480 Hellenische Sprachen; klassisches Griechisch
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This paper attempts to present an overview of studies that have been conducted in Greece during recent years on the subject of emergent literacy and, more precisely, on preschoolers' acquisition of writing. Its aim is to present the studies focusing on the subject from an "invented spelling" perspective and to discuss the results obtained. Results seem to be in accordance with the results obtained by similar studies in other countries and in different languages, thus supporting the idea of the existence of a universal character to the ways preschool children conceptualise writing.
Children in Greece are exposed to a unique literary situation as they live in a monolingual society which uses two different alphabetical systems: the Greek alphabet and the Roman alphabet. Since the school curriculum of preschool education does not include the teaching of Greek or non-Greek letters, environmental print is mainly responsible for primitive hypotheses about letters. In this research 504 preschoolers were tested regarding their ability to differentiate between the two alphabets which circulate widely in the Greek urban print environment. It was showed that preschoolers, although unable to read, were able to differentiate between texts written with Greek or Roman letters. This gives strong evidence for the conclusion that, apart from the major role that visual language plays in the reading of environmental print, information about actual letters is also absorbed by preschoolers.
In this paper we discuss second position clitics in Ancient Greek, which show a remarkable ability to break up syntactic constituents. We argue against attempts to capture such data in terms of a mismatch between c-structure yield and surface string and instead propose to enrich c-structure by using a multiple context free grammar with explicit yield functions rather than an ordinary CFG.
In this paper we propose an LFG/XLE treatment of Exhaustive Object Control (EOC) constructions in Greek na clauses. We draw on data retrieved from the Hellenic National Corpus (HNC) in order to define the verbs that allow EOC. We treat EOC using anaphoric control. We take the subject of the subordinate na clause (controllee) to be a PRO marked with nominative case that is anaphorically related to the object of the matrix clause (controller). We implement this analysis in our LFG/XLE Grammar by adding the new feature ANAPH_C_BY.
In Modern Greek there is a rich aspectual system, which involves both morphologically expressed grammatical aspect and eventuality types, carried primarily by the meaning of the verbal predicate. Particular emphasis is paid to the interaction between grammatical aspect and eventuality types, since it is due to this interaction that the verbal predicate acquires distinct meanings. In order to explain potential changes in the meaning of the eventualities caused by the interaction with grammatical aspect, I propose a formal analysis within HPSG, using Minimal Recursion Semantics (MRS) for the semantic representations. Following the MRS architecture, I introduce a number of relations, which represent both grammatical aspect and eventuality types. The close interaction between grammatical aspect and eventuality types triggers special meanings which traditionally can be explained by inserting contextual information into the representations. In this paper, I argue against such an analysis, providing an alternative which is based on the introduction of subeventual templates formulated by Michaelis (2003) and Pustejovsky (1995). In this context, grammatical aspect combines with eventuality types and selects eventualities or subeventualities appropriate to its selection restrictions, using information that is already there in the denotation of the eventualities.
In this paper I present two classes of double object constructions in Modern Greek, i.e., the genitive, as well as the double accusative, ditransitive constructions. I show that these two classes differ from one another in that not both of them permit derivational processes such as the formation of adjectival passives. I also look at the case properties associated with the verbs which head Modern Greek genitive and double accusative ditransitive constructions. Finally, the analysis I propose for these constructions in Modern Greek are formalized using the Minimal Recursion Semantics (MRS) framework of Copestake et al. (2001) and Copestake et al. (2003).
The aim of this paper is to provide a semantic account of valence alternations in Modern Greek of the following general form:
(1) NPk V NPi [P NPj] —> NPk V NPj [P NPi]
In other words, the valence alternations in Modern Greek we focus on in this paper are the ones involving direct internal arguments (i.e., objects) and indirect prepositional complements. Such alternation patterns in Modern Greek characterize mainly the behaviour of verbal predicates which participate in the so-called Locative Alternation phenomena.
This paper focuses on the semantic properties and the syntactic behaviour of Modern Greek (hence MG) Experiencer-Subject Psych Verb Constructions (hence ESPVCs).
MG ESPVCs include verbs like miso (hate), agapo (love), or latrevo (adore), which feature a nominative experiencer in agreement with the verb and an accusative theme (see examples (1)-(3)). MG ESPVCs include also predicates like fovame (fear), which feature an experiencer-subject in agreement with the verb and either an accusative theme (example (4)), or a theme as the object of a prepositional phrase (example (5)). We should underline here that examples (4) and (5) below convey the same meaning. That is, they do NOT differ semantically.
O Gianis misi to sholio.
the Gianis.N hate.3S the school.A
"John hates school."
O Gianis agapa tin Maria.
the Gianis.N loves.3S the Maria.A
"John loves Mary."
O Gianis latrevi tin musiki.
the Gianis.N adore.3S the music.A
"John adores music."
I Maria fovate tis kategides.
the Maria.N fear.3S the storms.A
"Maria is afraid of the storms."
I Maria fovate me tis kategides.
the Maria.N fear.3S with the storms.A
"Maria is afraid of the storms."
The challenge that constructions like the ones in (4) and (5) pose lies on the split syntactic realization of the "experienced" (hence EXPD) semantic role (i.e., the theme), which in constructions like (4) is syntactically realized as the object of the sentence, while in constructions like (5) it is syntactically realized as the object of a prepositional phrase.
Our aim is to propose a unified linking account of the MG ESPVCs. This unified account
1) is based on the assumption that the individual denoted by the object NP (or PP) of the MG ESPVCs is entailed to be semantically underspecified, and
2) makes use of Wechsler's (1995) Notion Rule, Davis and Koenig's (2000) linking theory, as well as Markantonatou and Sadler's (1996) proposal for the linking of indirect arguments.
References
Davis, A.R. and J.-P. Koenig (2000). Linking as constraints on word classes in a hierarchical lexicon. Language 76, 56-91.
Markantonatou, S. and L. Sadler (1996). Linking Indirect Arguments. Essex Research Reports in Linguistics 9, 24-63.
Wechsler, S. (1995). The Semantic Basis of Argument Structure. Stanford: CSLI Publications. Series: Dissertations in Linguistics, Joan Bresnan, Sharon Inkelas, William J. Poser, and Peter Sells (eds.).
Die maßgebliche Position des Übersetzungskonzepts ergibt nicht nur aus dem unweigerlich vielsprachigen, migrierenden und interdisziplinären Denken des Philosophen, Psychoanalytikers, Ökonomen und Aktivisten Cornelius Castoriadis. Vielmehr existiert ein konkreter Kern des Translatorischen in den zwei konstitutiven Gegenständen seiner Philosophie, im Imaginären einerseits und anderseits in der Politik, die auf die imaginäre Verfasstheit der Gesellschaft zurückgeht. Ob also Castoriadis seinen eigenen Text vom Französischen in die griechische Sprache überträgt oder ob er die Vorstellungswelt der kapitalistischen Gegenwart beschreibt - in beiden Fällen geht es um die Übersetzung als einen kreativen Prozess innerhalb der Sprache, des Denkens oder der Politik.
Multiple exponence in morphology has recently attracted a good deal of attention (see, among others, Harris 2017; Caballero & Inkelas 2018). In this paper, I examine Modern Greek verbs which take an extra verbalizer (implicit multiple exponence). The simple base (bare form) and the base with the verbalizer co-exist in the lexicon without any semantic or aspectual opposition and can be used in the same syntactic context. Thus, they raise important questions for morphological theory. I argue that the explanation of this pleonastic addition may be hidden in the relation between inflection and derivation and the polyfunctional character of verbalizers in synthetic languages. Since the two forms co-exist and one member of each pair features an idiomatic association of meaning and complex form, morphological theory is challenged. I argue that these formations find a natural account within the framework of Construction Morphology (Booij 2010; Jackendoff & Audring 2019).
We analyze English and Greek nominal synthetic compounds like truck driver and truck driving from a syntactic perspective couched within Distributed Morphology. We derive the main differences between the two languages from the different morphosyntactic status of the non-head nouns, which are roots in Greek but categorized words in English.
This article presents a new dimension of the lexical category of “false friends”. False friends are the result of complex phenomena, exceeding bilingualism, so that they are not to be explained solely within the context of the mother tongue or of the foreign language. Many false friendships, i.e. potential false friends, stem from socalled internationalisms. In this article I discuss, in a concrete manner, based on some examples of Greek words in German, the way in which false friendships build a triangle, going further than the limits of one language pair. The main purpose of the article is to show that the etymological condition, even if only optional in defining false friends, has a major role to play in the international lexical patrimony of European languages.
We aim to understand whether Greek and Italian, two null subject languages, differ in the use and interpretation of null subjects, based on evidence from both a production and a comprehension experiment. The results of the two experiments show that the two languages differ in the extent to which they comply with the Position of Antecedent Strategy as formulated by Carminati (2002). In order to account for this difference, we introduce a principle which defines prominence of sentence constituents in terms of hierarchical height, elaborating on a recent proposal by Rizzi (2018). Then we show that the prominence of subject and object constituents in Greek and Italian reflects word-order differences between the two languages (Roussou & Tsimpli 2006). In more general terms, this paper argues in favour of a multi-factorial approach to reference interpretation, in that syntactic factors interact with discourse factors, leading to a gradient variety of reference possibilities.
Le genre des questions-et-réponses dans la littérature grecque chrétienne se laisse mieux comprendre si l'on le définit comme une série de questions-et-réponses, présentées comme telles (et non comme des lettres ou des dialogues, par exemple) abordant des sujets variés et qui ne se réduisent pas à une seule catégorie de contenu (exégèse biblique ou explications scientifiques, par exemple). Ainsi restreint, le genre des questions-et-réponses dans la littérature grecque chrétienne connaît sa période la plus faste aux Ve-VIIIe s. dans des milieux monastiques ouverts sur les problèmes et les interrogations du monde. Ce genre, d'une grande souplesse et d'une grande vitalité, permet de traiter des questions d'une façon plus accessible et plus libre qu'il ne serait possible de le faire dans une homélie ou un traité théologique.
In this paper I investigate a change in the word order patterns of Greek nominalizations that took place from the Classical Greek (CG) period to the Modem Greek (MG) one. Specifically, in CG both the patterns in (A), with its two subtypes, and (B) were possible; the MG system, on the other hand, exhibits only the (B) pattern. The difference between the two systems is that agents can only be introduced in the form of prepositional phrase in MG nominals in a position following the head noun, while they could appear in a prenominal position bearing genitive case in CG. Moreover, the theme genitive, i.e. the objective genitive, could precede the head nominal in CG; this is no longer the case in MG, where the theme genitive follows the head noun obligatorily:
(A) i) Det-(Genagent)-Nprocess-Gentheme 1 ii) Det-Gentheme-Nprocess
(B)Det-Nprocess-Gentheme (Ppagent)
I argue that the unavailability of (A) in MG is linked to the nature and the properties associated with a nominal functional projection contained within process non~inals and to other related changes in the nominal system of Greek.
Eines der Hauptmerkmale, welches das Ionisch-Attische von den übrigen altgriechischen Dialekten unterscheidet, ist die Vertretung des idg. * ā durch ē. Idg. *ā kommt in den übrigen Dialekten als ā vor. So entspricht zum Beispiel dem idg. *māter (lat. māter, ai. mātā) äol.-dor. mā́tēr, aber mḗtēr im ion.-att. […] Selbstverständlich ist die Zurückführung auf idg. Formen mit ā ein Ergebnis, zu dem man erst durch die Rekonstruktionsmethoden der Vergleichenden Sprachwissenschaft kommt. In dem Bereich des ion.-att. Dialekts wird jedoch weiter unterschieden, da bei bestimmten lautlichen Umgebungen (nach den Lauten i, e und r) im Att. – wie auch im Äol., Dor. – ā und kein ē vorkommt, wie man erwarten würde und wie es wirklich der Fall im Ion. ist. […]
1.2. Wegen dieser unterschiedlichen phonologischen Situation, die man im Att. […] findet, stellen sich in Bezug auf das phonologische System des Altgriechischen (des ion.-att. Dialekts) die folgenden wesentlichen Fragen: (A) Wie soll man im Att. die Anwesenheit von ā statt des erwarteten ē erklären? (B) (I) Wurde das urgr. ā direkt zu ē (ē̡) im Ion.-att. oder hat es eine Zwischenstufe gegeben in dem Sinne, daß es zunächst zu ǟ (vorderer, palataler Laut) wurde und später zu ē̡, obwohl es in der Schrift immer durch H (MHTEP) im Att. repräsentiert wurde?
(II) Wenn es wirklich eine Zwischenstufe mit ǟ gegeben hat, hat sie so lange gedauert, daß ǟ als ein selbständiges Phonem des phonologischen Systems der langen Vokale des Ion.-att. und besonders des Att. betrachtet werden kann?
Der zweite Teil der Frage (B) wird direkt mit dem Problem der Chronologie der Verschmelzung ("merger") von ǟ und ā̡ verknüpft. (Da die Gründe, die für den phonematischen Wert des ǟ sprechen, stark genug sind, wie durch die folgende Analyse gezeigt werden wird, wird ǟ hier im voraus als Phonem betrachtet, und das soll hier auch als Arbeitshypothese dienen.)
In the area of the Modern Greek verb, phenomena which consistently appear are headmarking, many potential slots before and/or after the verb root, noun and adverb incorporation, addition of adverbial elements by means of affixes, a large inventory of bound morphemes, verbal words as minimal sentences, etc. These features relate Modern Greek to polysynthesis. The main bulk of this paper is dedicated to the comparison of affixal and incorporation patterns between Modern Greek and the polysynthetic languages Abkhaz, Cayuga, Chukchi, Mohawk, and Nahuatl. Ultimately, a typological outlook for Modern Greek is proposed.
Children […] growing up with highly inflected languages such as Modern Greek will frequently hear different grammatical forms of a given lexeme used in different grammatical and semantic-pragmatic contexts. In spite of the fact that the Greek noun is not as highly inflected as the verb, acquisition of nominal inflection of this inflecting-fusional language is quite complex, comprising the three categories of case, number, and gender. As is usual in this type of language, the formation of case-number forms obeys different patterns that apply to largely arbitrary classes of nominal lexemes partially based on gender. Further, frequency of the occurrence of the three gender classes and case-number forms of nouns greatly differs in spoken Greek, regarding both the types and tokens. […] [A] child learning an inflecting-fusional language like Greek must construct different inflectional patterns depending not only on parts of speech but also on subclasses within a given part of speech, such as gender classes of nouns and inflectional classes within or (exceptionally) across genders. It is therefore to be expected that the early development of case and number distinctions will apply to specific nouns and subclasses of nouns rather than the totality of Greek nouns. The two main theoretical approaches of morphological development that will be discussed in the present paper are the usage-based approach and the pre- and protomorphology approach.
In this paper I present five alternations of the verb system of Modern Greek, which are recurrently mapped on the syntactic frame NPi__NP. The actual claim is that only the participation in alternations and/or the allocation to an alternation variant can reliably determine the relation between a verb derivative and its base. In the second part, the conceptual structures and semantic/situational fields of a large number of “-ízo” derivatives appearing inside alternation classes are presented. The restricted character of the conceptual and situational preferences inside alternations classes suggests the dominant character of the alternations component.