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We combined biostratigraphical analyses, archaeological surveys, and Glacial Isostatic Adjustment (GIA) models to provide new insights into the relative sea-level evolution in the northeastern Aegean Sea (eastern Mediterranean). In this area, characterized by a very complex tectonic pattern, we produced a new typology of sea-level index point, based on the foraminiferal associations found in transgressive marine facies. Our results agree with the sea-level history previously produced in this region, therefore confirming the validity of this new type of index point. The expanded dataset presented in this paper further demonstrates a continuous Holocene RSL rise in this portion of the Aegean Sea. Comparing the new RSL record with the available geophysical predictions of sea-level evolution indicates that the crustal subsidence of the Samothraki Plateau and the North Aegean Trough played a major role in controlling millennial-scale sea-level evolution in the area. This major subsidence rate needs to be taken into account in the preparation of local future scenarios of sea-level rise in the coming decades.
Geoprax : Newsletter
(1999)
The present PhD-thesis was prepared within subproject B8 of the DFG-Sonderforschungsbereich (SFB) 641 “The Tropospheric Ice Phase”. The subproject B8 was entitled “Interactions of volatile organic compounds with airborne ice crystals”. Results of previous studies have shown that various volatile organic compounds (VOC) and semivolatile organic compounds (SVOC) are incorporated into the atmospheric ice phase and several uptake mechanisms are discussed in the literature. The aim of this study was to identify the dominating VOC and SVOC in airborne snow collected at Jungfraujoch in the Swiss Alps (3580 m asl) and to study in laboratory experiments the uptake mechanism of organic compounds into snow and ice. For this purpose an analytical method to analyse freshly fallen snow samples was developed and evaluated in a first step. The method consists of headspace (HS) solid phase dynamic extraction (SPDE) followed by gas chromatography combined with mass spectrometry (GC/MS). During the extraction process a new cooling device was successfully integrated into the HS-SPDE-GC/MS method to enhance the extraction yield. Extraction and desorption parameters such as the number of extraction cycles, extraction temperature, desorption volume and desorption flow rate have been optimized. Detection limits for benzene, toluene, ethylbenzene, m-, p-, o- xylene (BTEX) ranged from 19 ng L-1 (benzene) to 30 ng L-1 (m/p-xylene), while those for C6-C10 n-aldehydes ranged from 21 ng L-1 (n-heptanal) to 63 ng L-1 (n-hexanal). Furthermore, freshly fallen snow samples were collected at the High Altitude Research Station Jungfraujoch (3580 m asl, Switzerland) during the field campaigns “Cloud and aerosol characterization experiment” (CLACE) 4 and 5 in February and March 2005 and 2006, respectively. Freshly fallen snow samples collected directly in-cloud on a high altitude remote location were used as approximation of airborne ice crystals since sampling of airborne ice crystals in quantities sufficient for analysis of individual organic compounds is not yet possible. In the collected snow samples a wide range of organic compounds were identified, namely BTEX, n-aldehydes (C6-C10), terpenes, chlorinated hydrocarbons and alkylated monoaromatics. The most abundant organic compounds in snow samples from Jungfaujoch during CLACE 4 and 5 were n-hexanal with a median concentration of 1.324 μg L-1 (CLACE 5) followed by n-nonanal (CLACE 5) with a median concentration of 1.239 μg L-1. High concentration variations of the analytes in snow samples collected at the same time at the same place argue for a heterogeneous composition of snow and ice. Several indicators were found that the origin of the n-aldehydes in the snow can be attributed to direct biogenic emissions from vegetation and indirect biogenic emissions through photochemical oxidation of fatty acids and alkenes. In a second step laboratory experiments were carried out to clarify the uptake mechanism of volatile and semivolatile organic compounds into snow/ice. Organic compounds can be incorporated into the atmospheric ice phase either by the process of gas scavenging, liquid scavenging (riming) or particle scavenging. Gas scavenging (incorporation of the organic compounds from the gas phase during growing of ice crystals) revealed to be ineffective based on previous laboratory experiments in which ice crystals were growing in the presence of aromatic hydrocarbons (BTEX) in the gas phase. In the present study the process of liquid scavenging (riming) was investigated in the laboratory using aqueous standard solutions containing BTEX, naldehydes (C6-C10), methyl tert-butyl ether (MTBE) and ethyl tert-butyl ether (ETBE). The headspace above the standard solution was sampled after adjusting the aqueous solutions to definite temperatures by use of a thermostat. Measurement were carried out at 25°C, 15°C and 5°C (water), -5°C and -15°C (supercooled water) and -25°C (ice). Results have shown that the known trend of lower gas phase concentrations over water concomitant with lower temperatures (Henry’s Law) is only valid for temperatures above 0°C. At temperature below 0°C, increasing concentrations of the analytes (BTEX, MTBE, ETBE and n-aldehydes) were determined in the gas phase together with decreasing temperatures. Dimensionless Henry’s law coefficients (KAW) were calculated from the concentrations of the organic compounds in the headspace above the standard solutions at temperatures between 25°C and -25°C. The observed inversion of Henry’s law coefficients of volatile and semivolatile organic compounds at a water temperature of approximately 0°C is explained by the formation of ordered zones of H2O molecules in supercooled water called “ice-like-clusters”. Together with decreasing temperatures the degree of formation of ordered zones increases which results in the removal of the organic molecules from the liquid phase and transfer into the gas phase. At a temperature of -25°C the supercooled water is converted into ice and a further significant increase of the gas phase concentrations of hydrophobic compounds such as BTEX is observed. In comparison, less hydrophobic compounds such as MTBE, ETBE and n-aldehydes are detected in lower amounts in the gas phase above the water/ice phase due to the higher water solubility and lower Henry coefficients compared to BTEX. The results show that in the absence of particles the uptake of BTEX MTBE, ETBE and C6-C10-naldehydes into ice not enhanced during freezing of a supercooled liquid, since at -25°C for these analytes the concentrations in the gas phase are higher at -25°C (ice) compared with -15°C (supercooled liquid). The heterogeneous distribution of BTEX and n-aldehydes concentrations in snow samples collected during the CLACE field campaigns suggests that adsorption of the organic compounds to particles followed by incorporation of the particles into the snow and ice might play a major role in the uptake process of organic compounds into snow and ice. To increase the knowledge about uptake processes of organic compounds into snow and ice further experiments are required with should include aerosol particles in the experimental setup to evaluate the influence of particle scavenging in the uptake processes.
A data set of annual values of area equipped for irrigation for all 236 countries in the world during the time period 1900 - 2003 was generated. The basis for this data product was information available through various online data bases and from other published materials. The complete time series were then constructed around the reported data applying six statistical methods. The methods are discussed in terms of reliability and data uncertainties. The total area equipped for irrigation in the world in 1900 was 53.2 million hectares. Irrigation was mainly practiced in all the arid regions of the globe and in paddy rice areas of South and East Asia. In some temperate countries in Western Europe irrigation was practiced widely on pastures and meadows. The time series suggest a modest rate of increase of irrigated areas in the first half of the 20th century followed by a more dynamic development in the second half. The turn of the century is characterized by an overall consolidating trend resulting at a total of 285.8 million hectares in 2003. The major contributing countries have changed little throughout the century. This data product is regarded as a preliminary result toward an ongoing effort to develop a detailed data set and map of areas equipped for irrigation in the world over the 20th century using sub-national statistics and historical irrigation maps.
During the 1980s and early 1990s, the importance of small firm growth and industrial districts in Italy became the focus of a large number of regional development studies. According to this literature, successful industrial districts are characterized by intensive cooperation and market producer-user interaction between small and medium-sized, flexibly specialized firms (Piore and Sabel, 1984; Scott, 1988). In addition, specialized local labor markets develop which are complemented by a variety of supportive institutions and a tradition of collaboration based on trust relations (Amin and Robins, 1990; Amin and Thrift, 1995). It has also been emphasized that industrial districts are deeply embedded into the socio-institutional structures within their particular regions (Grabher, 1993). Many case studies have attempted to find evidence that the regional patterns identified in Italy are a reflection of a general trend in industrial development rather than just being historical exceptions. Silicon Valley, which is focused on high technology production, has been identified as being one such production complex similar to those in Italy (see, for instance, Hayter, 1997). However, some remarkable differences do exist in the institutional context of this region, as well as its particular social division of labor (Markusen, 1996). Even though critics, such as Amin and Robins (1990), emphasized quite early that the Italian experience could not easily be applied to other socio-cultural settings, many studies have classified other high technology regions in the U.S. as being industrial districts, such as Boston s Route 128 area. Too much attention has been paid to the performance of small and medium-sized firms and the regional level of industrial production in the ill-fated debate regarding industrial districts (Martinelli and Schoenberger, 1991). Harrison (1997) has provided substantial evidence that large firms continue to dominate the global economy. This does not, however, imply that a de-territorialization of economic growth is necessarily taking place as globalization tendencies continue (Storper, 1997; Maskell and Malmberg, 1998). In the case of Boston, it has been misleading to define its regional economy as being an industrial district. Neither have small and medium-sized firms been decisive in the development of the Route 128 area nor has the region developed a tradition of close communication between vertically-disintegrated firms (Dorfman, 1983; Bathelt, 1991a). Saxenian (1994) found that Boston s economy contrasted sharply with that of an industrial district. Specifically, the region has been dominated by large, vertically-integrated high technology firms which are reliant on proprietary technologies and autarkic firm structures. Several studies have tried to compare the development of the Route 128 region to Silicon Valley. These studies have shown that both regions developed into major 2 agglomerations of high technology industries in the post-World War II period. Due to their different traditions, structures and practices, Silicon Valley and Route 128 have followed divergent development paths which have resulted in a different regional specialization (Dorfman, 1983; Saxenian, 1985; Kenney and von Burg, 1999). In the mid 1970s, both regions were almost equally important in terms of the size of their high technology sectors. Since then, however, Silicon Valley has become more important and has now the largest agglomeration of leading-edge technologies in the U.S. (Saxenian, 1994). Saxenian (1994) argues that the superior performance of high technology industries in Silicon Valley over those in Boston is based on different organizational patterns and manufacturing cultures which are embedded in those socio-institutional traditions which are particular to each region. Despite the fact that Saxenian (1994) has been criticized for basing her conclusions on weak empirical research (i.e. Harrison, 1997; Markusen, 1998), she offers a convincing explanation as to why the development paths of both regions have differed.1 Saxenian s (1994) study does not, however, identify which structures and processes have enabled both regions to overcome economic crises. In the case of the Boston economy, high technology industries have proven that they are capable of readjusting and rejuvenating their product and process structures in such a way that further innovation and growth is stimulated. This is also exemplified by the region s recent economic development. In the late 1980s, Boston experienced an economic decline when the minicomputer industry lost its competitive basis and defense expenditures were drastically reduced. The number of high technology manufacturing jobs decreased by more than 45,000 between 1987 and 1995. By the mid 1990s, however, the regional economy began to recover. The rapidly growing software sector compensated for some of the losses experienced in manufacturing. In this paper, I aim to identify the forces behind this economic recovery. I will investigate whether high technology firms have uncovered new ways to overcome the crisis and the extent to which they have given up their focus on self-reliance and autarkic structures. The empirical findings will also be discussed in the context of the recent debate about the importance of regional competence and collective learning (Storper, 1997; Maskell and Malmberg, 1998). There is a growing body of literature which suggests that some regional economies During the 1980s and early 1990s, the importance of small firm growth and industrial districts in Italy became the focus of a large number of regional development studies. According to this literature, successful industrial districts are characterized by intensive cooperation and market producer-user interaction between small and medium-sized, flexibly specialized firms (Piore and Sabel, 1984; Scott, 1988). In addition, specialized local labor markets develop which are complemented by a variety of supportive institutions and a tradition of collaboration based on trust relations (Amin and Robins, 1990; Amin and Thrift, 1995). It has also been emphasized that industrial districts are deeply embedded into the socio-institutional structures within their particular regions (Grabher, 1993). Many case studies have attempted to find evidence that the regional patterns identified in Italy are a reflection of a general trend in industrial development rather than just being historical exceptions. Silicon Valley, which is focused on high technology production, has been identified as being one such production complex similar to those in Italy (see, for instance, Hayter, 1997). However, some remarkable differences do exist in the institutional context of this region, as well as its particular social division of labor (Markusen, 1996). Even though critics, such as Amin and Robins (1990), emphasized quite early that the Italian experience could not easily be applied to other socio-cultural settings, many studies have classified other high technology regions in the U.S. as being industrial districts, such as Boston s Route 128 area. Too much attention has been paid to the performance of small and medium-sized firms and the regional level of industrial production in the ill-fated debate regarding industrial districts (Martinelli and Schoenberger, 1991). Harrison (1997) has provided substantial evidence that large firms continue to dominate the global economy. This does not, however, imply that a de-territorialization of economic growth is necessarily taking place as globalization tendencies continue (Storper, 1997; Maskell and Malmberg, 1998). In the case of Boston, it has been misleading to define its regional economy as being an industrial district. Neither have small and medium-sized firms been decisive in the development of the Route 128 area nor has the region developed a tradition of close communication between vertically-disintegrated firms (Dorfman, 1983; Bathelt, 1991a). Saxenian (1994) found that Boston s economy contrasted sharply with that of an industrial district. Specifically, the region has been dominated by large, vertically-integrated high technology firms which are reliant on proprietary technologies and autarkic firm structures. Several studies have tried to compare the development of the Route 128 region to Silicon Valley. These studies have shown that both regions developed into major 2 agglomerations of high technology industries in the post-World War II period. Due to their different traditions, structures and practices, Silicon Valley and Route 128 have followed divergent development paths which have resulted in a different regional specialization (Dorfman, 1983; Saxenian, 1985; Kenney and von Burg, 1999). In the mid 1970s, both regions were almost equally important in terms of the size of their high technology sectors. Since then, however, Silicon Valley has become more important and has now the largest agglomeration of leading-edge technologies in the U.S. (Saxenian, 1994). Saxenian (1994) argues that the superior performance of high technology industries in Silicon Valley over those in Boston is based on different organizational patterns and manufacturing cultures which are embedded in those socio-institutional traditions which are particular to each region. Despite the fact that Saxenian (1994) has been criticized for basing her conclusions on weak empirical research (i.e. Harrison, 1997; Markusen, 1998), she offers a convincing explanation as to why the development paths of both regions have differed.1 Saxenian s (1994) study does not, however, identify which structures and processes have enabled both regions to overcome economic crises. In the case of the Boston economy, high technology industries have proven that they are capable of readjusting and rejuvenating their product and process structures in such a way that further innovation and growth is stimulated. This is also exemplified by the region s recent economic development. In the late 1980s, Boston experienced an economic decline when the minicomputer industry lost its competitive basis and defense expenditures were drastically reduced. The number of high technology manufacturing jobs decreased by more than 45,000 between 1987 and 1995. By the mid 1990s, however, the regional economy began to recover. The rapidly growing software sector compensated for some of the losses experienced in manufacturing. In this paper, I aim to identify the forces behind this economic recovery. I will investigate whether high technology firms have uncovered new ways to overcome the crisis and the extent to which they have given up their focus on self-reliance and autarkic structures. The empirical findings will also be discussed in the context of the recent debate about the importance of regional competence and collective learning (Storper, 1997; Maskell and Malmberg, 1998). There is a growing body of literature which suggests that some regional economies an develop into learning economies which are based on intra-regional production linkages, interactive technological learning processes, flexibility and proximity (Storper, 1992; Lundvall and Johnson, 1994; Gregersen and Johnson, 1997). In the next section of this paper, I will discuss some of the theoretical issues regarding localized learning processes, learning economies and learning regions (see, also, Bathelt, 1999). I will then describe the methodology used. What follows is a brief overview of how Boston s economy has specialized in high technology production. The main part of the paper will then focus on recent trends in Boston s high technology industries. It will be shown that the high technology economy consists of different subsectors which are not tied to a single technological development path. The various subsectors are, at least partially, dependent on different forces and unrelated processes. There is, however, tentative evidence which suggests that cooperative behavior and collective learning in supplierproducer- user relations have become important factors in securing reproductivity in the regional structure. The importance of these trends will be discussed in the conclusions.