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En général, les recherches sur l’histoire du peuplement en Afrique occidentale sont basées sur des traditions orales et les différents archives. Mais les recherches archéobotaniques montrent que la végétation peut également fournir des informations précieuses. Se servir de la végétation actuelle pour mieux comprendre l’histoire du peuplement d’une région est une nouvelle approche non-narrative. Le sujet de cette présentation sont les populations d'arbres utiles sur des terrains soit actuellement, soit récemment exploités: les parcs agraires ou agroforestiers.
Die weidewirtschaftliche Nutzung beeinflußt seit Jahrtausenden den Natur- und Kulturraum der westafrikanischen Savanne. Die Beweidung durch die verschiedenen domestizierten Tierarten hat in diesem Zeitraum einen wesentlichen Einfluß auf die Entwicklung der Vegetationszusammensetzung gehabt und das vor allem in der Krautschicht. Übermäßige Beweidung kann - wie zahlreiche Untersuchungen zeigen - zu einschneidenden Veränderungen in der Pflanzendecke führen, die letztlich in einer völligen Zerstörung der Vegetation gipfeln können. Dieser Prozess wird landläufig als Überweidung bezeichnet und gilt als eine der wesentlichen Ursachen für Landschaftsschäden. Die in den letzten Dekaden ständig anwachsenden Tierbestände in Afrika südlich der Sahara haben die Situation weiter verschärft. Folgerichtig konzentrieren sich Meliorationsvorschläge auf eine Verringerung der Besatzdichte auf ein tragfähiges Maß. Angestrebt wird ein geregeltes Weidemanagement, das eine nachhaltige Bewirtschaftung der natürlichen Ressourcen ermöglicht. Trotz teilweise jahrzehntelanger Bestrebungen konnte dieses Ziel bis dato nicht erreicht werden, so daß in jüngerer Zeit Fachwissenschaftler zu der Überzeugung gekommen sind, daß diese Mißerfolge bereits auf Fehler in den grundlegenden Überlegungen zurückzuführen sind. Die aus diesen neuen Überlegungen resultierenden Modellvorstellungen in der Weideökologie sollen an dieser Stelle vorgestellt werden. Dabei wird vor allem auf die Problematik der Beurteilung und Bewertung des Überweidungsprozesses eingegangen.
Yerwa is the last of the Borno capitals. Although established in the first decade of colonial administration, it cannot be compared with the many other towns like Fort Lamy, Jos, Kaduna, Niamey et al. which all developed about the same time. Colonial interference with the development of Yerwa appears restricted, mainly, to insistence upon wider roads than a Borno town otherwise would have featured and resettlement schemes, e.g. Mafoni, Ari Askeri. The following is based on the premise that as the town - despite time and political circumstances of its emergence - is a distinctive Borno town, also occupational diversification and structure are distinctively related to urban Borno culture.
Ungeachtet zahlreicher Anstöße aus der jüngeren Ethnizitätsdebatte gehören ethno- bzw. regionalspezifische Zuordnungen im Sprachgebrauch von Ethnologie und Geographie noch immer zur Regel. Im gleichen Zusammenhang bemüht man das Bild von sogenannten autochthonen Bevölkerungsschichten und später angekommenen Zuwanderern. Dies aber bewirkt das Festhalten an Luftschlössern, deren Beschaffenheit sich immer deutlicher als Fehlkonstrukt entpuppt. Generalisierende Feststellungen wie "das Ethnos A besiedelt das Gebiet B und hat die kulturellen Eigenschaften X, Y, Z" fördern lediglich einen essentialistischen Ethnizitätsbegriff. Gerade aber in Westafrika vermitteln Erkenntnisse über soziale Identitäten und das Verhältnis der Bevölkerung zur Vergangenheit oft ein ganz anderes Bild. Diese These wird nachfolgend anhand von Forschungen im zentralen Volta-Gebiet erörtert; im einzelnen liegen dazu Daten von Mamprusi und Kusasi in Nordost-Ghana vor sowie von Nuna im zentralen Süden von Burkina Faso.
Le phénomène du cuirassement reste une "curiosité" et une énigme pour le pays de la zone intertropicale. A cause de ses caractéristiques lithologiques et structurales assez particulières de ses roches (roches riches en éléments ferromagnésiens), le Burkina Faso est une véritable zone de prédilection des cuirasses. Malgré l'effort des chercheurs pour élucider le phénomène du cuirassement, force est de reconnaître que de nos jours, certains points d'ombre subsistent toujours; ce qui invite à une analyse plus poussée ... Loin de négliger les problèmes liés à la reconstitution de la génèse de la cuirasse, nous proposons ici une analyse assez originale des cuirasses sur la base des connaissances déjà acquises et de nos multiples observations sur le terrain burkinabé.
Cette communication s’est voulu un essai d’analyse toponymique pas forcément destinée à des linguistes. Elle indique tout de même la nécessité de recourir à la linguistique dans le cas où plusieurs versions étiologiques sont soumises à propos d’un toponyme donné. Que le résultat de l’analyse linguistique aboutisse au caractère plausible ou non plausible de l’étiologie, ce volet est complété par le recours à d’autres domaines de connaissances. C’est cette association qui permet de parler d’analyse toponymique. Même si les résultats obtenus ne sont pas forcément définitifs, ils permettent au moins d’éviter des choix arbitraires. Dans le cas de sia par example, la voie est ouverte vers une autre direction où il faudra refaire une autre analyse complète.
L’histoire du peuplement demeure au Burkina Faso un sujet de préoccupation pour les historiens. Les mouvements migratoires et la mise en place des différents groupes ethniques restent très peu précis même pour les populations les mieux connues (Moose, Peul, Gulmanceba). Les limites des données historiques conduisent à l’utilisation de légendes pour expliquer les origines des formations sociales. La légende de la princesse Yennega fonde l’histoire des Moose; celle de Diaba Lompo, l’ancêtre eponyme descendu du ciel avec son cheval à Lompotangou constitue la base des dynasties du pays gulmance selon encore la légende. La séparation entre les Sana et leurs cousins Bisana serait intervenue pour une tête de chien. L’histoire du peuplement des populations à organisation lignagère comme le groupe dagara est encore plus difficile à établir. Il faut en effet, collecter les données sur les mouvements migratoires de chaque lignage pour espérer cerner les origines des familles respectives.
Malgré le nombre assez élevé des écrits relatifs aux BObO, force est d'admettre que leur langue reste encore peu connue chez des spécialistes de la linguistique. Cela est dû au fait que les différents travaux effectués à ce jour restent assez limités quant à leur diffusion. En effet, une grande partie de ces travaux est l'oeuvre d'étudiants de linguistique et, de ce fait, ils ne connaissent pas une diffusion internationale pouvant les mettre à la portée des spécialistes d'autres pays. Parmis les écrits linguistiques portant sur le bObO, un seul a été publié à la SELAF en France. Il s'agit du dictionnaire de Le Bris et Prost (1981). Les autres écrits ne sont que difficilement accessible soit auprès de leurs auteurs, soit auprès des établissements où ils ont été effectués. Notre objectif à travers la présente communication est de camper le bobo en tant que langue d'une communauté linguistique donnée, de le situer dans le contexte géolinguistique du Burkina Faso et, en rapport avec son milieu linguistique ambiant, de tenter une réponse partielle à la question maintes fois posée de savoir s'il ne se trouve pas à la charnière des langues mandé et des langues gur.
Numerous ecologists postulate that West African savannas are mostly the result of degradation of formerly closed forests. This hypothesis can only be tested by palaeoecological investigations. The palynological results summarised in this paper document the history of the Sudanian and Sahelian savanna of NE-Nigeria during the last 11.500 years (uncal. BP). Both sites investigated provide evidence for the persistence of savanna throughout the entire Holocene. Patches of closed dry forest may have occurred, but never completely displaced the savanna vegetation. Humid conditions during the early and mid Holocene (from 10.000 BP onwards) caused a rapid spread of Guinean and Sudanian taxa into the northern vegetation zones. A slow return to drier climatic conditions between ca. 6800 BP and ca. 5500 BP can be recorded at both sites. Finally, between 3800 BP and 3300 BP a strong aridification resulted in the establishment of the modern vegetation zones. In both the Sahelian and Sudanian zone the vegetational changes appear to have been primarily controlled by climatic changes, whereas the effects of human activities remain palynologically silent even for the late Holocene.
Two sites situated in the Sahelian and Sudanian zones of NE-Nigeria were chosen for pollen analysis. A sediment core from an interdunal depression in the eastern Manga Grassland provides information on the Holocene vegetation history of the Sahel between c. 9600-3400 B.P. The 3 m pollen record indicates an open savanna during the mid-Holocene. The presence of Sudano-Guinean taxa, which were mainly restricted to the interdunal depressions, points to more humid conditions. Already before c. 4000 B.P., a slow change towards drier conditions and the establishment of the modern Sahelian vegetation is visible in the diagram. This development was accompanied by high fire frequencies. A 16 m core from a crater lake (Lake Tilla) in the Sudanian zone of NE-Nigeria provides a pollen record which can be dated back to approximately 11-12000 B.P. Preliminary pollen spectra show a relatively constant pattern with a dominance of grass pollen even during the middle Holocene.
Les recherches ethnologiques effectuées jusqu'à ce jour se sont concentrées principalement sur deux grands axes. Elles ont d'une part dressé un inventaire détaillé des forges et de leurs techniques dans les différents groupes ethniques de cette région. D'autre part, elles ont examiné l'histoire des migrations et de la sédentarisation des forgerons. Il serait intéressant de savoir si les résultats des recherches linguistiques concordent avec ceux des travaux d'ethnologie. Jusqu'ici, les recherches ont montré la mobilité des forgerons professionnels. Ces "travailleurs transfrontaliers" de la culture jouent le rôle de médiateurs et favorisent les échanges culturels à l'intérieur de chaque ethnie et entre les différentes ethnies. En raison de cette mobilité, l'inventaire et les produits des forges présentent souvent des caractères identiques, même sur des espaces géographiques de plus grande taille. Par contre, le vocabulaire est souvent influencé par des mots empruntés à d'autres langues. Ce phénomène constituera précisément un des éléments centraux dans la suite de nos recherches sur le thème des artisans.
The study investigates elements influencing agricultural development in villages of the hinterland of Gombe, Gombe State, Nigeria. It aims to discover changes in socio-economic and socio-cultural interactions that exist among household, region, nation and world market. Of special interests are rural households as well as wholesale markets where dynamic processes in the structure of agricultural enterprises and the individual reasons of innovations are recognisable. The final objective of the study is to analyse the agricultural sector in the investigated villages in time and space, by typifying rural households, there strategies of action in relation to different factors: for example, farmsize, cultivation techniques and marketing of agriculture products. The study is also interested in operational profits and costs of farms, income of households as well as expenditures, etc. Because of the fact that statistical work is still going on, it is only possible to present a small portion of the results. Namely, the change in cultivation and marketing of farm products with special emphasis on cash crops during the last 30 years.
We can conclude that the Dughwede calendar lasts for two seasonal years, marked by the bull festival as a culminating and turning point. All ritual and agricultural activities are interlinked and need to be seen comprehensively together with the social and cosmological order to understand the underlying cultural pattern. The year is dramatized throughout the seasons to keep the communication between the natural and spiritual forces, both creatively reflected in the individual person. The traditional world was kept in balance as a functional equilibrium over a period of time not known to us, but is now moving towards a process of transformation initiated by structural historical change. The first step towards change is the change of moral values which affects possibly first individuals and then groups. This encourages them to give up the traditional way of interacting with their environment. This process can be described as secularisation and leads to another quality of relationship between man and his natural environment. The same process can also be described as socio-economic change.
Traditional land rights in Dagara and Sisala societies in Burkina Faso and Ghana which were stateless in pre-colonial times are closely connected with the concept of earth-shrine parishes under the protection of a local land god and ideally under the control of the “first-comers” to the area. The earth priests perform regular sacrifices at the shrine and allocate land to later immigrants as well as the right to build houses and to bury their dead, often in exchange for gifts. The international border between Ghana and Burkina Faso, which was drawn up in 1898 and runs along the 11th parallel, often cuts across earth-shrine parishes. Particularly since the border demarcation exercise in the 1970s, the spatial separation of the Sisala earth priests on one side of the border from the Dagara immigrants on the other side has given rise to intricate conflicts over land rights. The paper will present the history of one such conflict and look at the various landrelated discourses – traditionalist, nationalist, and Christian – which the adversaries put forward in order to substantiate their claims.
Nous nous intéresserons à la question de l'utilisation qui est faite des langues nationales, notamment dans le système éducatif. C'est un fait connu en effet que la langue officielle du Burkina est le français et que tout l'enseignement formel, du premier jour à l'école jusqu'au dernier jour à l'université en passant par le secondaire se fait exclusivement en français (comme d'ailleurs dans beaucoup d'autres pays dits "francophones"). Il s'en suit que la langue française est très valorisée et valorisante, étant la langue du peu d'élus qui sont allés à l'école, la langue des fonctionnaires de l'État et de la classe dirigeante, la langue de l'administration, de la justice, la langue de communication internationale. Se pose alors la question de savoir ce qu'on fait des langues du pays, pour lesquelles on utilise le terme de "langues nationales".
Im SW Burkina Fasos (sechs Monate Regenzeit und durchschnittlich über 1000 mm Niederschlag) wurden mehrere Trockenwälder auf ihr Artenspektrum und die Bodenverhältnisse hin untersucht. Die Waldformationen fallen durch die Dichte der Gehölzbedeckung, ihren Lianenreichtum und das fast vollständige Fehlen von Gräsern auf. Typische Gehölzarten sind Anogeissus leiocarpus, Diospyros mespiliformis und die Liane Saba senegalensis. Der dichte Strauchunterwuchs und die fehlende Grasschicht verhindern das regelmäßige Eindringen von Buschfeuern. Wegen der Dichte und des Alters der Bäume belegen diese Waldformationen, daß an den Standorten, zumindest für einen sehr langen Zeitraum, kein Feldbau betrieben wurde. Daher konnten sich, auch auf eher als ungünstig zu bewertenden Böden, Trockenwälder ausbilden, die zumindest in ihrer Physiognomie der potentiellen natürlichen Vegetation entsprechen. Jedoch finden sich in den Wäldern oft Spuren menschlicher Aktivitäten aus der Vergangenheit, so z.B. Steinsetzungen, Siedlungshügel und Gruben. Außerdem lassen sich vielfach Anzeichen einer rezenten Nutzung beobachten, so z.B. für die Entnahme von Werkholz, das Schneiteln mancher Baumarten zur Viehfuttergewinnung, gelegentliche Beweidung und das Sammeln von Wildpflanzen.
Les sites découverts dans la région d'Absouya constituent les témoins d'un peuplement préhistorique et protohistorique. La majorité est composée de sites de production du fer auxquels s'ajoutent des sites d'habitation et un atelier de taille d'outils lithiques. L'association sur certains sites de vestiges de natures et apparemment d'époques différentes pose le problème de leur appartenance culturelle et de leur position chronologique. Le seul repère actuel est l'épopée «Wubrienne» datée du XVe siècle. Il est probable que certains sites soient antérieurs à cette époque et d'autres postérieurs à cette date. Des fouilles systématiques accompagnées de datations isotopiques permettront de mieux cerner l'évolution de l'environnement géographique, végétal et de situer les sites sur le plan chronologique.
Les fouilles archéologiques de Gandefabou effectuées courant Novembre - Décembre 1996 constituent une grande première expérience du Laboratoire d’Archéologie de l’Université de Ouagadougou dans le Sahel burkinabè. Elles ont été exécutées grâce à une subvention financière de l’Ambassade Royale des Pays-Bas à Ouagadougou et au soutien logistique du Programme Sahel Burkinabè - Pays-Bas (PSB/PB) basé à Gorom-Gorom, capitale de la province de l’Oudalan. Ces travaux au double objectif scientifique et touristique s’insèrent dans une politique locale de développement économique avec le maintien in situ et la protection de certains vestiges pour en faire un musée de site.
Maiduguri, an important city in the Sudano-Sahelian zone of West Africa, experiences both drought and floods. Although droughts are more popular, floods are a seasonal occurrence in parts of the city in the average rainy season. Both hazards exert a heavy toll on their victims. Present response to the hazard problems is characterised by a fire-fighting approach which does little about future occurrence. Much of the perception and response is spiritual and stops short of needed structural and organisational programmes for effective mitigation of hazards. Future occurrences of drought and flood may have more adverse effects as land use in the city becomes more complex and agricultural and water supply system comes to depend heavily on surfacial sources. Future effects will also depend on the socio-economic conditions of the people at risk and the capacity of those who help them. Governments and people need to work together to reduce drought and flood hazards.
Les ferrières sont par définition les amas des déchets de la réduction du fer. De par son origine elles constituent des lithosols qui ont beaucoup évolué dans l’espace et dans le temps. A notre connaissance très peu d’études se sont penchées sur cette végétation qui couvre actuellement les sites de réduction du fer. L’inventaire floristique de plusieurs sites en zone soudanienne montre la fréquence de certaines espèces sur les ferrières. L’étude de la chorologie de toutes les espèces confondues ligneuses et herbacées, montrent que la plupart sont constituées par des espèces zoochores et quelques espèces anémochores. Elles sont disséminées principalement par les animaux d’élevage, par les oiseaux. Cette communication synthétise les données des différentes prospections et les premiers résultats de nos observations et analyses. Elle a deux objectifs : de montrer l’importance des activités anthropiques dans la formation du paysage végétal d’une part, et d’autre part de mettre en évidence le processus de colonisation des sols nus et des ferrières en zone soudanienne.
Depuis plus de deux décennies, l'autosuffisance alimentaire demeure un objectif à atteindre au Burkina Faso, alors que la régression cumulative du développement s'accentue et provoque une détérioration des conditions de vie des populations, détérioration étroitement liée à la dégradation du milieu naturel et aux difficultés économiques. Sur le Plateau central où la situation est très critique, les agriculteurs sont en proie à une crise foncière qui se traduit par des difficultés d'accès à la terre, résultant de la pression démographique et aggravée par un processus d'extensification des surfaces cultivées sous l'effet de la sécheresse. En plus de la pénurie des terres, le raccourcissement de la durée des jachères ou leur abandon, la réduction des parcours et des ressources pastorales disponibles, la saturation foncière et l'inadaptation des systèmes de production agricole entraînent une dégradation des sols et la destruction du couvert végétal, provoquant une insécurité foncière dûe à une utilisation concurrentielle de l'espace, et l'apparition de conflits sociaux. Cette situation est à la base de l'exode rural des jeunes. Diverses mesures sont appliquées, soit par l'État à travers ses structures techniques, soit par les ONG et les projets de développement rural pour inverser la dynamique de destruction en impliquant intensivement les populations pour les aménagements anti-érosifs, les techniques de production de fumier et de compost, l'agroforesterie, les migrations organisées en direction des vallées et des plaines aménagées, en prenant en compte les pratiques traditionnelles.
Anlaß für die exemplarische Untersuchung des Siedlungsmusters der Gulmance-Siedlungen südlich der Chaîne de Gobnangou waren die augenfälligen Siedlungsdisparitäten und die unübersehbaren Kongruenzen zu den naturräumlichen Gegebenheiten in der Region. Schon der Blick auf eine Karte der Bevölkerungsdichten in den einzelnen Provinzen Burkina Fasos zeigt, daß die Siedlungsdichte in den nahezu ausschließlich von Gulmance besiedelten Provinzen Gourma und Tapoa weit unter dem Landesdurchschnitt liegt. Innerhalb der Provinz Tapoa wiederum fällt auf, daß Gebieten mit relativ hoher Bevölkerungsdichte nahezu unbewohnte Regionen gegenüberstehen. So reihen sich die Ortschaften der Gulmance in den Vorländern des Höhenzuges von Gobnangou dicht an dicht, während die Flachlandschaft rund um die Provinzhauptstadt Diapaga äußerst dünn besiedelt ist. Ebenso ist die südlich des Gobnangou-Massivs liegende Pendjari-Ebene, deren überwiegender Flächenanteil von Nationalparks eingenommen wird, nahezu unbesiedelt.
La notion de plantes sacrées, de bois sacré est liée à la culture d'une société donnée. Le bois sacré est souvent un lieu de culte ou de fétichisme. Une espèce végétale peut faire partie de ce bois mais elle n'est pas considéré comme sacrée. Une plante ou espèce est sacrée parce qu'elle est liée à un rite coutumier bien précis, à une mythologie bien déterminée. Nous présentons dans ce qui suit quelques espèces végétales considérées comme sacrées par les Bobo. Nos informations proviennent de Kotedougou de son vrai nom Kokana. Le village est situé au nord de Bobo-Dioulasso à 25 km de la ville, localisé dans la zone phytogéographique Sud Soudanienne du Burkina Faso. Nous avons restreint nos données ethnobotaniques sur huit espèces les plus connues et qui de par leur usage abusif dans la pharmacopée tendent à disparaître dans la zone présentée ici. Par ailleurs les variations climatiques, particulièrement la baisse de la pluviométrie ont entraîné une grande modification de la flore et de la végétation autour du village de Kokana et à travers tout le Burkina.
Bei den hier vorgestellten ethnologischen und geomorphologischen Aspekten von Brunnen und Getreidespeichern in der firgí-Region Musenes wird besonders die "angepaßte Technologie" der hier lebenden Menschen deutlich. Die kulturelle Entwicklung der Region hängt eng mit den besonderen naturräumlichen Bedingungen zusammen. Die Eigenbezeichnung als firgiwú (die Leute des Tons) verweist auf eine Beziehung der Bewohner zum Naturraum, in dem Ton eine besondere Rolle spielt und für den es spezielle Berufszweige gibt. Die Ressource Ton wird, gleichwohl im Bewußtsein, daß es sich hierbei um regionalspezifische Aspekte handelt, als integrierendes Moment über die ethnischen Grenzen hinweg als Teil ihrer firgiwú -Kultur verstanden. Offensichtlich hat diese eine lange Tradition. Interessant wäre, ob in anderen ähnlich ausgestatteten Naturräumen in Westafrika eine vergleichbare Anpassung bzw. Nutzung des Naturraumes zu finden ist, bzw. wie dort die Nutzungsstrategien aussehen.
Ein ungewöhnlicher Zufall wollte es, daß mir vor einiger Zeit beim Durchblättern eines Buches ein Brief in die Hände fiel, welcher sogleich meine Aufmerksamkeit erregte. Zum einen war es das übergroße Format der Briefbögen, sodann eine klare ebenmäßige Schrift, vor allem aber war es der Absendeort "Kaltungo", der mich veranlaßte, die einzelnen Seiten genauer in Augenschein zu nehmen. Der sechs Seiten lange Brief wurde am 1. August 1961 von Mr. FADA FESON, einem Lehrer der "Junior Primary School Ture", an Herrn ARND RUF in Feldberg, Bärental geschrieben und ist bis auf die Anrede, einige kurze Zitate sowie einen fünfzeiligen Absatz am Ende auf Hausa verfaßt. Der Anlaß des Schreibens ist ganz offensichtlich in mehreren historisch-ethnographischen Fragen des Adressaten zu sehen, um deren Beantwortung sich der Schreiber bemühte. Dieser Brief schien mir allein schon deshalb einer Veröffentlichung wert, weil hier verschiedene kulturgeschichtliche Themenbereiche eines Volkes und eines Gebietes angesprochen werden, die heute kaum mehr bekannt, vielleicht sogar schon vergessen sind.
Le rôle de l’action anthropique dans la dégradation des ressources naturelles à Niaogho-Béguédo
(2000)
La détérioration des conditions climatiques dans les pays du Sahel depuis plus de quatre décennies a entraîné la fragilisation de leurs écosystèmes et accéléré la dégradation des ressources naturelles dont les effets se répercutent durement sur les conditions de vie des populations. Mais si le facteur climatique est unanimement mis en cause, il ne faut cependant pas occulter la dimension humaine de la dynamique environnementale. En effet, les représentations de l’espace et la perception que les populations ont de leur environnement, les systèmes de production, le rôle des acteurs sociaux dans la gestion des ressources naturelles sont des facteurs qui déterminent également leur évolution. Au Burkina Faso, la dégradation des ressources naturelles a pris des proportions inquiétantes dans certaines régions. La persistance de la sécheresse a accéléré la dégradation des ressources en eaux, sols et végétation, avec une ampleur particulière dans certaines zones agro-climatiques. La présente étude est la synthèse d’une série de recherches effectuées à Niagho-Béguédo sur les déterminants anthropiques de la dynamique environnementale. Elle met en exergue les interactions entre les systèmes de production traditionnels, la gestion des ressources naturelles et leur conservation durable à travers les aspects suivants: • les facteurs explicatifs des transformations du milieu. • La logique paysanne des changements environnementaux et les réponses face à ces changements. • Les attitudes des populations à l’égard des actions entreprises par l’état pour la sauvegarde de l’environnement.
Lehnwörter dienen als wichtiges linguistisches Indiz für Sprachkontakt, d.h. der Koexistenz mehrerer Sprachen innerhalb einer bestimmten Region, deren Sprecher diese Sprachen alternativ verwenden. Sprachkontakte können im politischen, historischen, geographischen und/oder kulturgeschichtlichen Kontext betrachtet werden. Der folgende Artikel beschäftigt sich mit linguistischen Einflüssen des Kanuri, einer nilosaharanischen Sprache, auf das Gamergu, das zur afroasiatischen Sprachfamilie gehört. Beide Sprachen werden in Nordost-nigeria gesprochen. Anhand von Beispielen aus dem Bereich der Lexik soll ein Zusammenhang von Geschichte und Linguistik deutlich werden. Lehnwörter im Gamergu finden sich in allen Bereichen des Kulturwortschatzes. Die hier aufgeführten Beispiele können dem semantischen Feld "Naturraum" im weiteren Sinne zugeordnet werden, wie z.B. Pflanzen, Bäume, Tiere, Himmelsrichtungen, Mineralien und Körperteile.
The Nigerian agricultural sector deserves to be studied not less for the contribution of such knowledge to our understanding of the past, and present, but more for the usefulness of such knowledge in shaping the sector. The role that agriculture plays in Nigeria’s national economy since her independence may be determined by considering first, the changing structure of the national economy. As the national economy changes, also the role of agriculture. The observed structure at successive periods thus reveals the contribution that agriculture makes to the national economy. A total picture could also be presented through an examination of the contribution of agriculture to the gross domestic product GDP, over the years. It is also possible to add to the above presentation, the annual production of each agricultural crop over the period, or the productivity of the individual farmer as the years pass by. No doubt, the role of agriculture shall not remain static, for as deliberate efforts are made to develop the economy, the agricultural sector is also affected, although several endogenous factors also influence development within the sector. An emperical approach to the understanding of what is happening within the sector is to be prefered and such is documented in small scale studies conducted already by such scolars as FRICKE (1965), TIFFEN (1976) and MALCHAU (1999a+b).
Zentrum und Peripherie : Prinzipien der Landverteilung bei den Mosi im Raum Tenkodogo (Burkina Faso)
(1995)
Die Stadt Tenkodogo liegt auf der Siedlungsgrenze zweier Ethnien - der Mosi im Norden und Nordwesten und der Bisa im Süden - und zugleich am nördlichen Rand des Mosistaates Tenkodogo, dessen Hauptstadt sie auch ist. Der südlichste Staat der Mosi liegt somit überwiegend nicht auf Mosi-, sondern auf Bisaterritorium. Die Untersuchungen in diesem Gebiet konzentrierten sich auf zwei Siedlungen, die sich unter unterschiedlichen Aspekten für einen Vergleich besonders gut anboten. Anhand dieser beiden Siedlungen soll den Kriterien der Raumaufteilung und Landverteilung in diesem Gebiet nachgegangen werden. Wichtige Fragen dabei sind: Gibt es Erklärungen für die Lage der beiden Siedlungen im Raum? Wie wird das Land verteilt? Wie gestaltet sich die Landzuteilung und die Arbeitsorganisation innerhalb der einzelnen Familien, bzw. der Bewohner der verschiedenen Gehöfte? Lassen sich aus all dem schließlich übergeordnete Prinzipien und Präferenzen ablesen, die über die konkrete Frage der Landverteilung hinaus Rückschlüsse auf andere gesellschaftliche und politische Bereiche ermöglichen?
Nos travaux dans les villages mosi de la région de Tenkodogo, au centreest du Burkina Faso, portent directement sur le thème central du Projet de Recherche de l'Université de Francfort: Les relations mutuelles entre la culture d'une population et son milieu naturel. Sur la base d'une étude approfondie de l'environnement naturel, on devrait répondre à la question suivante: comment les Hommes conçoivent et estimentils ce milieu, quelles valeurs lui attribueton; en outre, sur la base de quels principes et d'après quels critères de préférence utilisentils leurs sols en tant que cultivateurs; quelles raisons déterminent-elles l'expansion des Mosi méridionaux dans cette aire géographique, la fondation des villages ainsi que leur dévéloppement démographique. Enfin quel est l'impact de tout cela sur l'environnement naturel, c'est-à-dire quelles sont les conséquences écologiques des conceptions et comportements susmentionnés. Nos recherches sur le terrain débutèrent en 1991 sous la forme d'une collaboration interdisciplinaire étroite entre l'ethnologie, la géographie physique et la botanique. L'objectif à long terme est une comparaison entre les Mosi méridionaux, leurs voisins bisa, les Gulmance et enfin un groupe mosi du nord.
Dans la géographie linguistique et culturelle de l’Afrique de l’Ouest le monde mandé est situé dans la partie Ouest du continent avec son point capital au cours supérieur du Niger. Au Burkina Faso, les groupes mandés ne sont qu’une petite minorité. Vu de tous ces deux coté, le Mandé au Burkina Faso semble donc être un sujet marginal: avec le Burkina se trouvant au bord du monde mandé et avec les groupes mandés étant une minorité dans les sociétés burkinabé. Donc, pourquoi est-ce que nous avons quand même posé les groupes mandés du Burkina Faso au milieu d’un projet pluridisciplinaire et pourquoi est-ce que nous tendons à présenter ici nos élaborations sur ces groupes?
Pendants les années 1997 et 1998, un groupe des chercheurs de SFB 268 a effectué, dans la région de l’Atakora, des recherches botaniques, ethnologiques et géographiques concernant l’histoire du peuplement. Les travaux étaient concentrés sur la partie ouest de la région, c’est-à-dire le triangle Boukombé, Natitingou, Toucountouna. En résultat, il est possible aujourd’hui de faire une chronologie relative à l’histoire du peuplement dans cette région. En contraire, il manque toujours une chronologie absolue, pour cela il faut encore des recherches approfondies. Pourtant nous allons proposer, dans le cours de cette contribution, des hypothèses montrant le cadre, dans lequel une périodisation peut être possible.
La culture Dagara entre la colonisation et le christianisme: quelle "authenticité" aujourd’hui?
(1996)
Au nombre de 500.000 environ les Dagara du Burkina Faso occupent une région relativement importante du sud-ouest du pays. Cette région se trouve encadrée entre le 9°48 et légèrement au-dessus de 11°14 de latitude nord et entre le 2°40 et le 3°12 de longitude ouest. La convention du 14 juin 1898 entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne les a séparés de leurs frères du Nord Ghana (ancienne Gold Coast) d'où ils ont émigré par vagues successives. Ces deux puissances "aux systèmes coloniaux sensiblement différents" ont fait irruption dans la culture et la philosophie de ce peuple de telle sorte qu'il n'est plus tellement possible de lire de façon linéaire et homogène leur histoire; on en vient alors à parler de Dagara du Burkina et de Dagara du Ghana. Et si l'on peut admettre toujours aujourd'hui que la partie ghanéenne de ce peuple conserve relativement encore "l'essentiel d'une certaine authenticité culturelle", l'on doit reconnaître que la partie burkinabé par contre a vu ce fonds culturel s'ébranler et se perturber si profondément que la question "quelle authenticité aujourd'hui?" revêt tout d'un désarroi. Parler d'authenticité d'aujourd'hui suppose une authenticité d'hier. Quelle était-elle et pourquoi et comment a-t-elle été si ébranlée?
On doit se demander si la richesse évidente des morts de Kissi n’était pas le résultat visible d’un commerce d’or. Malheureusement, à Kissi comme ailleurs, nous ne sommes pas en mesure de donner une réponse positive à partir des seules données archéologiques. Mais si l’on admet que les Arabes au Maghreb ont déjà commencé pendant la conquête à frapper des pièces en or dont le matériel venait du sud, on n’échappe que difficilement à la conclusion qu’ils le tiraient d’une structure des relations commerciales existantes. Ces relations peuvent déjà dater de l’époque du 3e/ 4e AD, mais sont assez sûres pour l’époque byzantine, notamment pour le temps sous regard dans cette communication, le 6e et 7e siècle de notre ère.
Au Sahel du Burkina Faso, le diagramme pollinique d'Oursi fournit des évidences sur l'apparition de l'agriculture, il y a environ 3000 ans. A partir de ces faits, le but principal des recherches archéologiques dans le cadre du SFB 268 était de trouver et de fouiller des sites qui seraient à même d'apporter des informations sur cette période décisive autour de 3000 ans avant l'actuel. Pour cela, nous avons concentré notre travail sur les provinces du Séno et plus particulièrement de l'Oudalan. Le paysage de cette région est marqué par des dunes qui s'organisent grossièrement en cordons d'orientation nord-est/sud-ouest à travers notre terrain.
Le système de la parenté, qui est en général la base de l’ordre social, peut être remplacé par un ordre alternatif, c'est-à-dire par un ordre du voisinage (ou bien par l’ordre spatial). Dans le cas du lignage Dambure, c’est la proximité et la distance entre les concessions qui déterminent les obligations mutuelles: On construit de nouveaux concessions toujours très proches les unes des autres et on a aussi construit une place centrale appartenant aux quatre concessions les plus anciennes. En plus, les deux formes peuvent se renforcer mutuellement et de cette manière supporter les prétentions sur le rôle dominant du lignage principal. Le contrôle social pratiqué par le chef d’un lignage maximal peut être exercé de façon plus effective dans un groupe de voisins directs. A la base de ces connaissances, l’analyse de l’ordre de l’espace peut aider à décrire la réalité sociale.
La variation dans l'utilisation des ressources végétales est liée aux changements de mode de vie. Le Burkina Faso fait parti des pays habituellement indiqués comme en voie de développement. Ce qualificatif est vrai si on ne regarde que la croissance technologique. Le pays accuse certes un retard sur ce plan, mais la population sait bel et bien développer son intelligence humaine pour faire face à telle ou telle situation. Ainsi, devant une mauvaise récolte, personne n'acceptera de mourir de faim tant que dans l'environnement naturel existeront tous les éléments nécessaires pour survivre: l'eau, les plantes et les animaux. A ce moment-là, le mode de vie change; il ne s'agit plus de récolter, mais il s'agit de prélever, de cueillir. La cueillette, c'était un mode de vie dans l'époque préhistorique. L'homme se rabat sur tout ce qui peut fournir un aliment substantiel: les gros tubercules, les feuilles les plus tendres, les fruits et les graines. Si les trois dernières catégories d'aliments ne posent pas trop de problèmes, la première et les autres organes souterrains sont en général toxiques. Et là encore, l'homme va développer son intelligence pour éliminer cette toxicité mais après une grande perte en vie humaine. Dans le but de savoir un peu plus sur ces différentes périodes de disette et de famine, nous avons mené une enquête à Ouahigouya (Yatenga) et à Toma (Sourou), deux zones qui appartenaient à un même cercle pendant l'époque coloniale, période de la suppression de la Haute-Volta. Par ailleurs nous voulons vérifier la marge d'erreur qu'on peut avoir lors d'une enquête ethnobotanique en se situant dans le temps et l'espace. Cette communication entre en plus dans le cadre de nos travaux de recherche sur l'histoire de la végétation et de l'utilisation des ressources végétales.
This paper examines Borno's colonial economy with particular reference to the activity of indigenous traders. Stress is laid on trade within Borno and between the province and other markets in Nigeria and the adjoining colonies of Cameroon, Chad and Niger. An analysis of the involvement of traders, ranging from Kanuri, Hausa, Tubu, Fulani, Shuwa Arabs, Yoruba to Igbo, in items such as livestock, indigenous cloths of Hausaland manufacture (especially turkudi), kolanuts, local salt, natron, dried fish, imported cotton materials and salt is also attempted. Although Maiduguri (or Yerwa), Nguru, Potiskum, Bama, Goniri, Monguno, Geidam, Abadam and Biu were the main market centres in the province during much of the period under review, the activity of traders in Maiduguri is chosen for consideration in the paper. Apart from being the provincial and Shehu's capital, the emphasis on Maiduguri is informed by the town's commercial importance, especially in the overland trade between the rest of Nigeria and the neighbouring colonies of Cameroon, Chad and Niger.
One of the powerful conventional images of pre-colonial Africa is that of a continent of more or less immobile ethnic groups, living since time immemorial on their ancestral lands, steeped in their traditional cultures. In this image, Africa appears like a mosaic, with clearcut ethnic boundaries, each sherd representing a different people cum language cum culture cum territory. Since a number of years, however, historians and anthropologists of Africa have insisted that this image is misleading. Most pre-colonial societies were characterised by mobility, overlapping networks, multiple group membership and the contextdependent drawing of boundaries. Communities could be based on neighbourhood, kinship and common loyalties to a king, but this did not absolutely have to include notions of a common origin, a common language or a common culture. Our own research on the West African savannah has also shown the enormous importance of mobility. Among the societies of southern and southwestern Burkina Faso, for instance, which several projects have studied, there is hardly a single village whose history has not been characterised repeatedly by the arrival and settlement of new groups and the departure of others. In some cases, we can even speak of systematic practices of multilocality.
The conflict I refer to happened at the beginning of the 1998 farming season when the distribution of land started. The seasonal migrants went into the village area were they had been farming since many years, they gave their contributions and payments to the respective officials and started to prepare the land. Shortly after they had started to plant the beans – the main cash crop beside fishing – they were harassed by armed people and had to leave the area. Only several weeks later they were able to go back to their prepared fields and proceeded with their farming business. The question I want to concentrate on is related to the topic of the ethnological sub-project – “Community building in newly founded settlements in the Lake Chad area” – and can be specified as “What do conflicts tell us about the community and people involved?”
L'homme vivant de la cueillette existe toujours au Burkina Faso. Les espèces que nous allons exposer par la suite ne font pas l'objet d'une culture. La plupart certes sont des espèces protégées lors des défrichements. Elles caractérisent souvent les différents faciès de savane rencontrés à travers le pays. Certaines ont des usages généralisés en temps normal, d'autres le sont en temps de disette ou de soudure. Ces espèces ligneuses sont à usages culinaires par leurs feuilles, leurs graines et leurs exsudats. Leur composition chimique montre un certain équilibre énergétique à la consommation et permet de comprendre la santé de nos paysans malgré ce qu'on laisse entendre sur la pauvreté et la sous-alimentation. Dans le cadre de nos travaux pour une meilleure connaissance des espèces tant sur le plan taxonomique, biologique qu'ethnobotanique, nous avons mené depuis cinq ans une enquête sur les différentes utilisations des espèces ligneuses. Le présent travail concerne particulièrement les espèces ligneuses dont certains organes sont utilisés dans alimentation humaine. Nous nous sommes limités à ne parler que d'une vingtaine d'espèces.
This paper is concerned with the transition from hunting and gathering to food production in West Africa, based on evidence from the Sahel Zone of Burkina Faso compiled by field research during the last years. Our study intends to enhance the knowledge about the West African versions of this transition, traditionally seen as one of the most fundamental changes in human prehistory. Embedded in an interregional program the Sahel Zone of Burkina Faso has proved to be one of its most unexpected examples.
Tenkodogo, a township situated in the south-eastern part of Burkina Faso on the road leading from the capital Ouagadougou to the Togo border, has approximately 29,000 inhabitants. It is Burkina's seventh largest town and is the location of the regional government of the Boulgou-Province. This regional government is represented by a high-commissioner and a "préfet" as it is the residence of a traditional ruler, otherwise known as Tenkodogo-naaba. His sphere of influence covers many villages and hamlets in the region: in total he is the sovereign of nearly 120,000 people. The power of the traditional rulers was curtailed first by the arrival and following overrule of the French colonialists and then after independence by Sankara and his revolutionary government. The kings ceased to be the ultimate judges who were able to determine life and death of their subjects. Henceforth they were no longer allowed to recruit subjects for certain work on their fields, and they no longer could claim control over the allocation of resources. Their position was strengthened anew by Sankara's successor in office, Blaise Campaore, who quickly recognized that collaborating with the traditional rulers could only be of advantage: in fact they later proved to be his best supporters in the election campaign.
Einmal im Jahr, einundzwanzig Tage nach dem für Ahnen und Jenseitsmächte zelebrierten Erntedank, würdigen König und Hofstaat mit einem gesonderten Fest, Bugum Yaoge~, den Vorfahren, von dem sich die Tenkodogo-Dynastie in direkter Linie herleitet: Naaba Bugum. Naaba Bugum selbst hat seinen Fuß wahrscheinlich nie nach Ye~le~yan gesetzt, wie Tenkodogo - in Anlehnung an einen nahen Regenzeitfluß - damals noch hieß. Naaba Sigri leitete den Beginn einer Expansion ein, die etwa hundert Jahre später, unter einem seiner Nachfolger, Naaba Bãogo, zur Unterwerfung der südlichen Bisa von Loanga und Bane und damit zur größten territorialen Ausdehnung vor Einzug der französischen Kolonialmacht führen sollte.
The paper gives a brief history of the Fulçe people who are found all over West and Central Africa. Since no study of a people is complete without mentioning their language, the paper also gives a very brief account of Fulfulde, the language of the Fulçe people. However, the central focus of the paper is the concept of pulaaku, that unique attribute of the Fulçe that serves as an unwritten code of conduct for all ‘true’ Fulçe. Pulaaku is Fulçe’s guiding principle in their dealings with their fellow Fulçe as well as with all other people. Rather than talk about pulaaku in isolation, however, the paper tries to mirror it through Fulfulde proverbs. Coded or loaded messages called wise-sayings or proverbs are widely used in all languages. Fulfulde is particularly rich in this, which is why the paper explores this reservoir of knowledge in trying to portray the rich culture of the Fulçe people. The corpus of proverbs from which the selected proverbs come, was compiled in and around Gombe with the help of Mallam Bappayo Bappa Yerima Djibril. Since the Fulçe are easily the most dispersed people in Africa, no single study can do real justice to all of them. This is why this study narrows its scope to cover just the Fulçe of Gombe area of the northeastern of Nigeria.
The tale portrays the unhappy life of a dove. Constantly surrounded by enemies, hunted by human beings and animals, disappointed by friends and separated from her family, the dove despairs of her life. She ponders over her unjust fate in this world and in a monologue she begins to consider, whether it would not be better to end her own life. This tragic theme forms the climax of several episodes, in which the tension between life and death is described. The elaborate development of dramatic acts demonstrates the intertwining of guilt and innocence in human existence.
It is one of the paradoxes of the history of the states of the Central Sudan that Borno, the state with the longest tradition of Islamic literacy should have such an illestablished chronology - especially for the nineteenth century - when compared with its neighbours. No kinglist has been published, no list with regnal years, such as is known from other states. Our problems are compounded by the fact that every known list is presented in the Christian solar calendar and there is no way in which we can be certain that the original material has been correctly converted from the Muslim lunar calendar. In the paper that follows I have attempted to establish a chronology based primarily upon Arabic sources and upon the Muslim calendar. These sources include state seals which usually are engraved with the date of the year of accession; mahrams, charters, or grants of privilege, or rather renewal of such grants by newly appointed leaders. It was the practice for owners of such documents to have them renewed at the beginning of a new reign. When attempting to date events connected with the eclipse of the al-Kanimiyyin and the advent of Rabih I have also made use of evidence relating to the seasons and to various meteorological conditions.
Située dans l'extrême sud-est de Burkina Faso, la Chaîne grèseuse de Gobnangou se détache du reste du paysage par d'abruptes falaises. Autant les terres au nord que celles au sud sont exceptionnellement densément peuplées. Les Gulmances qui y vivent font de l'agriculture itinérante. Les périodes de cultures varient selon la qualité du sol de 5 à 20 ans. Les périodes de jachères pour la régénération des sols varient énormément selon les types de sols et l'intensité de l'utilisation précédente et peuvent aller jusqu'à 30 ans. Mais ici aussi, l'explosion démographique entraîne une diminution du temps de jachères. L'aspect de la végétation et sa composition diffèrent beaucoup et dépendent de nombreux facteurs. Ils sont surtout influencés par l'homme: outre l'agriculture itinérante, le pâturage, la coupe du bois de chauffage et les feux peuvent être citer. On decrirá ici les communautés de végétations de deux types de sites qui ont pour point commun d'être portées par des sols pauvres. La principale différence entre ces types de sites est la profondeur des sols et donc leur ressources en eau.
Over approximately the last 200 years, north-west Ghana and large areas of neighbouring southern Burkina Faso were the stage for a highly successful expansion of Dagara-speaking peoples. Probably setting out from an area around Wa, small groups of Dagara migrated towards the north, some of them taking a westward route, crossing the Black Volta river into today’s Burkina Faso. They rarely advanced into nomansland but rather displaced peoples such as Sisala-, Dyan-, Phuie- and Bwamu-speaking groups, who then moved further west and north. Today, the Dagara occupy about 3500 km2 in southern Burkina Faso, where they represent the sixth largest language group. In this paper I wish to explore the history of the north-west frontier of Dagara expansion and the interaction between the “land-owning” Phuo and the incoming Dagara.
Dumba-fishing was invented at Lake Chad about 10 years ago by immigrant fishermen from Mali and Nigerian Hausaland. The new technique brought about a new era of Lake Chad fishery, characterised by social and institutional changes. Titled Kanuri fishery headmen (Kacalla njibe)2 who traditionally controlled the access to the lake's water were unable to cope with the massive influx of immigrant fishermen. The lack of an institution for effective control lead to serious conflicts between local and immigrant fishermen. With the Fishermen Association Marte Local Government a new institution was invented, in which local and immigrant fishermen, regardless of their ethnicity, should control access to the fishing grounds together. The Fishermen Association was modelled after “modern” urban institutions and thus mirrors the transformation of the lake shores from rural backwaters, with local customs and culture to an economic centre, characterised by inmigration, cultural diversity and several other 'urban' traits.
The mountains of the Tangale-Waja Uplands are inhabited by a number of small ethnic groups. They speak different languages which belong to two unrelated linguistic stocks. The Afroasiatic stock is represented by Chadic languages, especially Tangale, but also Pero and Kushi (further to the south along the slopes of the Muri Mountains) of the Bole-Tangale Group. But the majority of the languages belong to the Adamawa branch of the Niger-Congo stock. The study of the vocabulary, technical terms and expressions relating to farming in general and 'farming on terraces' in particular constitutes another important aspect of our multidisciplinary research project providing us with valuable information about the history of the settlements and cultures of the entire region. In this communication we will restrict ourselves to a few general observations which are mainly based on the comparison of selected items of the farming vocabularies of those communities which used to farm the slopes of the mountains in our research area. We want to focus on the various designations for "terraced farms" and "terraces" including any arrangement or setting of stones on farms to enhance and support the production of the staple food: guinea corn (sorghum) and/or millet (pennisetum).
The paper presents two case studies from Nigeria and Burkina Faso, that differ in many respects, but show also some significant similarities. In both cases, previously existing claims on land were not recognised by the national authorities who implemented development projects. But as a contrast, in the Nigerian case people had to move out of the territories that were now claimed by the state, whereas in the Burkina case people were brought into an area that was declared state property. As a result in both cases, this had specific implications for the inter-ethnic relations in the respective regions. In Nigeria, Kanuri farmers moved to new fertile areas that incidentally emerged parallel to the development efforts of the state.
Les débuts de l’exploitation du fer de gisement sont encore mal connus en Afrique en général et au Burkina Faso en particulier. Pourtant, pendant la colonisation française, plusieurs auteurs ont dit leur émerveillement en découvrant l’industrie métallurgique de certains peuples des pays du Burkina Faso, celle des Moose, Bwaba et Sénoufo par exemple. Selon ces auteurs, les peuples ci-dessus ont développé des technologies qui leur assuraient une bonne production de fer métal. Pour en savoir plus, nous conduisons depuis 1983 un programme sur la métallurgie du fer au Burkina Faso. L’accent a été particulièrement mis sur les aspects relatifs à la métallurgie lourde du fer. C’est pourquoi l’étude des anciennes mines présente pour nous un intérêt très spécial. Notre propos ici est de rapporter rapidement certaines informations rassemblées concernant le site et la situation des mines, les modes d’extraction, les types de minerai et les questions relatives à l’appropriation et aux conditions d’exploitation de ces mines.
La métallurgie du fer jouit d'un regain d'intérêt en Afrique depuis une décénnie. Alors que les diffusionistes et les antidiffusionistes se sont affrontés dans les années 1970, on assiste aujourd'hui à une nouvelle fièvre du "fer" où les chercheurs, mettant de côté l'idéologie, travaillent avec acharnement sur les fourneaux de réduction et sur toutes les traces de cette métallurgie. Les résultats obtenus sont déja impressionnants. L'environnement constituent aussi, désormais, une préoccupation majeure des chercheurs. Les recherches en paléométallurgie au Burkina Faso n'échappent pas totalemennt à cette critique. C'est pour attirer plus d'attention sur l'important complément sociologique des investigations archéologiques que nous proposons en ces lignes les quelques informations relatives aux conditions sociales des forgerons, potiers et potières, réunis dans plusieurs nationalités du Burkina Faso par une sorte de communauté de destin: les arts du feu.
Unermüdliche Pflanzer sind die meisten Mosi, die - gemeinsam mit den Bisa - in Tenkodogo, Verwaltungshauptstadt der Provinz Boulgou im Südosten Burkina Fasos, die Bevölkerungsmehrheit stellen. Im Zentrum ihrer agrarisch geprägten Vorstellungswelt stehen die Kulturpflanzen, vor allem die Hirsearten Sorghum bicolor und Pennisetum americanum, von deren gutem Gedeihen das Überleben in jenem Gebiet weitgehend abhängt. Diese in der täglichen Ernährung unentbehrlichen Pflanzen spielen allerdings in unseren Ausführungen keine Rolle. Wir wollen vielmehr zeigen, wonach selten oder nicht genutze Wildpflanzen, vor allem Kräuter und Gräser, ihren Namen erhielten. Ihre Taxonomie stützt sich wesentlich auf Ordnungssysteme des Alltags, basierend auf der "natürlich-sozialen" Organisation und Opposition von Drinnen und Draußen, welche durch die Gegensätze Kulturland und Busch, Nutzpflanze und Unkraut, Haustier und Wildtier, Gruppenoberhäupter und gesellschaftliche Außenseiter, Menschen und Geister repräsentiert werden.
Le sujet principal des recherches interdisciplinaire G3 est la comparaison des stratégies d’exploitation du sol de deux différentes ethnies, dans un environnement identique ou presque identique. La province de Boulgou au sud-est du Burkina Faso semble être qualifiée pour ce type de recherches. Ici deux représentants des deux groupes linguistiques et culturels les plus importants - les groupes des Gur et Mande - sont directement avoisinants. Il s’agit des Mosi et des Bisa.
Die Faktoren, die das Gefüge und den Aufbau eines Satzes bestimmen, sind möglicherweise schwerer zu definieren als die die Landschaft bestimmenden Geofaktoren. Verkürzt gesagt, richten sich die verschiedenen Satztypen nach den mannigfaltigen Intentionen, die der Sprecher mit seiner Aussage verbindet. Die Mittel, die die einzelne Sprache zum Ausdruck dieser vielfältigen Intentionen beim Aufbau und bei der materiellen Ausstattung eines Satzes zur Anwendung bringt, müssen etwas mit dem je spezifischen "Geist" einer Sprache zu tun haben; sie bestimmen letztendlich den Charakter einer Sprache. Ob sie im Geiste einer großen Redundanz und Explizität auf den Plan treten und zur Wirkung kommen oder ob äußerste Sparsamkeit, Kargheit und Ökonomie das äußere Bild eines Satzes prägen, dürfte unter anderem von zwei Grundfaktoren abhängen) vom geschichtlichen Schicksal der betreffenden Sprachgemeinschaft, d.h. von ihrer kulturellen Entwicklung, den inneren Prozessen und äußeren Kontakten und Einflüssen, denen sie im Laufe der Jahrhunderte und -tausende unterworfen war, und von dem geistigen Charakter und Format der Sprechergemeinschaft. Zur praktischen Demonstration des hier Gemeinten bietet sich aus mehreren Gründen die Sprache der Tangale im Raume südlich von Gombe an.
We wish to emphasize the fact that so far our investigations have concentrated on documenting large bodies of data covering a number of linguistic units in an area which - as we hope to have demonstrated - displays a highly complex linguistic and ethnic structure. Our aim in the above remarks is essentially to throw out a challenge. In order to be able to interpret this situation in terms of the historic development of this zone of compression, further investigations are required, particularly regarding linguistic interference between Chadic and Niger-Congo languages in the south, as well as between Chadic and Nilo-Saharan languages, particularly Kanuri in the north-east and Songhay in the north-west. Ultimately, questions like the following are at stake: To what extent did the numerous Chadic languages preserve their original Hamitosemitic heritage? What is the impact of the Niger-Congo and Nilo-Saharan languages on individual Chadic languages in the respective border areas? In this context, detailed comparative studies between Chadic and Adamawa on the one hand, Chadic and Jukunoid and Chadic and Jarawan Bantu on the other hand as well as Chadic internal research, are urgently required.
The aim of our project B6 “Towards a genesis of the ethnolinguistic situation at the southern and western fringes of lake Chad basin” within SFB 268 “West African Savannah” is to analyse the emergence and development of the complex presentday ethnolinguistic patterns in a region which may be historically labelled as southern and western periphery of the Borno empire. For the first time, a model of migratory routes was put forward based on combined research efforts of the disciplines involved in our project. Below we shall attempt to summarise the main points and reflections of our findings. Our specific approach as a whole is based on applying the respective research methods of the individual disciplines represented in our project, namely anthropology, ethnomusicology, history and linguistics and eventually on integrating the results into a systemically coherent picture
La présente esquisse vise à montrer l'importance des frontières et des conflits chez les Dagara et leurs voisins du Burkina Faso précolonial. En partant des écrits disponibles et de nos propres enquêtes dans le sud-ouest burkinabè, elle en est arrivée à dégager deux périodes historiques bien distinctes. La première, allant de la fin du XVIIIème siècle à la seconde moitié du XIXè siècle en gros, fut dominée par le dynamisme du front pionnier. L'appropriation de l'espace y engendrait quelques heurts interethniques, voire intra-ethniques, fussentils latents ou ouverts. La deuxième période identifiée, elle, s'étend de la seconde moitié du siècle dernier à la conquête française du sud-ouest burkinabè en 1897-1898. Les Dagara, à l'instar des autres ethnies du sud-ouest sont directement ou indirectement confrontés à des conquérants islamisés parmi lesquels les Zaberma, les troupes samoriennes, et surtout Moctar Karantao de Wahabou. Ce nouveau contexte géopolitique différemment accueilli par les ethnies en place aurait été à l'origine d'une guerre dite de sept ans durant laquelle on note des alliances et pactes interethniques. L'analyse des tactiques et stratégies de ces regroupements ponctuels en temps de crises permet de mieux cerner le comportement des Dagara et des ethnies circonvoisines face à la conquête coloniale.
The paper presents a short introduction to the environmental factors, e.g. climate, geology, relief forms and soils of the study area in the southern parts of the Gongola Basin. The study area covers the high mountain range of the Tangale-Waja Uplands and the adjacent pediplain, following in the north. It is asked if the natural factors enforced former inhabitants of the area to develop special land use techniques like field terracing to ensure the essential crop production under insufficient geoecological conditions.
Die Ergebnisse der Feldforschungen, die hier vorgestellt werden, beruhen auf gemeinsamen Feldaufenthalten der Autoren in dem Untersuchungsgebiet in den Jahren 1990 und 1994. Die ersten Geländebegehungen in diesem Gebiet fanden zusammen mit Günter NAGEL im Februar 1990 statt. Einige seiner Anregungen für interdisziplinäre Arbeiten von Geisteswissenschaftlern und Physischen Geographen zur Landschaftsgenese dieses Raumes, seines Natur- und Nutzungspotentials und der realen aktuellen Inwertsetzung durch die ansässigen Waja wird er, so hoffen die Autoren, in den folgenden Ausführungen wiedererkennen. In dieser Untersuchung wurde vor allem der Frage nachgegangen, welche Beziehungen im südlichen Gongola-Becken zwischen der jüngeren Land-schaftsgenese und dem Natur- und Nutzungspotential bestehen, und wie letzteres von der Bevölkerung in Wert gesetzt wird. Von Interesse sind auch die Auswirkungen der jüngeren Nutzung auf den Naturraum und ihrer Wahrnehmung durch die Bevölkerung.
The Yobe valley is one of the many refugia that dotted the Chad basin after the commencement of the desiccation of the Sahara. It hypothetically must have been attractive to the population that had to move away from the aridized zone in search of favourable ecotones. As the Mega Chad receded from its Bama ridge shores, new lands were progressively made available for human occupation along the valley. It is one of the principal goals of the Yobe Valley Archaeological project to investigate how and when this new valley was occupied. This paper has been divided into three principal sections. The first section deals with the search for the earliest settlements of the Yobe valley. The excavations conducted at Garingada and Damakarwa were aimed at tackling this problem. The second section deals with the development of complexity. The excavation at Gambaru was directed towards this problem. The third section seeks to discuss on the bases of the excavations at the three sites, manenvironment relationship. The concluding part of the paper focuses attention on the problems and prospects of the Yobe Valley Archaeological Project.
Le Burkina Faso est situé dans la zone soudano-sahélienne où les cultures sont quelquefois aléatoires; dans ces conditions les plantes ligneuses occupent une place importante dans la vie socio-économique du pays. Pourtant, une sécheresses climatique persistante de ces dernières décennies a entraîné une mortalité massive de ces ligneux surtout dans la zone sahélienne. Cette forte dégradation des ressources naturelles est variable d’une zone géo-graphique à une autre pour des raisons diverses. Si les phénomènes généraux de cette dégradation de la végétation et leurs causes sont souvent décrits par de nombreux auteurs, il existe par contre très peu de connaissances détaillées et spécifiques en fonction des zones géographiques sur la menace qui pèse sur les différentes espèces. Dans l’absence de bases scientifiques fiables sur la végétation du passé pour chacune des régions qui permettrait ainsi d’établir avec précision la liste des espèces disparues, il est donc nécessaire de se baser sur la perception de la population rurale qui se trouve bien placée pour déceler tout changement dans la flore. Dans ce contexte, cette étude menée auprès des gourmantchés, vise surtout à identifier les espèces disparues ou celles en voie de disparition dans les différentes zones écologiques à l’est du Burkina Faso; en outre, elle aborde les raisons évoquées par ces populations pour expliquer cette menace qui pèse sur chacune des espèces. L’enquête a enfin contribué à connaître les solutions envisagées par ces dernières pour anéantir ou réduire la menace.
Interdépendance du potentiel d'exploitation et la structure d'habitat dans la région de l'Atakora
(2000)
Le département de l’Atakora est une région très contrastée et jusqu’à présent très peu explorée. Son élément le plus saillant est la Chaîne de l’Atakora, une des rares élévations montagneuses de cette partie de l’Afrique occidentale. Le haut-plateau de l’Atakora est caractérisé par une densité de la population relativement basse, comparée au reste de la région, et une végétation variée, qui est jusqu’à présent extrêmement mal connu. Il contraste fortement avec son piémont à l’ouest de la chaîne qui est très densément peuplé et exploité de manière intensive. Notre recherche a été consacrée à la question de savoir si ce sont des facteurs dépendant du géopotentiel ou plutôt des données socio-économiques qui sont responsables pour la disparité actuelle de ce paysage. Partant de l’hypothèse que non seulement les conditions socio-économiques mais aussi les conditions naturelles sont beaucoup plus favorables dans le piémont que sur le plateau, nous avons - par une approche interdisciplinaire - effectué une analyse et une évaluation de ces facteurs. Des méthodes de la télédétection, de la pédologie, de la botanique et de la géographie agraire ont été employées.
The vast distribution of terraces in the geographical Sudan zone of West Africa leads to the question why and under which conditions an agrarian society might apply this particular form of farming. From an anthropologist's point of view it is essential to understand why farmers practise this form of farming and therefore try to explain the reason for it. The best way to gain insight is the description of terrace farming and when taking a closer look, we realize that farming is nowhere only an isolated agricultural activity.
L’inventaire floristique du Burkina Faso est loin d’être clos. Les récentes investigations floristiques ont permis de recenser un grand nombre d’espèces qui n’avaient jamais été mentionnées sur la liste floristique nationale. Une partie de ces espèces sont d’ailleurs guinéocongolaises. Cet inventaire a concerné les aires classées et protégées situées dans le secteur Sudsoudanien. Les richesses floristiques se retrouvent concentrées dans ces aires classées et protégées car ce sont des formations qui jouissent d’une relative bonne gestion par rapport aux autres aires non protégées qui ont été fortement dégradées par l’homme. L’objectif de cette communication est de donner les informations issues de ces différentes investigations sur l’état de connaissance de la diversité végétale du Burkina Faso avec un accent particulier sur le mode de gestion et les utilisations de quelques espèces de la zone sud soudanienne.
L'art de soigner par les plantes ou phytothérapie remonte à l'origine des temps. L'Homme a développé trés tôt une relation intime entre lui et le milieu qui l'entoure. Pour subvenir à ses besoins, il a appris à se servir des éléments naturels indispensables à son existence. Si en Europe la phytothérapie, jadis florissante, a connu un déclin à cause de la découverte de molécules chimiques de synthèse, en Afrique les médicaments à base de plantes restent les produits les plus utilisés par l'immense majorité de la population dans des villages comme des villes. C'est le cas du Burkina Faso où la pharmacopée traditionnelle, en temps que système de soins, demeure le système le plus populaire parce que mieux intégré aux réalités socio-culturelles des populations. Pour notre exposé, nous avons retenu dix espèces de plantes qui sont utilisées dans la médecine traditionelle populaire pour traiter les maladies les plus courantes comme les accés fébriles dus au paludisme, la jaunisse ou ictère, les diarrhées, la toux etc.
Our dichotomy of ‘nature’ and ‘culture’ is expressed in the Kanuri language with the terms al@ga for ‘creation’ and ‘creature’ which embraces trees, mammals, birds, insects, humans, in short the whole of the natural environment, and ada for ‘custom, habit, way of behaviour, family tradition’ for culture as a whole. There is no genre of oral literature, which would describe al@ga as such, but aspects of it can always be expressed in proverbs, riddles, toponymic praise phrases and songs, of which those performed by the hunters figure most prominently in reflecting upon al@ga. Yet, in these songs (and partly in other genres) ideas about al@ga are not purely descriptive in naturalists’ terms. They are much rather expressions, which centrally combine notions of the social and natural environment.
In the culture of the Pero, Longuda and Tula People in the south-eastern part of Bauchi State, north-eastern Nigeria, terraces are found as traditional means to improve the environmental condition and to secure the survival of the people. To classify those terraces according to their form and function, the techniques and customs of their building and the traditional structures of their development they have to be compared in the context of their own culture. The paper gives a few examples showing that the importance of terraces for the historic and religious concepts of the Pero, Longuda and Tula People is expressed through a tight network of oral traditions, social and religious customs and structures of belief and explanation, which, once they were woven together, eventually build what a malam from Tula called a glue of inheritance, identity, integrity, continuity and security.
This paper, which is based on field research in Doron Baga and Maiduguri, attempts to describe and analyse the main determinants of the fish trade in North-east Nigeria with Doron Baga as the main focus. Fish is a significant source of income and a principal trade commodity, bringing together the remote fishing community of North-east Nigeria with the major urban centres of the Southern part of the country. In order to get an insight into the workings of the fish trade, indepth interviews were conducted with fatoma (or dealers), traders and transporters in Doron Baga and Maiduguri. In addition, the authors utilised documentary sources to supplement the data collected from the field. For instance, a number of postgraduate dissertations, archival accounts as well as journal articles and books were consulted. After giving a brief introduction of the development of the long distance trade in fish, the paper discusses the role of the fatoma, means of transportation, value and volume of the trade. The study focuses on the period 1997-1999, during which substantial part of the data used were collected.
The architecture and chemistry of a dug-out: the Dufuna Canoe in ethno-archaeological perspective
(1996)
It is the intention of this paper to highlight the processes involved in the production of a dug-out. Two disciplines appear strikingly clear in the title of this paper; architecture and chemistry. It is deliberate, exhibiting the multifaceted approach to issues in archaeology. The Dufuna canoe, the main subject of the discussion, is entirely an organic material, long used by prehistoric populations, abandoned and covered in a huge deposit of earth, unearthed by the spade in two streams of excavations for the purpose of dating, measurements, documentation, which yielded a date of 8500 years as the oldest canoe in Africa and one of the oldest in the world. Who could have produced such an "artefact"? These and other related questions are fundamental towards the understanding of the history and society that lived in that environment in prehistory. Since we are dealing with a single "artefact" produced by prehistoric populations, long gone and extinct, we would not be in a position to reconstruct the processes of manufacture of the dug-out by any source other than by ethno-archaeological and ethnographic investigation and experiment of the contemporary society which manipulates similar environment with a view to stimulating the past mode of production. The method used in the data collection was by oral interviews and field observation.
The architecture and chemistry of a dug-out : the Dufuna canoe in ethno-archaeological perspective
(1993)
This research work emanated from a joint research project between the Johann-Wolfgang Goethe-University Frankfurt am Main, Germany and the University of Maiduguri, Nigeria; as outlined in the Bilateral Agreement of July 21st 1988.1 The research program is interdisciplinary in nature involving these areas: Archaeology, Geography, Linguistics and Historical Ethnology; all under the general theme of West African Savannah. Considerable research work has already been carried out in these areas by German explorers and scholars dating back to the mid-nineteenth century. The project is funded by the German Research Foundation. The present paper addresses itself purely to one and very important aspect of an archaeological campaign undertaken in the Chad Region of Nigeria in late 1990/1991 season. In consequence to reconnaissance survey and excavation conducted at a site called Gajiganna, abundant lithic materials were noticed and collected. The crucial question one poses to the site which lacks physical outcrops in and within the precinct of the settlement are, what could have been the source of the raw materials at the site? Were they transported from somewhere to the site? If so, why was it necessary for the materials to be brought to this site? These and other related questions posed a serious commodity problem for most sites in Borno with lithic materials.
Summary and evaluation
(2000)
The geographical analysis of the Savannah Zones of north-eastern Nigeria revealed a basic insight on the differentiated development at the meso-regional level: The northern districts had a much lower population increase than the average. It was already arid land before the dramatic reduction of precipitation since the late 1960s. The quality of the soil for farming is rather poor despite specific minerals which give grass during the very short growing season a higher nutritional value than further south. Through studies at the local level, it became evident that on one side this is an area of out-migration of the local population but on the other side we have to register the influx of migrants from the even more dryer northern districts including Niger Republic. The rate of urbanisation in Nigeria increased rapidly from 15 to 36 %. Northern capitals like Kano and Maiduguri multiplied their number of inhabitants seven times but were overtaken by Gombe’s growth. In any case they are centres of social and cultural change as the preliminary findings of H. BALZEREK concerning the boom-town Gombe revealed. But social tensions seem to be inevitable as religious movements not only in big towns like Kano but even in Gombe were already analysed by WATTS (1993, 61). The bearer/ carriers of this movement are landless people who did not migrate to new land in the country side, they are hoping for new jobs in an urban environment. The social structure has changed since the time of the old Hausa towns, but their reliance on surplus of labour force appears to have continued.
The search for persistent elements in nature and culture, which comprises language as a constitutive part, is a prerequisite for the definition of any change which is the aim of our common project. When analysing the process of transformation by a number of disciplines we expect to discover significant features of this alteration and the forces dominating it. The current highly complex present linguistic situation in the western and south-western fringe of the Chad Basin will be reconstructed from the historical migrations undertaken by the various linguistic groups from Lake Chad (mainly Chadic languages) to their present settlements. The six authors, the linguists Dr. Dimitr Ibriszimov, Dr. Doris Löhr, Christopher Mtaku, the ethno-musicologist Dr. Raimund Vogels, and the historian Ibrahim Maina Waziri integrated the results of their studies into one paper towards a systemic approach by tracing back the common roots of the languages, the customs and the music of those peoples and give an outline of their tradition concerning their movements. A basic dual model of migration will be put forward.
In Nigeria terrace agriculture can mainly be found in the so called "Middle Belt Economy" as FORDE (1946)1 coined this type which lies between the grain economy of males in the north and tuber cultivation of females in the south. The people - lacking a hierarchically social and territorial organisation - are called acephalous or segmentary societies. From the geographical point of view the Middle Belt is seen as a zone of transition. Because of the variability of the climate (sometimes it is too wet for grains, sometimes too dry for tubers) a strategy of mixed cropping enables the farmers to overcome these hazards. Their strategy can be seen in the frame of the game theory. A low population density and a lack of sufficient accessibility limited the innovation of cash crops at that time. The papers on the Tangale-Waja Region will reveal manifold facets of the culture and agriculture. In a first step we learn by the research of J. Heinrich that the natural environment is - from the genetic point of view - a prerequisite for the establishing of terraces, but it is still today an important provision to the modern farmers in their resettlement areas.
Les Kassena, une ethnie sédentaire appartenant au groupe linguistique des Gurunsi, habitent dans une région au sud du Burkina Faso et au nord du Ghana. Leur économie est basée sur l’autosubsistance à partir de la culture du mil et l’élevage du bétail. Avec une saison des pluies de six mois et une pluviométrie de plus de 900 mm, la région offre des conditions favorables à la culture du mil. Cette région est caractérisée par une forte inégalité en ce qui concerne la dispersion de l’habitat. Certaines régions, comme les alentours de la montagne de Tiébélé qui, selon les récits de la tradition orale, est l’ancien centre des Kassena de l’est, connaissent une importante population allant jusqu’à 100 habitants par km/carré. D’autres régions, notamment la vallée du Nazinon, étaient plus ou moins inhabitées jusqu’à ces dernières années. Ceci est probablement dû aux maladies endémiques comme l’onchocercose. Pour les régions les plus peuplées, nous avons cherché à connaître les techniques spécifiques qui ont permis à la population de s’installer et de s’alimenter. Les Kassena maîtrisent un système de culture permanente sur des champs terrassés exigeant beaucoup d’entretien. Ces champs sont soumis à un contrôle social et religieux. De plus, les Kassena cultivent des champs de brousse qui se trouvent souvent dans la plaine et à grande distance des villages. Ces champs de brousse sont cultivés d’une façon plus extensive. Le présent exposé décrit les techniques de l’agriculture en respect des conditions de l’environnement. L’objectif est de mieux comprendre les stratégies économiques et culturelles des cultivateurs de cette région.
L’Afrique, de par la diversité de ses écosystèmes, de la richesse de ses ressources et de par la confrontation de deux conceptions d’aménagement, l’une africaine l’autre externe, offre à la télédétection satellitaire l’un des meilleurs champs d’application. Cependant, une conscience claire des besoins spécifiques en informations par rapport aux objectifs à atteindre manque. Ceci est dû à l’insuffisance d’une politique de développement cohérent, dont la dimension spatiale n’est rien d’autre que l’aménagement du territoire. Tel est le sens de ce travail qui offre deux études de cas: Compiéna dans le département de Pama, province du Gourma et Leo dans le département de Léo province de la Sissili. L’exploitation des données satellitaires concernant les zones d’étude Compiéna et de Léo s’est faite en l’absence ou insuffisance de certaines données de base nécessaires. Cependant, elle complète ces dernières ou pallie en partie à ces défauts, permettant ainsi une bonne connaissance de la réalité spatiale du terrain. Ceci a conduit à l’objectif recherché, consistant à évaluer les besoins en informations pour l’aménagement de Compiéna et de Léo.
Our paper deals with the problems of migration, culture and language in the wider Benue-Gongola basin. Here are mainly concerned the West-Chadic speaking groups Kwami, Kupto, Kushi and Piya as well as the Jukun who speak a language belonging to the Benue-Congo family. We try to point out the possible reasons for their historical migrations and in particular the consequences of ethnic expansion of the Jukun in the middle Benue region. History shows that contacts of ethnic groups - being peaceful or by force - had always led to mutual influences and changes in culture and language, which finally resulted in cultural fusion of various aspects. Our study, based mainly on oral traditions as well as on linguistic comparisons, focusses especially on the history of the above mentioned Chadic groups, who are considered - according to our hypothesis - to have come in close contact with the Jukun. Subsequently the warlike expansion of the Jukun caused a strong turmoil which led to the scattering of the various ethnic units.
La langue mandingue est un vaste continuum linguistique recouvrant une zone de l'Afrique Occidentale qui s’étend de l’embouchure de la Gambie à l’Ouest à la frontière occidentale du Ghana à l’Est. Si actuellement on dispose de nombreux travaux sur le bambara, le dioula et le mandinka qui ont permis de mieux connaître le mandingue, il n’en est pas de même en ce qui concerne cette autre variété du mandingue: le marka du Burkina Faso pour lequel des études linguistiques sont pour l’instant rarissimes. L’essentiel des travaux qui lui sont consacrés sont présentés dans la bibliographie. Notre objectif ici est de mettre en évidence quelques traits spécifiques au marka par rapport à d’autres dialectes mandingues sur le plan phonique, tonologique et grammatical. Sur le plan grammatical nous présenterons quelques faits qui rapprochent le marka et le mandinkan de Gambie. Mais avant d’y arriver nous allons procéder à une présentation du marka.
Dans les sociétés peules, des migrations de toutes dimensions jouent traditionnellement un rôle très important. Elles sont le résultat d’un processus complexe de prise de décision. Notre contribution vise à fournir des informations sur les motifs qui influencent ces décisions, et à partir de quels concepts ces motifs sont générés. Un élément central dans ce processus est l’environnement. S’il y a quelque peu un environnement ou une culture peule homogène, il n’y a cependant pas de conception peule de l’environnement. Leur conception est modifiée lors de chaque intégration des Peuls dans un nouvel environnement. Migrer signifie se rendre dans un nouvel environnement, où les concepts existants doivent par conséquent être adaptés aux nouvelles conditions. Par la suite, nous allons montrer à l’exemple des Peuls agropastoraux de différents milieux naturels et sociaux du Burkina Faso, Bénin et Nigeria dans quelle mesure les connaissances de l’environnement peuvent influencer les décisions migratoires. A l’exemple de la végétation, on examinera à travers quels concepts cet environnement, plus précisément l’environnement physique, est classifié et évalué. Finalement il sera présenté comment les migrations influencent les concepts environnementaux et comment ceux-là se reflètent dans la langue.
Les concessions chez les Bisa, dans la Province du Boulgou (sud-est du Burkina Faso), sont des exemples représentatifs de l’architecture traditionnelle soudanienne: un rassemblement de cases rondes de glaise d’un diamètre d’environ 3 mètres, couvert d’un toit de paille. Les concessions sont entourées par un mur de glaise et on ne peut y entrer ou en sortir que par une seule entrée. On ne découvre leur complexité que seulement après y être entré. C’est seulement à ce moment-là que l’on peut voir le dédale de cases et de cours, séparés par de petits murs et des couloirs. La concession du chef de Bangagou, chez qui nous avons habité durant l’automne 1994 pendant quelques mois, compte parmi les plus grandes de la région. Pendant les premières semaines de notre séjour, il nous a fallu comprendre son histoire et sa structure. Notre premier objectif était de dessiner un plan de la concession. Ce projet s’est révélé plus difficile que prévu. Le terrain étant si plat, nous n’avons pu voir la concession d’en haut. L’achèvement de ce plan n’a été possible que parce que les habitants nous ont donné libre-accès à ces lieux. La vérification de l’esquisse fut possible en décembre, lorsque nous avons eu la chance de faire un vol au-dessus du terrain et de prendre des photos aériennes. Parallèlement, nous avons mené une enquête auprès des habitants afin de connaître leurs relations avec les habitants des autres cases, selon leurs descriptions.
The area around the Lake Chad is characterized as an example for a region where ethnic changes abundantly took place and still do. For example some Kanuri districts, or the leaders of those districts, are (unofficially) named after other ethnic names (e.g. Margi, Shuwa) or Kanuri clan names are identical with ethnic names of other groups, eg. Tera, Bade. Both people speak a Chadic language and live in the south and west of the Kanuri respectively. These are indications that the Kanuri formerly absorbed and integrated these peoples. These processes are not only a phenomenon of the past. In the case of the neighbouring Gamergu people an ongoing process of ethnic change towards a Kanuri identity is observed until present. The research projects1 have revealed that the concept of "ethnic units" is far from being static which the term may suggest. This especially applies to the German Stamm, which implies a static concept of ethnicity. However, in Borno the dynamics of ethnic and linguistic change are prevailing. Therefore Ronald Cohen rejected the term "ethnic unit", or even "tribe" for the Kanuri and preferred "nation" instead. Umara Bulakarima argued along the same line but used "ethnic group" for Kanuri subunits, e.g. Manga, Mowar, Suwurti. There is no doubt that the Kanuri played a dominant part in the history of the Lake Chad area during the past centuries. Therefore the "Kanurization" process may not surprise. However, in the following it will be revealed that the processes of contact and resulting adaptations and delimitations are not necessarily unidirectional from Kanuri to other groups. At least in some cases they may go into the opposite direction, e.g. from Gamergu to Kanuri.
Le Burkina Faso connaît une urbanisation relativement modérée. En effet, selon le recensement de décembre 1985, le taux d'urbanisation s'élevait à 13,6% et cela en tenant compte des seize centres secondaires de plus de 10.000 habitants. En se basant sur les 119 localités de plus de 5.000 habitants, ce taux dépasse à peine 27%. Or des pays tels que la Côte d'Ivoire, le Ghana et le Sénégal présentaient au même moment des taux de 45 à 50%. Cependant la taille et le nombre des centres urbains ne cessent de croître. Mais jusqu'à présent, le pays ne compte que deux principales villes: Ouagadougou et Bobo Dioulasso avec respectivement 441.514 et 228.668 habitants soit 70% environ de la population urbaine nationale. Les estimations de 1992 donnent à Ouagadougou 842.000 habitants et environ 400.000 à Bobo-Dioulasso. Ouagadougou, la capitale est sans doute le pôle le plus développé avec une armature urbaine assez complète, des activités et des fonctions diversifiées. Le développement urbain est ici plus perceptible qu'ailleurs, il en est autant des problèmes: équipements insuffisants et inadaptés, marginalisation des populations démunies, destruction du patrimoine naturel, forte croissance démographique. Les problèmes environnementaux sont multiples et se manifestent différemment avec plus ou moins d'acuité. C'est cet aspect précis que nous allons analyser.
Les Bisa et les Samo, séparés d’une distance de 300 kms (distance en ligne droite), ne sont pas seulement liés par leur appartenance au monde mandingue, plus une forte parenté de leurs langues, mais aussi par des ressemblances de leurs structures politiques. Tous les deux ethnies appartiennent ni aux groupes étatiques, ni aux groupes segmentaires, mais elles font partie d’un groupe intermédiaire: elles ont, comme caractéristique, une chefferie traditionnelle avec des tendances à une hiérarchisation et à une existence de cantons précoloniaux. En plus, ces deux groupes ont en commun qu’il y a des variations du système politique dans la région qu’ils habitent. Dans la première partie de cet article il est envisagé de faire une esquisse des systèmes politiques dites « traditionnels » des Bisa et des Samo sous l’égard des influences externes: précoloniales, surtout par les Mosi et des Marka, coloniales et postcoloniales. La deuxième partie sera consacrée aux processus actuels et aux perspectives d’avenir: les deux régions sont, présentement, concernées par des immigrations et interventions massives, causées par des actions d’Etat. Ces développements qui peuvent être observés dans la région samo depuis 30 ans, sont, dans la région bisa, seulement à leur début. Cela nous permet de faire une analyse pour la région samo au Sourou et une tentative à donner une perspective pour la région des Bisa.
The paper takes recourse to oral tradition and linguistics to ascertain the assertion that the presentday Kanuri and Kanembu speech forms emerged from the same parent language. In determining the parent language, the descriptions of the various components (i.e. clans and ethnic groups) of Kanuri and Kanembu are given as a first basis and the relation of each dialect of Kanuri and Kanembu to the other (i.e. dialect contiguity) is demonstrated as a second basis. Taking into consideration the sociolinguistic background of both Kanuri and Kanembu, the brief history of their divergence, the strong contention of the Borno Ulama and the dialect contiguity of the data presented, the paper concludes that Kanuri and Kanembu are initially one and the same language with ancient classical Kanembu being the parent language.
Zum Landnutzungswandel in der südlichen Sudanzone am Beispiel des Bauchi State (Nordost-Nigeria)
(1995)
In der südlichen Sudanzone Westafrikas sind die Aktivitäten des wirtschaftenden Menschen seit langer Zeit die Hauptfaktoren der Landschafts- und Vegetationsgestaltung. Die ursprüngliche natürliche Vegetationsdecke - entsprechend der klimatischen Gegebenheiten wahrscheinlich laubabwerfende Trockenwälder - ist durch anthropogene Eingriffe in vielfältiger Weise verändert oder auch gänzlich beseitigt worden. Die Veränderungen bestehen einerseits aus direkten Eingriffen durch Rodung (für Siedlungs- und Anbauflächen), die selektive Nutzung von Pflanzen (Brennholzeinschlag und Holzkohleherstellung, Bauholznutzung, Beweidung, Laubschneiteln und Sammeltätigkeiten) und durch gelegte Buschfeuer (Aufspüren von Jagdwild, Stimulanz neuen Graswachstums und "Öffnen" der Pflanzendecke vor Unterkulturnahme). Andererseits haben die anthropogenen Einwirkungen je nach Art, Intensität und Dauer auch die natürlichen Standortbedingungen (vor allem Boden, Wasserhaushalt und Klima) verändert. Nicht zu vernachlässigen sind des Weiteren die nachhaltigen Eingriffe in den Wildtierbestand. In weiten Teilen Westafrikas wurde der am Anfang des 20. Jahrhundert noch recht arten- und individuenreichen Wildtierbestand fast vollständig verdrängt oder ausgerottet. Im vorliegenden Beitrag sollen am Beispiel des südöstlichen Bauchi State die Veränderungen der allgemeinen sozioökonomischen Rahmenbedingungen und die wichtigsten Maßnahmen zur Entwicklung der Land- und Forstwirtschaft und der dadurch bedingte Landnutzungswandel skizziert werden. Ausgangspunkt ist dabei der Zustand der Landschaft zu Beginn der Kolonialzeit, die hier in der ersten Dekade des 20. Jahrhunderts begann.
Toponyme als Zeugen der Vergangenheit : Untersuchungen im nordnigerianischen Bergland der Hausa
(1995)
Toponyme können aufmerksamen Beobachtern wertvolle Hinweise auf Lebensweise und auch auf Identität oder Herkunft von Bewohnern bzw. früheren Siedlern einzelner Landstriche geben. Beispiele hierfür sind die Bezeichnungen für Naturerscheinungen wie Landschaftsformen, Flüsse bzw. Flußbetten und Gebirge, aber auch für vom Menschen geschaffene Gegebenheiten wie Siedlungen, Anbauflächen oder zu anderen Zwecken veränderter und damit genutzter Naturraum. Toponyme lassen sich jedoch nicht immer leicht entschlüsseln. Oftmals ist ein Grundwissen zur Geschichte und Lebensweise der Menschen, in deren Umfeld die Namen gebraucht werden, unerläßlich, um auf Besonderheiten überhaupt aufmerksam werden zu können. Dieser Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der Bezeichnung von Bergen, einzelnen Steinen, von Steinformationen und vom Menschen angebrachten Veränderungen an Steinen und Felsen. Als Untersuchungsraum dienten die ausschließlich von Hausa besiedelten Gebiete nördlich der Provinzhauptstadt Dutse (Jigawa-State) sowie die Region südlich von Gano, die rund 40 km südöstlich von Kano in Nordnigeria liegt.
Wasserfahrzeuge sind die ersten Verkehrsmittel der Menschheit. Es gibt Überlegungen, ob sie eine zentrale Rolle beim Vordringen der neolithischen Lebensweise nach Mitteleuropa gespielt haben, aber auch zwingende Annahmen, dass sie bereits in weitaus früherer Zeit zur globalen Verbreitung des Menschen beigetragen haben. Im Rahmen des Frankfurter Sonderforschungsbereichs "Westafrikanische Savanne" wurden im nigerianischen Teil des Tschadbeckens Untersuchungen an einem Boot vorgenommen, dessen Alter eine neue Sicht über die Beteiligung Afrikas an der Geschichte der Verkehrsmittel erfordert. Das im Folgenden vorgestellte Boot stammt aus einer Zeit, die im Tschadbecken archäologisch nur außerhalb der damaligen Erstreckung des Mega-Tschads faßbar ist und die der Erfindung der ältesten Fortbewegungsmittel der Menschheit einen originär afrikanischen Ursprung verleiht.
Probleme der Nutzung von Weideressourcen bei den Shuwa-Arabern im nigerianischen Tschadbecken
(1995)
Die Weidewirtschaft, wie die Shuwa-Araber des Tschadsee-Gebietes sie betreiben, ist ein Forschungsbereich, in dem sich die Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Mensch und Umwelt in einem Savannen-Habitat besonders deutlich nachvollziehen lassen. Die Weidepflanzen sind von Klima- und Bodenverhältnissen und die Herdentiere in einem nicht unerheblichen Maße von geomedizinischen Faktoren wie der Verbreitung der Tsetse-Fliege abhängig. Der Mensch beeinflußt durch sein wirtschaftliches Management, die Auswahl und Zucht seiner Haustiere, die Frequentierung von Weidearealen und Transhumanzrouten, künstlich angelegte Buschfeuer, Anlage von Forstreserven etc., die naturräumlichen Gegebenheiten. Er wirkt mit diesen Eingriffen auch auf Selektionsmechanismen in der Pflanzenwelt hin und gestaltet die Savanne gewissermaßen zu einer "Kulturlandschaft" um. Die Savanne Westafrikas dient zu einem Großteil als Weideland, und bei dieser Nutzungsart tritt die Interdependenz zwischen dem Menschen und seiner "natürlichen" Umwelt besonders deutlich hervor. Es ergibt sich daraus eine Vielzahl von Fragestellungen, die hier zumeist nur anzusprechen, aber nicht erschöpfend zu beantworten sind. Einige der Grundfragen für diese Thematik können wie folgt formuliert werden: - Wie "natürlich" ist der als Weideland dienende Savannenraum? - Mit welchen naturgegebenen Determinanten werden die Tierhalter konfrontiert? - Über welche kultur- bzw. ethnospezifischen "Pläne" verfügen sie, um sich den Bedingungen ihrer ökologischen Nische anzupassen? - Trägt die viehwirtschaftliche Produktion eher zur Zerstörung oder zur Bewahrung der natürlichen Ressourcen bei?
Studies on land use in Africa have usually been carried out by ethnologists or human geographers and were rarely concerned with data on the physical conditions of soil. There is hardly any issue, however, where interdependencies between natural and cultural factors are as evident as in the topic of land use. For this project the approach of three ethnologists, Braukämper, Kirscht and Platte, was therefore combined with the analysis of Thiemeyer as physical geographer. The area of research is the Local Government Area of Marte in the Nigerian State of Borno. As part of the Chad Basin this region is mainly characterised by clay sediments which are commonly labelled firgi by its inhabitants. Beside this general term, however, the local peasants clearly distinguish five types of soil (Kanuri: katti), to which different physical conditions and qualities with respect to their cultivation are attributed. The question arose how far can this popular knowledge, accumulated by agricultural experiences over generations, be correlated with scientific data. That is why samples of the mentioned types of soil were collected by the members of our team and analysed in the laboratory of the Frankfurt Institute of Physical Geography. The detailed presentation of this analysis has to be preceded by the classification of the respective soil types in the terminology of the indigenous farmers.
En se concentrant sur le thème „Migration rurale et gestion des ressources naturelles“, cette section du symposium à tiré l’attention sur un aspect très important concernant le changement de l’espace naturel et culturel dans l’air rural de Burkina Faso. A partir de cas régionaux différents au Burkina Faso, les études pluridisciplinaires se concentrent sur des aspects centraux du complexe migratoire: • les types d’appropriation de terre • l’impact de la coexistence des droits fonciers traditionnels et modernes • la dégradation des ressources naturelles
With one group generally constituting the autochthonous host - representing the core population in the centre - immigrant groups tend to reside in separate ethnic wards and even work in wards/quartiers identified with their ethno-specific crafts and trades - and often named after them. The socio-lingustic survey will therefore use available and new maps and ethno-linguistic statistics: For the former, the urban surveys by the Max Lock Company of north-eastern Nigeria have been of great help, but have to be updated ; for the latter, various censuses had to be supplemented by more recent information . With ethno-linguistic wards constituting enclaves which can only interact through a language or languages in common, we can apply the general model of the triglottic configuration by positing x territorial and y immigrant, ethnic languages of solidarity; one general urban community language or lingua franca of interaction; and the official language of authority and administration. This language of authority was formerly a local aristolect (Kanuri or Fulfulde), but is now mostly an exolect - English or French. This short presentation concerns ongoing work in urban socio-lingustics developed in Maiduguri over some 15 years.
Changes in settlement pattern and culture - the process of down-hill migration in Tula, Bauchi State
(1996)
The process of down-hill migration of the Tula people started during the 1920s and has not yet finished. The resulting present situation might give information how far terraces play any role in the economy, ecology and ideology of the Tula. Approaching this question from a socio-agricultural point of view some facts which indicate the pertaining or overcoming of traditional structures will be presented. In the following the land tenure system, the adoption of innovations and the role of women in agriculture will be discussed comparatively for Tula Wange and Tula Baule on the plateau, Fantami, which is generated by down-hill dwellers of Tula Wange, with its more or less bad farming conditions on shallow sandy soils and Kaltin, where the down migrants of Tula Baule settle in a more fertile area. Tula Wange numbers around 2000 households, Baule 1000, Fantami about 200 and Kaltin 350 of which the sample survey includes 15% in the plateau sites and 25% in the plain settlements.