ongoing debate between rival interpretations of the biblical message, which offers creative opportunities to respond to cultural crises and the suffering they entail.
This paper analyses economic power, state power and ideological power in the age of Donald Trump with the help of critical theory. It applies the critical theory approaches of thinkers such as Franz Neumann, Theodor W. Adorno and Erich Fromm. It analyses changes of US capitalism that have together with political anxiety and demagoguery brought about the rise of Donald Trump. This article draws attention to the importance of state theory for understanding Trump and the changes of politics that his rule may bring about. It is in this context important to see the complexity of the state, including the dynamic relationship between the state and the economy, the state and citizens, intra-state relations, inter-state relations, semiotic representations of and by the state, and ideology. Trumpism and its potential impacts are theorised along these dimensions. The ideology of Trump (Trumpology) has played an important role not just in his business and brand strategies, but also in his political rise. The (pseudo-)critical mainstream media have helped making Trump and Trumpology by providing platforms for populist spectacles that sell as news and attract audiences. By Trump making news in the media, the media make Trump. An empirical analysis of Trump’s rhetoric and the elimination discourses in his NBC show The Apprentice underpins the analysis of Trumpology. The combination of Trump’s actual power and Trump as spectacle, showman and brand makes his government’s concrete policies fairly unpredictable. An important question that arises is what social scientists’ role should be in the conjuncture that the world is experiencing.
There has been a burgeoning interest in the sociology of the Frankfurt School as well as the oeuvre of Theodor W. Adorno since the 2016 presidential campaign of Donald J. Trump. The objectives of this study are to both illustrate the enduring importance of Adorno and to provide an important theoretical outline in making sense of Trump’s 2016 United States presidential campaign. Using Adorno’s understudied textual analysis of the radio addresses of Martin Luther Thomas and data from Trump’s 2016 US presidential campaign, we find that Trump’s own discourse can be condensed into three of Adorno’s rhetorical devices: (1) the lone wolf device or anti-statism/pseudo-conservatism, reflecting his criticism of "special interests" and his appraisal of business and (self-)finance; (2) the movement device, which amounted to glorification of action; and (3) the exactitude of error device which amounted to xenophobic, ethnonationalist hyperbole.
Die gegenwärtige Krise der Demokratie wird besonders sichtbar in der "symbolischen Dimension politischer Repräsentation". Diese Auffassung vertritt Paula Diehl in ihrem Aufsatz Demokratische Repräsentation und ihre Krise. "In Bildern, Inszenierungen und Diskursen werden sowohl demokratisierende als auch antidemokratische Konzepte 'getestet'. Erfahren sie Resonanz in der Öffentlichkeit und in der Bevölkerung, kann sich die Lage in die eine oder in die andere Richtung entwickeln. Denn Symbole aktivieren Vorstellungen über die politische Ordnung, Repräsentanten, Bürgerinnen und Bürger, über den Staat und auch darüber, wie politische Institutionen funktionieren sollen." So Paula Diehl im besagten Aufsatz, der Überlegungen bündelt, die sie in ihrer Studie Das Symbolische, das Imaginäre und die Demokratie. systematisch entfaltet hat. In dieser Arbeit analysiert Diehl den Zusammenhang zwischen den normativen Strukturen und der symbolischen Praxis eines demokratisch verfassten politischen Gemeinwesens. Beide bedingen sich gegenseitig. Die normative Struktur einer Gesellschaft findet den Grund ihrer Geltung und der Stabilität in der symbolischen Praxis; diese wiederum muss begriffen werden als Ausdruck der Prinzipien und Regeln der normativen Grundstruktur. Eine Krise des Politischen ist zu verstehen als Resultat und Ausdruck einer Störung in diesem wechselseitigen Bedingungsverhältnis von normativer Struktur und symbolischer Praxis der politischen Gemeinschaft. ...
Die normative Assoziierung von Technikfolgenabschätzung (TA) mit der Habermas‘schen deliberativen Demokratietheorie ist weit verbreitet; eine tiefere Auseinandersetzung mit alternativen Demokratieverständnissen bleibt allerdings weitestgehend aus. Daher regt dieser Beitrag eine grundsätzliche Debatte über die demokratietheoretische Einbettung der TA und ihr Verhältnis zum Politischen an. Aufbauend auf der u. a. in dieser Zeitschrift geführten Diskussion über die (Un)Möglichkeit normativer Neutralität in der TA wird eine weiterführende Kritik am Anspruch der TA auf normative Fundierung hergeleitet. Mit der pluralen und radikalen Demokratietheorie von Laclau und Mouffe werden gesellschaftstheoretische Annahmen der an deliberativer Demokratie orientierten TA hinterfragt, und es wird für eine Politisierung und Pluralisierung der TA argumentiert
Am anderen Ende derWelt, in einem argentinischen Städtchen im Bundesstaat Buenos Aires, versetzten die epochalen Ereignisse in Europa nach dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs den Bürger Dinko Šakić in Entzücken. Fünfzig Jahre nachdem er aus seiner Heimat geflüchtet war, führten die tektonischen Umwälzungen nach dem Ende des Kommunismus und der europäischen Teilung sogar zur staatlichen Verselbständigung seiner einstigen Heimat Kroatien – zu einer jahrzehntelang nicht einmal im Traum denkbaren Entwicklung. Dinko Šakić setzte sich daraufhin öffentlich für seine frühere Heimat ein. Es fiel ihm gar nicht ein, dass ihn seine Vergangenheit einholen könnte. Wahrscheinlich weil er "ein gutes Gewissen" hatte, ein von ihm gern benutzter Ausdruck, oder weil er in der jungen Republik Kroatien eine Art Fortsetzung jenes Staatsgebildes sah, dem er in seiner Jugend "gedient" hatte (auch ein beliebter Ausdruck Šakićs). In der größten lateinamerikanischen Kroatengemeinde in Argentinien gab es wahrscheinlich nichts, was ihn zur Vorsicht hätte mahnen können. Er schien die Öffentlichkeit geradezu gesucht, womöglich sogar eine Anerkennung erwartet zu haben. Bei einem Empfang zu Ehren des kroatischen Präsidenten während dessen Staatsbesuchs in Argentinien wurde Šakić von Journalisten beobachtet, wie er Tudjman nicht von der Seite weichen wollte, was diesen sichtlich irritierte und zu Hause für Empörung sorgte. Šakić, der sich selbst bei mehreren Gelegenheiten als glühenden kroatischen Nationalisten schilderte, weshalb er schon als Jugendlicher Anhänger der Ustascha-Organisation geworden sei, ahnte offensichtlich nicht, dass seine Art der Heimatliebe dort Entsetzen hervorrufen würde. ...