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The paper introduces the socio-anthropological concept of international representations to examine the relationship between a civilizational rhetoric, the West European and the international politics of otherization and containment of Southeast Europe, and an essentialist and timeless bias in international relations theory, including both radical and constructivist trends...
In this chapter we develop an agenda for future research on the personalization of politics. To do so, we clarify the propositions of the personalization hypothesis, critically discuss the normative standard on which most studies base their evaluation of personalization, and systematically summarize empirical research findings. We show that the condemnation of personalization is based on a trivial logic and on a maximalist definition of democracy. The review of empirical studies leads us to question the assumption that personalization has steadily increased in all areas of politics. Finally, our normative considerations help us develop new research questions on how personalized politics affects democracy. Moreover, this review also makes clear that another weakness of today's empirical research on the personalization of politics lies in methodological problems and a lack of analysis of the impacts of systemic and contextual variables. Consequently, we suggest methodological pathways and possible explanatory factors for the study of personalization.
From the 1980 Maitatsine uprising to the 2009 Boko Haram uprising, Nigeria was bedevilled by ethno-religious conflicts with devastating human and material losses. But the Boko Haram uprising of July 2009 was significant in that it not only set a precedent, but also reinforced the attempts by Islamic conservative elements at imposing a variant of Islamic religious ideology on a secular state. Whereas the religious sensitivity of Nigerians provided fertile ground for the breeding of the Boko Haram sect, the sect’s blossoming was also aided by the prevailing economic dislocation in Nigerian society, the advent of party politics (and the associated desperation of politicians for political power), and the ambivalence of some vocal Islamic leaders, who, though they did not actively embark on insurrection, either did nothing to stop it from fomenting, or only feebly condemned it. These internal factors coupled with growing Islamic fundamentalism around the world make a highly volatile Nigerian society prone to violence, as evidenced by the Boko Haram uprising. Given the approach of the Nigerian state to religious conflict, this violence may remain a recurring problem. This paper documents and analyses the Boko Haram uprising, as well as its links with the promotion of Islamic revivalism and the challenges it poses to the secularity of the Nigerian state.
Die Darstellung der Machtverhältnisse im politischen Diskurs – am Beispiel politisierter Gedenkreden
(2015)
The present paper deals with the way in which the relations between different political governments and their representatives are expressed at the linguistic level on the strength of power positions in the official political discourse. The political value system and its justification are expressed in the official political discourse, which lays down rules and indicates attitudes with normative status and at the same time reveals the relations between the supporters of the respective ideology. For this purpose, three commemorative speeches are analysed; these speeches were published in the newspaper Neuer Weg on the 11th September 1960 and they were delivered by the German politicians Otto Grotewohl, the prime minister of GDR and Walter Ulbricht, the deputy prime minister of GDR and the Romanian politician Chivu Stoica, the secretary of the presidium of the General Council of the Party, on the death of the former President of the German Democratic Republic Wilhelm Pieck.
The text reframes the current debate about refugees in Germany by contrasting Germany’s recent history of racist violence and limitations of asylum laws with the resistance and agency of refugee movements across Germany. Both provide an important lens to re-examine the simultaneous heralding of „welcome culture“, a sharp rise in arson attacks on asylum centres and the current legislative roll-back of refugee rights in Germany.
This dissertation examines the language of politics of leading figures of the ex-Free Aceh Movement or Gerakan Aceh Merdeka‟ (GAM) leading figures in selected Aceh media during the 2012 gubernatorial election campaign. By analyzing their symbolic acts, topic selection, campaign methods, and campaign locations as reported in five selected Aceh media, I demonstrate the process of ex-GAM political rhetoric in the post-conflict election setting. The mixed method approach used in the dissertation includes the following: grounded, content analysis, case study, and rhetorical analysis. Data were collected from three local daily broadsheet newspapers (Serambi Indonesia, Rakyat Aceh and Harian Aceh) and two online news portals (The Atjeh Post and The Globe Journal). The research found that ex-GAM political rhetoric was deeply divided into two opposing political camps: the Irwandi camp as the incumbent independent and the PA camp as the challenger from a newly-established local political party. Both camps highlighted the importance of expressive symbolic acts, such as explaining and making promises in their campaigns. Irwandi introduced more varied, specific, practical, and concrete topics in its rhetoric with diverse and less formal campaign methods that appealed to those who envision a prosperous future in Aceh. By contrast, PA employed general, unrealistic, and abstract topics in its rhetoric with less attractive and more formal campaign methods that appealed to emotional and historical romanticism. In relation to ex-GAM political rhetoric and campaign locations, both focused on the traditional regions in northeast Aceh or in the conflict-sensitive regions where most of their loyalists reside, and on big regencies/cities where the potential voters live. However, during the campaign Irwandi appeared less frequently in ethnically diverse locations, whereas PA appeared more in non-traditional regions such as the previously isolated and less-developed regions in the central highlands and southeast regions of Aceh. In this way they highlighted the rhetoric of economic and infrastructure development and that of unity in diversity taking into account the multi-ethnicity of the voters. In terms of overall media appearances, except in The Atjeh Post, where Muzakir Manaf from PA was dominant, Irwandi Yusuf was the most-reported ex-GAM during the election campaign in the selected media. Finally, the available evidence seems to suggest that Irwandi‘s language of politics was rhetorically more attractive than that of other ex-GAM leaders.
This is the seventh article in our series on refugees. This article deals with the accommodation of Syrian refugees living in Germany. Based on my personal experience living in a refugee camp („Heim“) in the city of Cologne (Köln), and based on relevant literature, the article will, firstly, address the different types of temporary residences for refugees in Germany, and, secondly, the process through which refugees pass while looking for a permanent accommodation. Thirdly, and most importantly, the article discusses the ongoing shift within Köln’s urban and social structure in the light of the emerging resettlement of refugees. Although the urban structure of Köln, like many other German cities, has a certain level of urban segregation manifested in the settlement of immigrant communities (Friedrichs 1998, p.1), I argue that, on the contrary, the resettlement of Syrian refugees shows coherence and dispersion. The article is accompanied by a mapping survey that investigates on the spatial aspect of the accommodation distribution...