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It is difficult to think of another area of literary discourse in which a critic has brought such a profound influence to bear, as Theodor W. Adorno has, in the area of literature concerning the Shoah. It is also difficult to think of another area of literary discourse in which a critic’s pronouncements have been misinterpreted so often and to such a degree as have Adorno’s reflections concerning the status of art after the Shoah. Reference here is of course being made to Adorno’s (supposed) ‘dictum’ concerning the barbarity of poetry after Auschwitz. The principle aims of this paper are to restore his reflections to their argumentative context and to restore the dialectical tension conferred on them in the original text. I will examine what I have termed the “after-Auschwitz” aporia, so evident in Adorno’s reflections on post-Shoah art and yet overlooked all too frequently in the research literature. Defined as an irresolvable impasse as a result of equally plausible yet inconsistent premises the term “aporia” succinctly captures the essence of Adorno’s deliberations on post-Shoah art: the imperative to represent the egregious crimes and the impossibility of doing so. I will demonstrate that Adorno’s pronouncements were never meant as silence-inducing taboos, but rather as concrete theoretical reflections upon the moral status of art in the aftermath of the Shoah and as warnings of the moral peril involved in the artistic rendering of mass extermination.
This reading of Pride and Prejudice and Mansfield Park suggests that the semantic framework of the novels is provided by the contrast between two meanings of the word consequence, the archaic meaning of social or emotional importance and the common and garden meaning of effect of a cause. It also suggests that the narrative structure of the novels is that of a game of consequences, a game that was played at the time of Jane Austen.
Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar comparativamente as semelhanças contidas nas críticas à democracia liberal presentes em alguns trabalhos selecionados de Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) e Robert Kurz (1943-2012). A despeito da estreita associação do primeiro autor com o regime nazista após 1933 e do segundo ser normalmente caracterizado como um pensador marxista (embora bastante crítico ao marxismo “ortodoxo”), são verificáveis inúmeras similitudes entre ambos quando se propõem a analisar as características do liberalismo parlamentar das democracias do século XX. Uma hipótese que pode explicar tais semelhanças seria a influência exercida por Schmitt sobre diversos teóricos da escola de Frankfurt, com os quais Kurz frequentemente dialoga em seus escritos e que foram inspiradores de algumas de suas reflexões – em especial, Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno e Max Horkheimer, embora Schmitt também tenha influenciado Franz Neumann, Otto Kirchheimer, Karl Korsch e Herbert Marcuse. Outra via de interpretação abordada aqui se refere à possibilidade de Schmitt ter encontrado, em suas teorias sobre o Estado e sobre o direito, os limites epistemológicos do liberalismo moderno, o que constitui o principal objeto de pesquisa de Kurz e foi tema recorrente nos escritos dos teóricos de Frankfurt.
A concepção de indivíduo na sociedade administrada é analisada por Horkheimer e Adorno (1973), no ensaio Indivíduo no livro Temas Básicos da Sociologia, cujo método de exposição instiga à reflexão sobre a concepção de indivíduo e as possibilidades de formação e educação na sociedade administrada, demonstrando que a concepção de indivíduo na Filosofia ora tendia para uma ênfase na subjetividade em detrimento das condições objetivas sociais, ora tendia à totalidade social, negligenciando a singularidade do indivíduo. Em seguida, estabelecem articulações entre as diferentes esferas complementares (indivíduo e sociedade) e as consequências sobre a formação do indivíduo e a educação na contemporaneidade, problematizadas por Adorno (2000), em sua obra Educação e Emancipação, quanto às suas possibilidades e limites na sociedade administrada.
This essay argues for the philosophical standing of Walter Benjamin’s early work and posits a deeper continuity between this early work as a philosopher and the subsequent development of his work as a writer. When these fragments are read in proper relation to each other, they reveal for the first time many of the key innovations of Benjamin as a philosopher, as well as his points of influence on Horkheimer and Adorno. His early ‘Program’ critiques the Enlightenment conception of experience as a means for gaining empirical knowledge, and announces the need for a new concept of experience. Benjamin follows through on this program with a method of philosophical enquiry that is by turns fragmentary and constellational, developing a series of provisional notions of experience, which form a constellation with one another: perception, mimesis, language as a medium of experience, observation and memory.
Neste artigo trataremos de entender quais foram as principais propostas de Theodor W. Adorno, filósofo alemão e membro da Escola de Frankfurt, para a educação de seu tempo. A partir de uma análise, mesmo que marginal, de parte do conjunto substancial de seus escritos, palestras, entrevistas e debates, sobretudo da obra em conjunto com Horkheimer, “Dialética do Esclarecimento” e dos ensaios de “Educação e Emancipação”, este texto evidencia os pressupostos do pensamento adorniano, pautado na teoria crítica da sociedade, e elucida suas reflexões na tentativa de propor que a educação fosse mais política e baseada no esclarecimento e na emancipação. Modicamente, buscamos pensar a atualidade e a urgência de suas reflexões para o campo educacional contemporâneo.
O presente objeto de pesquisa busca proceder ao estudo e identificação dos traços essenciais envolvidos na abordagem teórica das relações sociais e políticas trazidas na obra O Direito da Liberdade do filósofo alemão Axel Honneth. Faz-se uma análise da influência hegeliana sobre o conceito de liberdade, assim como dos fatores relacionados com o suprimento das carências subjetivas, mediadas pelas diferentes “esferas” sociais. Honneth, assim, procura trazer à tona a compreensão de um novo modelo de liberdade advindo da Filosofia do Direito de Hegel, o qual se distingue substancialmente dos modelos tradicionais. O autor busca evidenciar a limitação das teorias da justiça de tradição liberal, invocando a necessidade de uma visão integrada das relações sociais experimentadas nas esferas referidas por Hegel, concebendo-se uma experiência concreta de liberdade social. Nesse sentido, evidencia-se o caráter interdisciplinar e emancipatório do método de reconstrução normativa como base teórica para a justificação pública nas sociedades modernas.
Th. W. Adorno’s aesthetics represents a comprehensive reflection on a number of important topics in aesthetic research. Among them is the issue of the aesthetic experience generated by the beauty of nature. In the perspective of Adorno’s theory, the experience of natural beauty is described as a quality that forms in an immanent relation to the historical and social reality of humans. In the first place, one can observe the fundamental dependence of natural beauty on the degree of social domination of nature. By failing to reflect on this social mediation, the experience of natural beauty appears to be immediate and creates the deceptive fantasy of the primordial form of nature. At the same time, however, Adorno uncovers a positive potential in the experience of natural beauty – it lies in the ability to transcend a power-based subjectivity that reduces reality to the substrate of the domination. By means of the transcendence of subjectivity, the experience of natural beauty opens up the possibility to perceive and approach reality in the unreduced fullness of its qualities while also anticipating a reconciliation of man with nature in an allegorical way. The aim of my study is to describe the sketched aspects of the experience of natural beauty.
Eleştirel Kuram, 20. yüzyılın başlarında, daha sonra Frankfurt Okulu olarak bilinecek olan “Frankfurt Toplumsal Araştırmalar Enstitüsü” adı altında, bir grup akademisyen tarafından oluşturulmuş bir düşünce akımıdır. Bu düşünsel yaklaşımda, farklı dönemlerde farklı görüşler benimsenmiş olmakla birlikte, özünde pozitivizm ve araçsal akıl başta olmak üzere, modern kapitalist toplumsal düzen eleştirilmektedir. Aydınlanmanın, modernizmin ve modern aklın, kapitalizmin hizmetine girdiğinden yakınılmakta, bireylerin yaşamlarının kontrol edildiği ve onların belirli kalıplar içerisinde davranmaya zorlandığı bir sistemin varlığına karşı çıkılmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, diğer kuramsal yaklaşımlardan ve ideolojilerden negatif ve eleştirel bir bakış açısına sahip olması nedeniyle farklılaşan Eleştirel Kuram’, Kamu Yönetimi disiplini ile ilişkilendirerek açıklanmaya çalışılacaktır. Kuramsal tartışmaların, analitik bir biçimde sistematize edilerek kurgulanmasıyla oluşturulacak metodoloji, çalışmanın inşa edilmesinde temel yöntem olarak kullanılacaktır.
Day-to-day art criticism and art theory are qualitatively distinct. Whereas the best art criticism entails a closeness to its objects which is attuned to particularity, art theory inherently makes generalized claims, whether these claims are extrapolated from the process of art criticism or not. However, this article argues that these dynamics are effectively reversed if we consider the disparity between the criticism of so-called political art and attempts over the last century to elaborate theory which accounts for the political in art qua art. Art theory has located the political force of art precisely in the way that its particularity opposes or resists the status quo. Art criticism, on the other hand, tends to treat artwork as a text to be interpreted whose particularity may as well dissolve when translated into discourse. Drawing from the work of Theodor W. Adorno, this article argues that political art theory calls for art criticism more attuned to experience if it is to elucidate art’s critical valence.
La Escuela de Frankfurt ha jugado un papel determinante en la recepción posterior del Empirismo Lógico. Sin embargo, la revisión histórica del Empirismo Lógico ha revelado que esta visión partía de ciertas simplificaciones que no hacían justicia a la diversidad y complejidad de posturas que el movimiento incluía. En El ataque más reciente a la Metafísica Horkheimer sostiene que el positivismo es necesariamente irreflexivo y ahistórico en su explicación de las ciencias, y que su carencia de una teoría social que las contextualice lo vuelve incapaz de criticar el rol de la ciencia y de la razón instrumental en su aceptación del orden establecido, comprometiéndolo con una visión conservadora de la política. Se problematizará la atribución hecha al Empirismo Lógico de sostener una concepción de “razón instrumental” generalizada, y se sostendrá que, desde la visión de Neurath, el carácter auto-reflexivo de la ciencia admite una consideración crítica de los fines y propósitos del conocimiento.
Problém tolerance se v posledních desetiletích v kontextu procesů globalizace a integrace národnostních menšin jeví jako jeden z klíčových problémů politické teorie. Autorem jedné z nejvlivnějších současných teorií tolerance je pak bezpochyby člen „čtvrté generace“ frankfurtské školy Rainer Forst. Článek předkládá kritickou recepci jeho teorie, lze ho ovšem zároveň chápat jako prostředek k získání obecné systematické a normativní orientace ve struktuře komplexní problematiky tolerance, která v současnosti významně rezonuje ve veřejném prostoru. Výklad za pomoci historických příkladů osvětluje Forstovo rozlišení pojmu a pojetí tolerance a následně se věnuje originálnímu normativnímu ospravedlnění tolerance, s důrazem na Forstem předložená řešení s tímto pojmem spojených paradoxů. Následuje kritické zhodnocení Forstovy argumentace, které poukazuje mimo jiné na obtíže vyplývající z Forstovy návaznosti na tradici liberalismu a konstruktivismu, a tím se dotýká problémů ležících v základech nejen Forstova myšlení, ale v základech těchto myšlenkových směrů vůbec.
In Krisenzeiten suchen Menschen nach einem Zeichen der Hoffnung. Hoffnung steht auch im Zentrum der Forschung von Claudia Blöser. Ein Gespräch mit der Philosophin über die Beziehung zwischen Hoffnung, Wissen und Angst und darüber, warum das Konzept der radikalen Hoffnung in einer Krisensituation hilfreich sein kann.
Highlights
• Parents with and without migration background differ in educational knowledge.
• Parents with migration background have less educational knowledge on average.
• Variations in educational knowledge by immigrant groups.
• Social and cultural resources are central to explaining knowledge differences.
• Acculturation strategies prove to be of little relevance.
Abstract
Although extant research persistently highlights the importance of information for educational decision-making, better understanding the existence of, and the underlying reasons for, informational differences between immigrant and non-immigrant parents is important. This study examines the differences in the level of information between immigrant and non-immigrant parents of third graders just before they make probably their most important educational decision in the German education system. We draw on approaches highlighting the importance of resources and parents’ acculturation to explain the informational differences between immigrant and non-immigrant parents. Employing linear regression and probability models on data from the National Educational Panel Study in Germany (N = 3961), we demonstrate that all immigrant groups, particularly those from Turkey, the former Yugoslavia, the Middle East, and northern Africa, are significantly less informed than parents without own immigration experience. This result is evident both in our overall test and in various domains of the test, which analyze different aspects of information relevant to parents’ educational decision-making. Furthermore, different endowments with social and cultural capital largely explain the informational differences between parents with and without an immigrant background. In contrast, different acculturation strategies are almost negligible in explaining the differences in the level of information. Our findings provide important insights for research on migration-related inequalities in educational decision-making and for developing interventions to improve migrant parents’ ability to make well-informed and thus intended educational decisions.