830 Literaturen germanischer Sprachen; Deutsche Literatur
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"Die erste deutschsprachige Monolognovelle war zunachst vor allem ein Medienereignis im Zeitalter beginnender Massenkommunikation. Während, so Arthur Schnitzler rückblickend, die Lesung von "Lieutenant Gustl" Ende November 1900 in der Literarischen Vereinigung in Breslau unaufgeregt zur Kenntnis genommen worden war, wirkte ihr Druck am 25. Dezember in der Weihnachtsbeilage der "Neuen Freien Presse" explosiv. Ein Grund liegt in der besonderen Rolle, die die "Neue Freie Presse" in der Öffentlichkeit spielte. Ihr Feuilleton wie auch die Beilagen zu den hohen Festtagen waren ein Schauplatz öffentlicher Aufmerksamkeit. [...] Es waren [...] maßgeblich das besondere Datum und der exponierte Ort der bedeutendsten Zeitung der Monarchie, die dem "Lieutenant Gustl" zu einer Prominenz verhalfen, von der aus alles Weitere seinen Ausgang nahm."
"Die folgenden Überlegungen zum "Andreas" sind von Hofmannsthals Diktum ausgelöst, "dass auf einem gesunden Selbstgefühl (...) das ganze Dasein ruht." [...] Denn im Dilemma der unbewältigten Identität einer höchst fragilen literarischen Gestalt auf intensiver Suche nach dem Selbst scheint mir die Problemzone des Romanvorhabens zu liegen."
Die "wîlsælde"-Disputation : zur Auseinandersetzung mit der Astrologie in der "Kaiserchronik"
(2005)
Als Einschub in der mittelhochdeutschen "Kaiserchronik" bieten die drei Disputationen weitaus tiefer greifende philosophisch-theologische Betrachtungen als der übrige Erzähltext. Die "wîlsælde"-Disputation greift die Auseinandersetzung mit der Astrologie auf. Der vorliegende Aufsatz vergleicht dieses Streitgespräch mit seiner patristischen Vorlage, den pseudoklementinischen "Recognitiones", und erkäirt die Umgestaltung des Stoffes in der "Kaiserchronik" im Hinblick auf Unterschiede in den astrologischen Richtungen im 4. und im 12. Jahrhundert.
Recent critical discussions of German migrant and post-migrant literature has repeatedly focussed on the phenomenon of the exotic: where some writers seem consciously to exoticise their writing, exaggerating myths about Oriental culture and thus highlighting differences between East and West, perhaps with the aim of making foreigners exciting, likeable or deserving of sympathy, others react against this, rejecting clichés and highlighting continuities, apparently with the aim of making cultural boundaries traversable. Both are understandable strategies tor dealing with displacement. ln this context l should like to adopt a term from quite a different discipline. Bultmanns concept of demythologising. ln theology, demythologising means dissectting the "myth" - the sacred but implausible narrative - to distil from it a kerygmatic truth. If we regard the exotic as being, in this technical sense, the "myth", then it is not entirely devoid of a relationship to reality, but it cannot simply be read as "teal". Thus demythologising is the opposite process to exoticising. Drawing on satirical texts by four Turkish-German writers and cabaretts, this paper looks at ways in which this ethnic minority can use ironic self-depiction to capture and defuse the stereotypes with which it is confronted. Under the rubric "cold turkey", that is, Turkishness without the psychedelics, it shows how the satirists transpose clichés into everyday situations, where they become absurd. The paper’s conclusion is likely to be that hybrid communities are inevitably torn between a desire to highlight demarcation lines (exoticism) and a need to accentuate the potential for assimilation (demythologising). Humour, which in any case has a tendency either to underline or to debunk stereotypes, serves as a highly effective tool for working out this dichotomy, and as all four satirists have successfully reached main-stream German audiences, it would also appear to be a key mechanism in achieving intet-cultural understanding.
The Kaiserchronik is generically puzzling. In essence it is a spiritual world chronicle, but it lacks the usual historiographical systematisations of its theological content. However it does have three disputations, an unusual feature in a chronicle which has to date not been adequately explained. This essay argues, on the basis of comparisons with works in other literary forms, that these passages function as key expressions of the controlling idea of the entire work, namely the progress of the Gospel from the heathen to the Christian Empire, and that they are strategically located within the chronicle at the turning points in the success of Christian mission.
St. Stephanstag zu Pfingsten : einige Bemerkungen zu Enikels Weltchronik Verse 28447 und 28471
(1998)
In einem kurzen Aufsatz aus dem Jahre 1888 beschreibt Oswald Redlich eine eigentümliche Erscheinung in der mittelalterlichen Chronologie. In österreichischen Urkunden des späten Mittelalters werden gelegentich die Namen der Festtage nach Weihnachten auf die entsprechenden Tage nach den beiden anderen kirchlichen Hochfesten Ostern und Pfingsten bezogen. Die wichtigsten Feste der Weihnachtswoche sind: Dezember 26 - St. Stephan Dezember 27 - St. Johannes Dezember 28 - Unschuldig-Kindleintag "Stephan" ist also liturgisch synonym mit dem zweiten Weihnachtstag, "Johannes" mit dem dritten, usw. Redlich erkannte als erster, daß im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert in Österreich die Feste der Oster- und Pfingstwochen analog genannt werden, wobei der "Kindleintag zu Ostern" den Mittwoch nach Ostersonntag oder "Johannes zu Pfingsten" den Dienstag nach Pfingstsonntag bezeichnen, obwohl die benannten Heiligen an diesen Festen in Wirklichkeit nie geehrt wurden. Grotefend, der die Belege zuerst anders gedeuter hatte, zog seine frühere Ansicht zurück und akzeptierte diese Ergebnisse. Interessant für unsere Zwecke ist der Terminus "St. Stephan zu Pfingst" für den Pfingstmontag, der in zwei Urkunden - 1361 in Buchsenstein und 1416 in Pankraz im Ultenthal - vorkommt.
Dieser Artikel beschäftigt sich mit der Rezeption des Mittelalters in der Barockzeit am Beispiel von Martin Opitz und den mittelalterlichen Alexandererzählungen. lm Apparat zu seiner Annolied-Ausgabe läßt sich Opitz auf einen längeren Diskurs über den Alexanderstoff ein, wie dieser in mehreren mittelalterlichen Werken vorkommt. Neben dem "Annolied" selbst stellt er hier vor allem die "Kosmographie" des Aethicus von lstrien und ein anonymes Werk mit dem Titel "Excerptum de vita Alexandri Magni" zur Diskussion. Damit beeinflußt er nachhaltig die wissenschaftliche Rezeption von Aethicus in den darauffolgenden Jahrhunderten. Der Artikel umersucht diese Konstellation und bietet nebenbei einige neue Einsichten zum Briefwechsel von Opitz mit seinem wichtigsten Gewährsmann, Claude Saumaise.
In his edition of Jansen Enikel’s "Weltchonik", which first appeared in 1891, Philipp Strauch briefly noted the similarity between a detail in Enikel’s creation story and a couplet in a short verse narrative printed in a collection by Adelbert von Keller. Strauch never elaborated on this parallel, and subsequent scholarship has not pursued it, but the manuscript from which von Keller’s material was drawn, now known as Codex Karlsruhe 408, is an important document and the relationship between it and Jansen Enikel deserves to be explored. Enikel’s "Weltchonik" (Vienna, c. 1272) is a 30,000-line history of the world from the creation to the death of the Emperor Frederick II. Immediately after his prologue, Enikel tells of the creation of the angels and their subsequent rebellion and fall, and only then comes the Biblical story of the creation of the world and of Adam and Eve. Most of this is standard material for the 13th century, but Enikels narrative has one striking and rather unusual feature. While some of the angels rebelled against God and others stood by him, there was a third group who refused to show their colours [...]
"The death of the Emperor Frederick Il in 1250 marked a tuming point in German affairs. When in 1212 the young King of Sicily had taken Germany by storm, driving north his Welf rival Otto IV of Brunswick and securing the support of the German princes, it had seemed that a new golden age had begun. Walther von der Vogelweide at last received his "lêhen", and praised his new patron as "der edel künec, der milte künec". ln Aachen a crusade was proclaimed for the liberation of Jerusalem. Comparisons were made with the Emperor's grandfather, Frederick Barbarossa. The house of Hohenstaufen was again in the ascendency. But these high expectations were always unrealistic. Frederick's crusading vows became a thom in his flesh; his enemies held him to them, but obstructed him as he sought to fulfil them. Much of his energy was taken up in a dual struggle against insurgency in his restive Lombard states, and against the bitter invective of the papal propagandists. Although Innocent lll had been the prime sponsor of the young Emperor, Honorius III became alan·ned at the prospect of a union of the crowns of Sicily and the Empire, and Gregory IX and Innocent IV became determined to break the power of the Hohenstaufen dynasty once and for all. The popes did not have it all their own way. For the most part, the German princes remained loyal, pleased to have an emperor who interfered so little in their affairs. Frederick‘s policy of diplomacy and compromise attracted more sympathy than that of the Pope who refused to meet and treat with him. His early death, however, left his son Conrad IV in a weak position from which he was unable to recover, and within twenty years the last Hohenstaufen rulerwas deposed. The impact of these events on the intellectual climate in Germany was immense. After Frederick's death, there was an upsurge in apocalyptic preaching, and much of the literature of the period was diffused with a sense of nostalgia. It is in this light that we must read the account of the life of Frederick II which is offered by the Viennese patrician, Jansen Enike. Enikel‘s Universal Chronicle ('Weltchronik') recounts the history of the world from Adam to Frederick. It was written about 1272, just four years after the death of Conradin, the last of the Staufen line. Enikel was probably born in the 1230s, and his own lifespan exactly coincided with the years of Hohenstaufen decline. His account ol Frederick's life has limited value as history, but casts an interesting sidelight on the confusion of impressions which had gathered in popular lore. In keeping with the rest of his chronicle, it is anecdotal, falling naturally into ten sections of differing lengths, most of which are to some extent self-contained units. Together, these fill over thirteen hundred lines, making Frederick Enikel's most comprehensively treated post-biblical protagonist; only Moses and David are dealt with at greater length."
"[...] In 1639, Martin Opitz rescued for us the only complete surviving text of the Annolied (circa 1083), and now Graeme Dunphy has made available a reprint of the Opitz edition and with it Opitz’s prologue and notes, a new English translation, and the translator’s informative notes on the translation and on Opitz’s commentary. In his prologue Opitz expresses the purpose of the edition, which is to demonstrate that the German language was inherited by his contemporaries in an unbroken line from earliest times. This is a strikingly early formulation of the romantic thesis the Grimm brothers developed later. Thus by including Opitz’s prologue and notes on his sources and philological explanations, Dunphy gives us the essential tools to re-invigorate research in three areas: Opitz, who is too frequently thought of as a narrowly focused poeticist, the serious study of philology and history in the sixteenth century, and most importantly, the Annolied itself. [...]" Quelle: Maria Dobozy : http://www.iaslonline.de/index.php?vorgang_id=751