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Der Begriff des doing gender als interaktive Inszenierung des sozialen Geschlechts (gender) hat sich auch in der Linguistik etabliert und ist vor allem für die Sprachverwendung bzw.- Gesprächslinguistik fruchtbar gemacht worden. Doch selbst etwas so biologisch determiniert Erscheinendes wie weibliche und männliche Stimmen, ihre Höhe, ihre Verlaufsmuster, sind konstruierter, als man dies bisher für möglich gehalten hatte. Der am stärksten und radikalsten segregierte sprachliche Bereich, die Rufnamen, wurde für das Deutsche erst 2003 mit der Arbeit "Naming Gender" von Susanne Oelkers empirisch auf die Kodierung von Geschlecht hin untersucht. Erstmals wird systematisch nachgewiesen, dass und worin sich Frauen- und Männernamen phonologisch-strukturell voneinander unterscheiden, außerdem, dass wir diese Geschlechtszuordnungen auch bei uns unbekannten Namen vornehmen. Das heißt, es besteht ein kollektives Wissen darüber, wie weibliche und männliche Rufnamen beschaffen sind.
Die Familiennamen sind als einziger Bereich der europäischen Sprachen in ihrer ausgeprägten räumlichen Vielfalt noch höchst unzureichend erfasst. Noch sind die geschichtlich gewachsenen Namenlandschaften in erstaunlicher Stabilität erhalten. Sie werden im Bereich der Bundesrepublik Deutschland durch den seit 2005 in Kooperation der Universitäten Freiburg und Mainz in Angriff genommenen und durch die DFG geförderten 'Deutschen Familiennamenatlas' (OFA) auf der Basis von Telefonanschlüssen (Stand 2005) dokumentiert. Im vorliegenden Beitrag werden Vorarbeiten, Ziele, Gesamtanlage des Projekts, Systematik und Repräsentativität der Themenauswahl in den beiden Hauptteilen (grammatischer und lexikalischer Teil) sowie Kriterien und Methoden der inhaltlichen Konzipierung und formalen Gestaltung der Karten und Kommentare vorgestellt und begründet. Aus den genannten Vorarbeiten werden auch schon Perspektiven künftiger Auswertung der in den Datenbanken archivierten Materialien und der im Atlas exemplarisch dokumentierten Strukturen der Namenlandschaften ersichtlich.
In this article we examine and "exapt" Wurzel's concept of superstable markers in an innovative manner. We develop an extended view of superstability through a critical discussion of Wurzel's original definition and the status of marker-superstability versus allomorphy in Natural Morphology: As we understand it, superstability is - above and beyond a step towards uniformity - mainly a symptom for the weakening of the category affected (cf. 1.,2. and 4.). This view is exemplified in four short case studies on superstability in different grammatical categories of four Germanic languages: genitive case in Mainland Scandinavian and English (3.1), plural formation in Dutch (3.2), second person singular ending -st in German (3.3), and ablaut generalisation in Luxembourgish (3.4).
In order to understand the specific structures and features of the German surnames the most important facts about their emergence and history should be outlined and, at the same time, be compared with the Swedish surnames because there are considerable differences (for further details cf. Nubling 1997 a, b). First of all, surnames in Germany emerged rather early, with the first instances occurring in the 11th century in southern Germany; by the 16th century surnames were common all over Germany. Differences are related to geography (from south to north), social class (from the upper to the lower classes) und urban versus rural areas.
Auto - bil, Reha - rehab, Mikro - mick, Alki - alkis : Kurzwörter im Deutschen und Schwedischen
(2001)
Das Kurzwort wird nach BELLMANN 1980 und KOBLER-TRILL 1994 definiert als eine sowohl graphisch als auch phonisch realisierte gekürzte Form, die aus einem längeren sog. Basislexem (einschließlich eines Wortgruppenlexems) hervorgeht (im Folgenden auch Vollform genannt). Dabei besteht zwischen Kurzwort und Basislexem, die weiterhin nebeneinander bestehen, eine Synonymie-Beziehung, d.h. beide referieren auf das gleiche Objekt (vgl. Limo und Limonade, Kripo und Kriminalpolizei).
In schwedischen Krankenhäusern ist es selbstverständlich, einen Krankenpfleger mit Syster 'Schwester' anzusprechen (also z.B. Syster Nils 'Schwester Nils'). Auch die Berufsbezeichnung von Schwester Nils ist weiblich: Er ist sjuksköterska, wörtlich 'Krankenpflegerin' (-ska ist schwedisches Movierungssuffix), also 'Krankenschwester'. Der im Schwedischen ganz geläufige Satz han är sjuksköterska 'er ist Krankenschwester' klingt für deutsche Ohren ungrammatisch. Vor etwa 30 Jahren war dies in Schweden nicht anders, doch hat man dieses Problem auf andere Weise gelöst als in Deutschland: Im Schwedischen ist die Sexusneutralisierung weiblicher Personen bezeichnungen möglich, genauer: möglich gemacht worden, während dies in Deutschland als unzulässiger Eingriff ins Sprachsystem betrachtet wird.
Extremely short verbs can be found in various Genn::.,nic languages and dialects; the sterns of these verbs do not have a fInal consonant «C-)C-V), and they always have a monosyllabic infinitive and usually monosyllabic fInite forms as weIl. Examples for these 'kinds of short verbs are Swiss Gennan hä 'to have', gö 'to go', g~ 'to give', n~ 'to take' which correspond to the Swedish verbs ha, gä, ge and tao The last example shows that such short verb formations also occur with verbs having (nearly) identical meanings but which do not share the same etymology. Apart from their shortness, these verbs are characterized by a high degree of irregularity, often even by suppletion, which sometimes develops contrary to regular sound laws. Furthermore they are among the most-used verbs and often tend towards grammaticalization. The present paper compares the short verbs of seven Germanic languages; in addition, it describes their various ways of development and strategies of differentiation. Moreover, it examines the question of why some languages and dialects (e.g. Swiss German, Frisian, Swedish, Norwegian) have many short verbs while others (New High German, Icelandic, Faroese) only have few, the paper discusses the contribution of short verbs to questions concerning linguistic change and the morphological organization of languages.
Extremely short verbs can be found in various Germanic languages and dialects; the roots of these verbs do not have a final consonant «C)-C-V), and they always have a monosyllabic infinitive and usually monosyllabic finite forms as well. Examples for these kinds of short verbs are Swiss German hä'to have', gä 'to go', gifii 'to give', nifif 'to take' which correspond to the Swedish verbs ha, ga, ge and ta. The last example shows that such shore verb formations also occur with verbs which do not share the same etymology. Apart from shortness, short verbs are characterized by a high degree of irregularity, often even by suppletion, which sometimes develops against sound laws. Furthermore they are among the most used verbs and often tend to grammaticalization. The present paper compares the short verbs of seven Germanic languages; in addition, it describes their various ways of development and strategies of differentiation. Moreover, it exarnines the question of why some languages and dialects (e.g., Swiss German, Frisian, Swedish, Norwegian) have many shore verbs while others (New High German, Icelandic, Faroese) do not. Finally, the paper discusses the contribution of shore verbs to questions concerning linguistic change and the morphological organization of languages.
Eigennamen vereinen viele Besonderheiten auf sich. Dazu gehört, dass wir im Fall der Rufnamen (= Vornamen) direkten und freien Zugriff auf ein riesiges Nameninventar haben, d. h. Eltern können ihr Kind, linguistisch betrachtet ein neues Referenzobjekt, mit einem (oder mehreren) Namen eigener Wahl versehen. Darin sind sie heute vollkommen frei, d. h. die Namen werden fast nur noch nach Geschmack (Wohlklang/Euphonie, Harmonie zum Familiennamen etc.) ausgesucht. Diese sog. freie Namenwahl ist noch nicht sehr alt, etwa gut 100 Jahre. Bis ins 19. Jh. hinein galt (mehr oder weniger) die sog. gebundene Namenwahl, d.h. die Nachbenennung der Kinder nach Familienangehörigen, nach Paten, nach Heiligen, nach Herrschern und anderen Personen.
In diesem Artikel wird erstmals der Wandel der phonologischen und prosodischen Strukturen der deutschen Rufnamen seit 1945 bis heute (2008) bezüglich der Kennzeichnung von Sexus beziehungsweise Gender untersucht. Auf der Grundlage der 20 häufigsten Rufnamen wird gezeigt, wie weibliche und männliche Namen sich diachron im Hinblick auf ihre Sonorität, die verwendeten Vokale (besonders im Nebenton), Hiate, Konsonantencluster, die Silbenzahl und das Akzentmuster verändern. Das wichtigste Ergebnis ist, dass heute die Rufnamen beider Geschlechter strukturell so ähnlich sind wie nie zuvor. Damit hat sich seit dem 2. Weltkrieg eine Androgynisierung vollzogen.
German linking elements are sometimes classified as inflectional affixes, sometimes as derivational affixes, and in any case as morphological units with at least seven realisations (e.g. -s-, -es-, -(e)n-, -e-). This article seeks to show that linking elements are hybrid elements situated between morphology and phonology. On the one hand, they have a clear morphological status since they occur only within compounds (and before a very small set of suffixes) and support the listener in decoding them. On the other hand, they also have to be analysed on the phonological level, as will be shown in this article. Thus, they are marginal morphological units on the pathway to phonology (including prosodics). Although some alloforms can sometimes be considered former inflectional endings and in some cases even continue to demonstrate some inflectional behaviour (such as relatedness to gender and inflection class), they are on their way to becoming markers of ill-formed phonological words. In fact, linking elements, above all the linking -s-, which is extremely productive, help the listener decode compounds containing a bad phonological word as their first constituent, such as Geburt+s+tag ‘birthday’ or Religion+s+unterricht ‘religious education’. By marking the end of a first constituent that differs from an unmarked monopedal phonological word, the linking element aids the listener in correctly decoding and analysing the compound. German compounds are known for their length and complexity, both of which have increased over time—along with the occurrence of linking elements, especially -s-. Thus, a profound instance of language change can be observed in contemporary German, one indicating its typological shift from syllable language to word language.
Was tun mit Flexionsklassen? : Deklinationsklassen und ihr Wandel im Deutschen und seinen Dialekten
(2008)
"Warum Flexionsklassen?" lautet ein synchron ausgerichteter Aufsatz von BERND WIESE (2000), an den dieser Beitrag aus diachroner und dialektaler Perspektive anschließt. Das hier zur Diskussion stehende Phänomen, nämlich die notorische Persistenz von Flexionsklasse (im Folgenden "FK") über Jahrhunderte, ja sogar Jahrtausende hinweg, dürfte noch eines der größten linguistischen Rätsel darstellen, die ihrer Lösung harren. HASPELMATH (2002, 115) eröffnet in seinem Band "Understanding Morphology" das Kapitel über "Inflectional paradigms" mit folgenden Worten: "Perhaps the most important challenge for an insightful description of inflection is the widespread existence of allomorphy in many languages."
Je nach regionaler Herkunft realisieren Sprecher des Deutschen die beiden Wörter "Verein" und "überall" unterschiedlich. [...] Der Grundgedanke dieser sprachtypologischen Unterscheidung, bei der wir uns hauptsächlich auf die Arbeiten von P. Auer (1993, 1994, 2001) sowie P. Auer / S. Uhmann (1988) beziehen, besteht darin, dass alle Sprachen eine Form von Isochronie anstreben.
Fluch- und Schimpfwortschätze sind aus kontrastiver Perspektive bisher kaum analysiert worden, sieht man von einer Vielzahl populärwissenschaftlicher Publikationen ab. Wissenschaftliche Publikationen beziehen sich meist auf eine Einzelsprache und greifen bei der Erklärung der Motive oft zu kurz, weil sie gerade benachbarte Kulturen und Sprachen (auch Dialektgebiete) zu wenig im Blick haben (Dundes 1983). Der vorliegende Beitrag leistet eine vergleichende Zusammenstellung der Fluch- und Schimpfwortschätze dreier mehr oder weniger benachbarter Sprachen, des (nördlichen) Niederländischen, des Deutschen und des Schwedischen, also zweier eng verwandter westgermanischer und einer nordgermanischen Sprache.
Gli Autori presentano i risultati preliminari dello studio interdisciplinare (geostratigrafia e paleopedologia; palinologia; malaccfaune; faune mammologiche; industrie; datazioni raiometriche) dei depositi würmiani, fortemente antropizzati, del Riparo Tagliente in Valpantena (Monti Lessini). I depositi più antichi, riferibili al I Pleniglaciale wiirmiano e alla parte iniziale del Würm medio, contengono industrie del Paleolitico Medio e della fase arcaica del Paleolitico Superiore (Aurignaziano a dufours). Una fase erosiva, la deposizione di ghiale fluviali all'esterno del riparo e fenomeni di geliflusso sono riconducibili al II Pleniglaciale würmiano. I depositi più recenti, riferibili al Tardiglaciale (dal Dryas antico all'oscillazione di Alleriöd), hanno dato industrie dell'Epigravettiano italico finale e altri resti di occupazione antropica del riparo (strutture di abitato, oggetti ornamentali, una sepoltura, opere d'arte). Le sequenze di industrie musteriane cd epigravcttianc del Riparo Tngliente costituiscono attualmente il punto di riferimento fondamentale per lo studio dei complessi del Paleolitico Medio e della fine del Paleolitico Superiore nell'Italia nordorientale.
A population of wild Rattus rattus living in the roofs of the laboratory buildings was studied by supplying food every evening and watching the behaviour of the animals at the feeding place. Some observations were also made on caged animals. The rats were predominantly of the black rattus variety but white-bellied greys appeared now and then. In breeding tests the grey colour behaved as though determined by a single recessive gene. The study covered two periods of approximately 9 months each, separated by an interval of 3 months during which a reduced quantity of food was provided and the rat population underwent a major decline. During the two periods of richer feeding the population first increased and then stabilized at a level where the animals remained in good condition and there was no starvation. In the first 9-month period, stabilization was achieved by emigration of young adults who colonized neighbouring buildings. Towards the end of the second period, stabilization was achieved by limitation of breeding. The rats accepted a wide variety of foods, including meat, and a number of instances of predation were seen. Small vertebrates as well as insects were killed and eaten. Small pieces of food were usually eaten in situ but large bits were taken up to the nests in the roof. Such differential treatment in relation to size may be a factor of some importance in the evolution of hoarding. The rats visiting the feeding place formed a unit with a definite social structure. A single dominant male and never more than one, was always present and in certain circumstances a linear male hierarchy was formed. There were usually two or three mutually tolerant top ranking females who were subordinate to the top male but dominant to all other members of the group. Within the group attacks were directed downwards in the social scale. An attacked subordinate either fled or appeased and serious fights therefore did not develop. The most essential component of the appease. ment appeared to be a mouth to mouth contact which may be derived from the infantile pattern of 'mouth suckling'. Appeasement permitted superior rats to maintain their status without the necessity of carrying attacks on subordinates to the point where actual hurt was inflicted. A group territory round the feeding place was defended against interlopers. Both sexes took part in chasing out intruders but since males showed inhibition in attacking females, the exclusion of strange females was due principally to the activities of the home females. The point at which pursuit of an intruder stopped was regarded as the territorial boundary. This was also the limit beyond which a group member would not allow himself to be chased but it was not a prison wall. When agonistic tendencies were not aroused the animals no longer always I turned back at the boundary and foraging beyond its limits allowed them to become familiar with an area larger than the territory. Although intruders were normally driven out, it was occasionally possible for a particularly determined animal of either sex to force its way in and ultimately become a member of the group. The patterns of behaviour seen are described, particularly those concerned with hostile encounters and with mating. Scent marking with urine drip trails was not seen but adults of both sexes marked by rubbing the cheeks and ventral surface on branches. The circumstances in which tooth gnashing was heard suggest that this behaviour is not a form of threat but a response to unfamiliar auditory or visual stimuli. There was some evidence that it functioned as an alarm signal within the group. Pilo-erection and a gait or posture with the hind legs much extended ('stegosauring') are considered to function as threats. Pilo-erection occurred in situations where there was little to suggest conflict and is considered to represent a form of threat which has undergone emancipation. Various forms of displacement and ambivalent behaviour were seen. Rapid vibration of the tail occurred in thwarting situations, either during mating or when a defeated opponent suddenly vanished. There was no evidence that it acted as a signal. The common form of amicable behaviour was social grooming. Another amicable action was sitting together with the bodies in contact. Animals reared in cages remained shy and wary and even hand reared young developed the usual alarm responses to movement and noises. Females had their first litters at ages of 3 to 5 months. For first litters gestation periods were 21 to 22 days but in females that were simultaneously lactating they ranged from 23 to 29 days. Eight was the commonest litter number and ten the highest recorded. At birth the tail is very much shorter than the body but has outstripped it by the time the youngster emerges from the nest. This was found to be the result of a period of extremely rapid tail growth immediately preceding emergence. In Rattus norvegicus the peak in tail growth rate was found to be later and less striking. The difference is interpreted as related to the importance of the tail in climbing in the more arboreal R. rattus. During the second week of life an edge response (retreat from a declivity) and a clinging response made their appearance: these have the function of preventing accidental falls from a nest situated above ground level. Mouth suckling was seen only during a period of a few days towards the end of lactation. Play developed within a few days of emergence from the nest: locomotor and fighting play were the common types. Older animals occasionally joined in play with the young. In problem solving tests, first solutions were not insightful but once a solution had been found, the successful technique was at once adopted and subsequently perfected. There was no evidence of learning by imitation but the rats did learn from each other's behaviour that food could be obtained at a certain location and thus the solution of a problem by one rat accelerated its independent solution by others. The reasons for the differences between the behaviour of the free living population and the caged animals studied by other authors are discussed.