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The volume consists of eight essays with a precise focus: the study of the "dynamics of social exclusion" as reflected in data available for 1994 to 1996, when a detailed survey of a sample of households in EU countries, the "European Community Households Panel," was conducted. On the basis of these data, the authors document the extent and prevalence of poverty generally and specifically in regard to particular risk groups defined in terms of age, health and personal circumstances (young adults, lone parents, people with sickness or disability and retirees).[1] The analysis was carried out for five countries: Austria, Germany, Greece, Portugal and the United Kingdom, which were taken to be representative of the extremes of EU membership: north and south; wealthy and poor; large and small. The essays discuss income poverty (measured as incomes at 40, 50 or 60 percent of median incomes) as well as housing problems, access to basic necessities like food and utilities, access to consumer durables and social interactions. The essays document not only that the extent of poverty varies between countries--a well-known fact--but also that its causes and effects continue to differ even in an increasingly united western Europe. Austria had the lowest proportion of the population in poor households (17 percent--compared to 18 percent in Germany, 21 percent in the United Kingdom and Greece, and 24 percent in Portugal). While sickness and disability were likely to impoverish individuals in all the countries studied, this was particularly true of Austria, Germany and the United Kingdom (that is, northern Europe); retirement was more likely to result in income poverty in the south. The north-south divide was less relevant for parents; single income households with children were particularly likely to suffer from income poverty in the United Kingdom, Germany and Portugal. Poverty was more likely to be persistent than merely a brief phase in the life cycle. Persistence rates of income poverty were around 80 percent in Greece and Britain, above 70 percent in Portugal and above 60 percent in Germany and Austria. But the effects were rather different. In the United Kingdom, high persistence rates of income poverty coincided with low persistence rates (34 percent) of amenities deprivation, whereas the persistence of necessities deprivation was relatively low in Greece at 39 percent. The volume was conceived as a contribution to policy decision-making in the aftermath of the 2000 Lisbon Declaration, which focused (among other things) on poverty and encouraged member states to set more concrete targets for dealing with social exclusion. Some member states did so; Britain, for example--a country where income poverty was particularly likely to result in deprivation of basic necessities--vowed to abolish "poverty" by 2020. The volume is a treasure-trove of data and empirical analysis; it makes essential, though at times rather trying, reading for anyone interested in the extent of social exclusion, and the likelihood of falling into or escaping from it. It also provides ample proof--if any were needed--that governments seeking to combat social exclusion have to set different priorities, because they are not attacking the same phenomenon. Unfortunately, the empirical as well as the more conceptual contributions reveal some of the approach's and the book's shortcomings.[2] The book's very advantage--providing a precise research agenda--is also a drawback. With its focus on three years, and on the life-cycle rather than more stable factors such as ethnicity, occupation or regional origin, the volume presents a particular image of the risk (and duration) of deprivation, which may be more or less comprehensive for different countries. The narrow temporal focus makes one wonder whether measuring poverty's "persistence" of poverty makes much sense for such a relatively short time. Such doubt is enhanced when considering some of the oddities in the results: how did households that remained poor in the United Kingdom manage to get their hands on consumer durables? (The same question could be asked for the sudden increase in access to necessities in Greek households.) Illustrating the empirical findings with more concrete examples would have been helpful, particularly when they are counterintuitive, for instance the statement that patterns of poverty in eastern and western Germany were converging in spite of the continuing divergence in unemployment patterns. Another question--admittedly suggested by events of the last several years--is whether ethnicity, regional origins or occupations are not more important in determining the extent and duration of social exclusion than life cycle. These factors were not, and partly could not be, measured on the basis of the data used, but have moved to the center of policy debates today. This matter relates to another issue the book does not address: who is to blame for poverty, and what roles have governments and the European Union assumed in determining poverty patterns and trends? Have past policy choices--for instance, cutting benefits; increasing "flexibility" in labor markets; encouraging the emigration of jobs (such things the European Union is frequently accused of doing)--made a difference? Is combating poverty a serious policy agenda, or merely window-dressing to make the "reforms" that were key to the Lisbon agenda for modernizing the EU more palatable? Europe seems to be facing an internal contradiction between the agenda of competition and privatization (which results in higher access costs to essential services for "low value" customers) and the agenda of abolishing poverty. This contradiction is partly sustained by U.K. data. Which element is and should be more important to the European Union or national governments is hotly debated, but of course serious contributions to the debate require a comprehensive review of the present state of affairs through the type of careful studies of which this volume is an excellent example.
Im Mittelpunkt der Darstellung stehen zwei Angehörige der Familie Clough. Anne Jemima (Annie) Clough wurde 1820 in Charleston, North Carolina, geboren und starb 1892 im englischen Cambridge. Ihre Nichte Blanche Athena (Thena) Clough kam 1861 in Derbyshire auf die Welt und starb 1960 in London - das erklärt Anfangs- und Enddatum des Untertitels. Die Geschichte, die Gillian Sutherland in dieser lebendigen und materialreichen Familienbiografie erzählt, hat zwei Fluchtpunkte. Das Schicksal der Cloughs ist eng verflochten mit der Geschichte von Newnham College, Cambridge, wo Sutherland lehrt. Zudem geht es der Autorin um das Verhältnis zwischen bildungsbürgerlichen Berufen und 'gentility', d. h. einem finanziell abgesicherten und nach den Maßstäben der englischen Oberschicht respektablen Lebensstil. Annie Clough war die Tochter eines Kaufmanns, der mehrfach bei dem Versuch scheiterte, von Amerika oder England aus im Fernhandel oder Finanzwesen, vor allem im Handel mit Baumwolle, sein Glück zu machen und ein respektables Vermögen zu erwerben. Die Übersiedlung der Familie nach Amerika war Ausdruck der Hoffnung auf das Potenzial des Baumwollmarktes; die Rückkehr nach Liverpool ein erster Ausdruck des Scheiterns. Aber während die Bank von Annies Großvater nur einmal in Konkurs ging und mittelfristig alle Schulden tilgen konnte, machte das Handelshaus ihres Vaters zweimal bankrott. Die Notwendigkeit, zum Unterhalt der Familie beizutragen, brachte Annies Bruder, den in Oxford als Theologen ausgebildeten, Spezialisten als Dichter bekannten Arthur Clough dazu, sich zunächst als Vorsteher eines Studentenwohnheims des Londoner University College, dann als Beamter im 'Erziehungsministerium' zu versuchen - beides letztlich mit mäßigem Erfolg. Das lag freilich auch daran, dass Clough, den die Debatten im Umkreis des Oxford Movement zum Atheisten hatten werden lassen, als Lehrer in einem noch weitgehend theologisch geprägten Umfeld nur schwer tragbar schien; eine akademische Karriere in Oxford blieb ihm ebenso verschlossen wie die Aussicht auf eine Pfarrei. Annie Clough wählte ebenfalls den Weg in den Bildungsbereich. Freilich fehlte ihr eine formale Ausbildung, die über den Schulbesuch selbst hinausgegangen wäre. Mithin waren auch ihre Unternehmungen als Lehrerin und Schulleiterin eher provisorischer Natur; dazu kam der frühe Tod des Bruders und das Bedürfnis, mit für dessen Kinder zu sorgen. Annie Clough engagierte sich somit aus Überzeugung, aber auch aus ökonomischem Interesse für einen Ausbau der Frauenbildung. 1871 wurde sie Vorsteherin eines vor allem auf Betreiben Henry Sidgwicks gegründeten Wohnhauses für bildungswillige Frauen in Cambridge. Die Universität hatte soeben Vorlesungen für weibliches Publikum geöffnet und damit eine Kernforderung der akademischen Frauenbewegung erfüllt. Ähnliche Vorlesungen wurden bereits in anderen Teilen Englands angeboten. In Cambridge ergab sich aber das Problem, dass in der Stadt keine geeigneten Unterkünfte für alleinstehende Damen zur Verfügung standen. Das spätere Girton College befand sich damals noch in Hitchin; das Cambridger Modell sah zudem vor, dass Frauen ganze Vorlesungszyklen besuchen sollten, die sich vorwiegend an männliche Studenten "in residence" richteten, was wiederum die Begleitung durch eine Anstandsdame erforderte. 1875 wurde aus dem zunächst fünf Damen beherbergenden Wohnheim Newnham Hall, 1879 Newnham College, nach Girton das zweite Frauencollege der Universität. Die Autodidaktin Clough wurde von einer quasi-Hausdame zum College Principal. Auf diesem Posten folgte ihr Thena Clough, die zu den ersten Newnham Studentinnen gehört hatte. Der zweite Teil des Buches kreist um die Funktionsweise des Colleges, den langen Kampf um die Zulassung von Frauen zu Universitätsexamen und das intellektuelle Milieu Newnhams, ohne doch ganz zur breiten College Geschichte zu werden. So gerät freilich die These aus dem Blick, bildungsbürgerliche Aktivitäten seien finanzielle Rettungsanker der englischen Oberschicht gewesen, die es erlaubten, ohne großen Aufwand einen respektablen Lebensstil zu sichern (2 f.), der normalerweise auf Handelskapital oder Landbesitz gegründet gewesen wäre. Im Falle der männlichen Cloughs mag das so gewesen sein (auch Thenas Bruder machte eine eher wenig distinguierte Karriere im civil service), bei den Frauen der Familie wird aber bereits deutlich, dass die These kaum verallgemeinerbar ist. Zudem fehlen systematische und detaillierte Angaben zum Einkommen der Cloughs; über weite Strecken scheint ein Rest von Familienvermögen und ein dichtes Verwandtschaftsnetzwerk wichtiger gewesen zu sein als der Beruf. "The Power of Mind" passt da - auch mit Blick auf Annie Cloughs angeheiratete Cousine Florence Nightingale und andere Angehörige des weiteren Bekanntenkreises - als Erklärungsmodell schon besser.
The articles in this volume represent anthropological approaches to the study of external and internal boundaries in Europe. The authors raise fascinating methodological and empirical questions by approaching European societies from the perspective of a discipline usually working on the basis of greater cultural distance between scholars and the objects of their research. Moreover, the volume tackles a subject usually understood as a political project and a political problem, E.U. Europe, in an original non-political-science perspective. The volume's case studies are all based on bottom-up views of Europe, with fieldwork the methodology of choice. The first articles focus on institutions. Cris Shore and Daniela Baratieri's article focuses on the ambivalent results of attempts by European schools, which cater mainly to Eurocrats in Brussels and Luxemburg, to replace nationalism with a sense of European identity or nationhood, while Gregory Feldman discusses Estonian programs for the integration of Russian-speakers and Davide Però addresses the position of Italy's left-wing parties and public to the "new immigration." While these essays argue that "Europe" may not be as destructive to national (institutional) boundaries or the nation state as is often supposed, the next block of articles tackles migration across boundaries in a more conventional perspective, focusing on particular immigrant groups. Helen Kopnina discusses Russians in London and Amsterdam, while Christina Moutsou focuses upon immigrants in Brussels and Jacqueline Waldren examines Bosnians in Mallorca. To me, the case study of Turkish migrants in West Berlin by Sabine Mannitz is particularly intriguing, because it uses the peculiar experience of a lesson on Jews' fate in the Holocaust in which the teacher cast immigrants as permanent outsiders in Germany to explore pupils' sense of boundaries, and the East-German West-German divide appeared to loom much larger for immigrants than that between foreigners and Germans. The last section focuses on concrete and contested boundaries in European states and towns: William F. Kelleher, Jr. discusses Northern Ireland, Greek towns are the focus of Venetia Evergeti and Eleftheria Deltsou's article and South Tyrol is examined by Jaro Stacul. The volume makes for diverse and diversifying reading, and can only be highly recommended to anyone interested in innovative perspectives on the fate of the European project.
In recent publications Otto Hahn, last president of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft, is charged with having favoured the Nazi regime, before World War II by politically purging institutes and suppressing Lise Meitner’s contribution to the discovery of nuclear fission, and during the war by contributing to the German war efforts, mainly to the development of nuclear weapons. These charges, however, which partly concern also the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft and some of their institutes are based on ignorance or disregard of the historical sources.
Propagandafilme der NSDAP
(2005)
Dass dokumentarische Filme auch Propagandazwecken dienen können, war in den 20er und 30er Jahren international akzeptierter Konsens. Der nationalsozialistische Propagandafilm war, so gesehen, keine ausgesprochene dokumentarische Entgleisung. Wie die nationalsozialistische Partei und später der NS-Staat den Dokumentarfilm nutzten, um ihre Ideologie und Ziele zu verbreiten, untersucht Peter Zimmermann in diesem Beitrag. Er behandelt den nationalsozialistischen Propagandafilm von den Anfängen der Wahlwerbung über die Parteitagsfilme bis zur Verbreitung der arischen Rassenideologie. Besonderes Augenmerk legt er auf die Ästhetik der Riefenstahl-Filme mit ihrer idealisierenden Verklärung Hitlers und der NSDAP und auf die filmische Konstruktion von Feindbildern wie in Hipplers Propagandafilm "Der ewige Jude". Die einzelnen Kapitel sind Auszüge aus Band 3 des Sammelwerks "Geschichte des dokumentarischen Films in Deutschland".