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This book discusses various issues related to university governance in Africa, with a specific focus on current dynamics. It provides an understanding of the changes in the governance structures of higher education institutions. The book will appeal to those who wish to transform Africa in the context of the knowledge economy.
When, why and how can religion and culture be both sources, and places of expression for fundamentalisms, particularly in relation to politics? Those are the central questions asked throughout this book alongside a discussion on the result when religion, strenthened by culture, is used as a political tool to access moral and social power. Cultural and religious messages often form the basis of decisions, laws and programs made in politics, and have a direct effect on society in general, and on women and gender relations in particular. The various forms taken by fundamentalisms in some African countries and the contexts under which they have emerged, the ways in which they (re)shape identities and relationships between men and women are also analysed in this book. These fundamentalisms are frequently sources of concern in social debates, in feminist and feminine organizations as well as in academia and politics. The manipulation of cultures and religions are becoming progressively political, and consequently can cause social discrimination, or even physical, moral, and symbolic violence.
Achieving a new integration of Africa into the world economy in the neoliberal era prompts discussion of the success and failure of economic policies undertaken so far in African countries; And how to address the factors that currently hamper Africa's development in a globalized economy. What does globalization mean for Africa? What changes does it imply? Which models of development impose, and under what conditions? A comprehension essay is presented in this book.
CODESRIA, UNFEMMES and UNESCO, partner in research, the results of which for Senegal are set out in this book. It has been found that, despite their demographic weight, women are still marginalized in key sectors of the economy. Compared to men, they are less educated (often for cultural reasons), less paid, more likely to work in the informal sector, with a higher level of vulnerability and vulnerability. Faced with neoliberal globalization, they are the greatest victims of economic, financial and political crises. At the sociopolitical level, they continue to be subjected to multiple and multifaceted violence and are still very little involved in making decisions governing their lives and their society. Moreover, the social division of labor in households reinforces, more than ever, the invisibility of the tasks linked to their role of reproduction.
To claim its culture, to demand its right to cultural diversity or to proclaim its belonging to a group of believers and to seize the flag of that belief in order to perpetrate actions that are then called 'holy', to terrorize others by imposing their vision Of things and its law, are undoubtedly two of the most worrying features of the entry of our societies in the twenty-first century which is beginning. This is why the texts gathered here have been judged to be appropriate, to open a serious and methodical reflection on religion and culture in Africa at the threshold of the 21st century. The contributions gathered in this volume are opened by an interrogation and, rather than closed, end with an opening on research horizons. There is something here to open up and nourish the inquiries which alone or in structured groups the specialists in the sciences of man are invited to imagine and lead on the religion and culture of Africa today.
This multidisciplinary work shows the movement today of academic research in social sciences in Senegal.
The struggle for independence and the unity of African countries was at its peak during the period between 1945 and 1960. These testing times turned out to be the formative years of the young Amady Aly Dieng, and set the stage for an eventful life of commitment and challenges of all sorts for someone who ? along with other young African students, many of whom later became leaders of their respective countries ? integrated the leadership of student organizations in France, honing his militant skills at the forefront of the intellectual and political struggle for independence and the unity of the nascent sovereign nations. Amady Aly Dieng?s memoirs are primarily meant to inspire young Africans toward taking action towards true independence and development. These memoirs reflect the historic evolution of youth militancy in Africa and are to serve as an inspiration to leaders of Africa today and tomorrow.
The advent of formal independence in former French colonies in Black Africa meant the dawn of a new era: the struggle against neocolonialism. African students rallying around this struggle became new strangers and targets for expulsion out of France. The French government of the time resorted, therefore, to massive expulsions against their labour and political organizations. The implementation in 1956 of the Loi-cadre Gaston Defferre ? meant to divide up Black Africa under French dominion ? and the ensuing explosion of the two great AOF and AEF federations along with the cancellation of scholarship federal commissions will considerably weaken the Fédération des étudiants d?Afrique noire en France (FEANF) [African Student Federation in France] in favour of territorial sections. This meant that African governments were to take charge of their own students. In turn, the former used their embassies and scholarship territorial commissions to squelch those student organizations that were hostile to their collaboration with the French authorities. Among the repressive strategies were the cancellation of scholarships and grants to hotels and residences that were reserved for their students (La Maison de la Côte d?Ivoire, du Gabon, de la Haute Volta, du Congo, d?AOF), the creation of pro-government associations such as that of the Senegalese Progressive Union (UPS), the Student Movement for the African and Malagasy Organization (MEOCAM), and the National Union for Students of Côte d?Ivoire (UNECI). This marked the beginning of the decline of the Fédération des étudiants d?Afrique noire en France (FEANF). The worm had entered the fruit of unity with the implementation of the Loi-cadre.
This book on Professor Samir Amin retraces his family origins, intellectual itinerary, political struggles as well as his experience in economic policy formulation in Egypt, Mali and many other countries. The fundamentals which shaped Samir Amin's thinking, directed his life-long work and influenced his action spawned from his early discovery in high school of Marxism and Historical Materialism, used as a scientific analysis of the history of human societies. This book also highlights Samir Amin's invaluable contribution to the struggle against capitalism through his indefatigable fight to deconstruct the concepts that are used to disguise the true face of historical capitalism, which is nothing but an unabashed pursuit for accumulation and dispossession of dominated countries and peoples. Through a series of interviews with Samir Amin, the author unravels the poignant and great ideas which have been at the heart of his intellectual and political fight for the last half century. The author also provides a selection of texts which includes an exhaustive bibliography, with all published writings of Samir Amin in French. This rich work is meant for a large readership - students, researchers, teachers, political leaders and citizens who are interested in the phenomenon of globalisation and its impact on the so-called 'under-developed countries.
An analysis of natural resources in the Central African Republic has shown that the country has a strong national potential and a diversified ecosystem. However, the economy has drastically deteriorated over the years owing to mismanagement. As a result, people's welfare has become increasingly critical, reaching now the level of what can be called 'acute misery'. While studying issues of governance and the stabilisation of the economic system, this book pays a special attention to the analysis of the structural and contextual evolution of the economy of the Central African Republic. The study is a longitudinal assessment of the acts and undertakings spanning from the colonial times through 2003. A consideration of which tool to use to reach a particular economic goal requires, first and foremost, asking the question: 'If the goal is reached, are we capable of stabilizing the system?' This book is written as a guide for political decision making and a rational basis for economic policy making, through its analysis of the possible implications of instruments of target-oriented economic policy, the possible usage of rare resources, the costs of particular decisions, the sacrifice incurred by particular choices, etc. The major concern is about what the economist can bring in to prevent blind decision making: what rules can decision makers put in place to improve living conditions in the community.
How really worth are the African endogenous knowledge and know-how? Why and how can we promote this inheritage, while the so-called western scientific model looks like the best means of knowing and mastering the world? This book answers these questions by examining ifa, a West-African system of knowledge and practices which a narrow knowledge reduces to a fanciful divinatory art, an art then logically 'perceived as inconsistent and theoretically useless'. Yet, more than a divinatory art, ifa, when we submit it to analysis, appears to be an organized set of knowledge and researches, a science in the making. What makes us really think that way is the intellectual vocation that defines ifa, the rigor of the logical operations that it implies and which recalls in one way or the other the game of implicit mathematics, the objectivity requirement which is valued by the actors of the system and rests on a genuine critical tradition. This opinion is also based on the weight of myths upon which ifa rests and which constitute an important granary where a prominent set of knowledge is packed. Beyond the establishment of the consistency and the limitations of ifa, this book has strived to define a 'method' of examination and validation of the knowledge which has emerged out of the official scientific system. In fact, the questions which arise from it are finally intended to give a new foundation to philosophy of sciences and to epistemology.
Re-thinking African Economies for Development is delivered in the particularly historic context of the fiftieth independence anniversary of most African countries. This moment, therefore, calls for an assessment and suggestions for new alternatives. African countries have been searching for models of development since attaining political independence. Taking cognizance of the fact that African economies are today stuck in an impasse, many innovative ideas are proffered by the contributors to this book for new development strategies. These ideas are essentially hinged upon the successful experience of countries in Asia and Latin America, and the need to reform the State and bring about development. African intellectuals are called upon in this book to rise up to their responsibility for the production of innovative knowledge that can be used by public and private sector decision makers to raise their communities out of poverty. In this publication, issues of industrialization and diversification of African economies are raised again to decry their limited specialization which exacerbates their vulnerability toward crises. This, to a large extent, is at the root of Africas marginal status in global trade. Special attention ought to be given to those thousands of micro-economy stakeholders who are actually the backbone of African economies. Regional integration is more and more seen as an imperative for economic development in the context of Africas small sized countries that often fall prey to a great deal of political instability. The issue of financing of development is re-visited, and new ideas are put forth to better channel foreign direct investment and public revenue towards building a more viable monetary and financial system.
The dramatic sociopolitical crisis which befell Côte d'Ivoire in September 2002 gave birth to an unprecedented political zeal. Immigration, the other, ethno-nationalism, nationalism, patriotism, civil war, youth at risk - such are the words that describe the Côte d'Ivoire' situation. Attempts to explain the 'crisis' in this country, known in recent past as 'relatively peaceful', mainly happen through media 'sensationalism'. This translates at the same time the almost complete control of the scoop media which renders the understanding of the situation only possible through such outlets. The ability of media professionals to coin words through which social history is reflected upon has the effect of complicating the task of social and human sciences while also appearing as stimulating at the same time. Understanding complex situations is now a crossroad of confusion between the simple and the simplified. The challenge for social and human sciences is, therefore, to resume its rightful place by presenting social and political realities in their complexity. Contributions in this book attempt to rid simple words of their excessive simplification to enable an understanding of social and political ills as well as the sense of history. This book is to be taken as a look from within. The challenge here is to take a step back and disconnect the real from the surprising which prevents a deep analysis of realities emanating from a historical process that is relatively long. At the heart of that process resides the paradoxical re-invention of the self through violence, though in the name of democracy. The 2010 post-electoral crisis and the intensity of the violence which characterized it are once again a demonstration of the relevance of the violence-democracy paradox and the on-going exercise of objectivity.
This book re-examines historical, ethnographic and anthropological productions in various spaces in Senegambia. Just like language, material culture in original forms is powerful in the transmission and affirmation of identity. Unfortunately, archeology has so far played a very minor role in this domain in Senegambia, as the discipline has been confined to the study of eras know as prehistoric and protohistoric, which are little known by story tellers and other traditional communicators. It is generally agreed that archeology generates more inclusive knowledge, given the fact that the essential source of identity for all societal strata is based on the production, consumption, rejection or recycling of material culture. This book democratizes knowledge generation by giving prominence to the social life and identities of ordinary individuals who are often invisible in written and oral sources.
A re-conceptualisation of the health question and approaches based on the questioning of dominant paradigms are therefore needed to confront the on-going health crisis and put Africa on track for development.
Reason is not the monopoly of any particular group or culture. It is a universal human quality. Nevertheless, it should be recognised that reason manifests itself differently from one culture to another. Do we therefore admit that these forms are distinctly plural or should we, on the contrary, recognise the possibility of a meeting and, if need be, of an ordered confrontation that would guarantee, beyond this obvious diversity, a unity of human reason? This book with contributions in both English and French is the result of a debate on this question, during a conference co-organised by UNESCO and the 'Centre Africain des Hautes Etudes de Porto-Novo' on the theme 'The Meeting of Rationalities' held in Porto-Novo in Benin in September 2002, during the 26th General Assembly of the International Board of Philosophy and Human Sciences (CIPH). Several well-known researchers participated in that debate, amongst whom Richard Rorty (United States), Meinrad Hebga (Cameroon), Harris Memel-Fot? (C?te d'Ivoire), and more than seventy philosophers, historians, anthropologists, literary critics, and psychoanalysts from various countries. Paulin J. Hountondji is a Professor of Philosophy at the National University of Benin Republic, joint-laureate of Mohamed El Fasi 2004 prize. He is the Director of the African Centre of Higher Education in Porto-Novo. The American version of his book ? philosophie africaine ? : critique de l'ethnophilosophie (Paris, Maspero 1976) (African philosophy, Myth and Reality, Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1983) was awarded the Herskovits Prize in 1984. The book is part of the 100 best African books of the 20th century selected in Accra in the year 2000. Hountondji has recently published The Struggle for Meaning: Reflections on Philosophy, Culture and Democracy in Africa (Ohio University Press, 2002) and edited several publications, including Endogenous Knowledge: Research Trails, (Dakar: CODESRIA, 1997). Paulin J. Hountondji has served as the Vice-President of the International Board of Philosophy and Human Sciences (CIPH) and also of CODESRIA.
This book highlights the importance of Pan-Africanism in view of reasserting its pivotal role in the economic integration of the continent. For Africans to co-exist and aspire to a much needed dynamic and social community, there is need for a common understanding of their shared histories and projects. The contributions analyse regional identities that derive from an observed syncretism between traditional culture, Islamic religion and modernity. The example of interregional relations is tangible proof of the difficult negotiation of imposed international axiological constraints. From this perspective, the new partnership between the North and the South ought to be the responsibility of all and sundry, in which social or state actors are capable of communicating and putting forward their various rationalities for discussion. In this way, the South-South dialectic will find its place: regionalisation will as such promote solidarity between peoples and the reinvention of great democratic values.
Algeria Facing Globalisation is a contribution by intellectuals (researchers, trade-unionists, members of associative movements) to the intellectual and material crisis which Algeria has gone through since the 1980s. The crisis, evident in the new economic downturn created by globalisation, has manifested itself through a genuine right of interference, then, at the end of the violence, through the search for new insertion into a world dominated by one super-power and by a neo-liberal economy. The contributions are strategic, assess public policies and their outcomes, and provide solutions for the crisis. Three of the contributions are of global interest and underscore, on the one hand, the crisis as turning point, with respect to Algeria's economic situation, and to trends in policies before 1988 (Mohamed Moulfi). On the other hand, the contributions underscore strategies by actors that are a disservice to reform policies and nurture corruption and the shambling of the economy (Rachid Tlem?ani). Five contributions are on sector-based policies: education (Ahmed Djebbar), banking and financial system (Fatima Zohra Oufriha), environment and sustainable development (Azzouz Kerdoun), rural development (Omar Benbekhti) and the implications of the law on Hydrocarbons (Farid Benyoucef). The authors assess the repercussions of external constraints (world market for oil and agricultural products, new information and communication technologies, and the financial market). The contributions on social movements (Ahmed Chouicha), women (Souad Bendjaballah and Fatima Zohra Sa?) and intellectuals (Tayeb Chenntouf) endeavour to assess the potentials of social transformation. Last but not least, the concluding contribution is an interim assessment of the situation (Tayeb Chenntouf). It provides potential means for solving the crisis: the setting up of a new historic block with its two essential components, namely, the development of a project for the future and mobilisation of social actors capable of implementing it. Today, once again, Algeria seems to be at the crossroads.
This book is an uncompromising analysis of Senegal's decentralisation policy in rural areas. It discusses the state's inability to promote local development, despite this being its main raison d'?tre in a context of poverty. To identify reasons for the shortcomings, the author goes beyond policy statements and explores, sociologically, the compatibility of the behaviour and the cultural context of actors with the pursuance of local development objectives. Yet, there are indeed solutions to the actors' lethargy and to the weak coverage of the initiatives undertaken. The solutions can be found in the methodical and civic mobilisation around more ambitious actions that are more adapted to receptive localities, though opened to modernity and perfectly anchored in the culture for positive results. Rosnert Ludovic Alissoutin holds a PhD in Law. Since 1995, he has been working as a consultant on development issues in Senegal and Africa, particularly local development issues. The particularity of his approach lies in the rejection of scientific exclusivism and recourse to a multi disciplinary, open and flexible analysis of the complexity of human development. It is this perspective that informed his doctoral thesis on La Gestion de l'eau en milieu aride, which discusses legal, anthropological, geographical, and sociological issues. For additional information on his profile and work, visit his website: http://www.ralissoutin.com.
' ''The 30th Anniversary of CODESRIA, held in Dakar in December 2003 under the theme ''''Intellectuals, Nationalism and the Pan-African Ideal'''', yielded an impressive crop of papers. This book brings together eight of the numerous papers presented on Regional Integration, Democracy and Pan-Africanism, amongst which are those by Bernard Founou-Tchuigoua, Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan and Alexis Adand?. Each author explores from a special angle questions related to regional integration, democracy or Pan-Africanism. The contributions explore the diversity of paradigms which have been forged or applied on the African continent during the last century, especially in the course of the liberation movement and early post- independence era. Indeed, these paradigms, which largely remain relevant, are re-appraised in the light of contemporary realities.'''
Pour faire face ? l'inefficacit? du mod?le ?tatique de d?veloppement des ann?es 1960-1970, les initiatives priv?es et l'entreprenariat ont ?t? encourag?s comme un moyen de sortir les ?conomies africaines au suddu Sahara de leur marasme chronique. Dans le cas de la R?publique d?mocratique du Congo, ce changement d'orientation ?conomique a entrain? l'?mergence de micro et petites entreprises qui -compte tenu deleur manque de structuration, de leur ?volution en marge du cadre l?gal, de leurs insuffisances intrins?ques ? pourvoir des emplois durables et deleur faible impact socio-?conomique- ont montr? leur limite quant ? leur capacit? de fournir un gage de d?veloppement durable. Avec une approche m?thodologique bas?e sur la micro-?conomie, la statistique et l'?conom?trie, ce livre scrute l'environnement ?conomique, mais aussi l?gal et financier dans lequel ?voluent les PME congolaises. Ce livre tente aussi de r?pondre aux questions li?es aux facteurs decroissance, aux conditions et m?canismes qui doivent constituer lesoubassement du d?veloppement des PME dans le contexte de la RDC. Un d?veloppement qui facilitera la transition vers l'?re de l'entreprise capitaliste moderne. Emmanuel-Gustave Kintambu Mafukuest Professeur titulaire ?l'Universit? de Kinshasa et ? l'Universit? Kongo ? Mbanza-Ngungu. Il estle directeur du Centre de promotion de la petite et moyenne entreprise(CEPRO/PME) et le coordonnateur du Groupe National de Travail (GNT)sur la RDC.
This book seeks to explain the events that have been taking place in C?te d'Ivoire since 1999 and which are commonly referred to as 'la crise ivoirienne' (the Ivorian crisis). It seems that the day to day interpretation of the events did not provide a satisfactory explanation of the deep fracture and that it was necessary to reconsider the essentialist theoretical categories that are striving to impose on us a false view, made cumbersome by ethnocentric prejudices. To avoid falling into the trap of the day to day interpretation of events will require an in-depth questioning of the causes of the foreseen collapse of the Ivorian model. Having a grasp on the historical meaning of facts is required in examining the sequence and interconnection of events which we always need to rule on the historical weight in order to gauge the tragic trend of the social dynamics. While looking for the causes of the social and political rift, the authors of this volume started by asking a central question: How does the weight of the modern Ivorian society formation intervene in the modalities of the actions of individuals and current collectivities? The brutal and violent fracture which the Ivorian social formation underwent brings forth, once again, the issue of collective identities and unveils, at the same time, the challenges related to the incomplete nature of the construction of 'Nation States' in Africa. In fact, it is a mistake to think that the crisis spontaneously started among partisan higher authorities and to ignore that behind the ostentatious declarations on National Unity, pre-colonial groups have not completely melted into the modern 'Nation'. Furthermore, in the process of 'national' social space formation, new social combinations emerge by continuously re-inventing themselves. It seems that the roots of current crises reside in the unprecedented transformation which contemporary African societies have been undergoing.
Très peu de personnes auront eu à traverser des temps aussi troublés que ceux que vécut Agathe Uwilingiyimana comme Premier ministre du Rwanda avant le génocide. Au sujet de cette femme de tête, ses idées et son action, bien des questions demeurent sans réponse. Qui la assassinée et pourquoi ? Aurait-elle tenté un putsch contre le Président Habyarimana ? Aurait-elle trempé dans le complot visant à assassiner ce dernier ? Comment entendait-elle sauver le pays du chaos et de la descente aux enfers après la disparition inopinée du Président de la République quelle avait si âprement combattu ? Était-elle maîtresse de ses décisions ou était-elle désinformée ou manipulée ? Pourquoi et comment cette enseignante récemment embarquée en politique a-t-elle été la cible privilégiée de la presse de caniveau, entre 1992 et 1994 ? Quel comportement exceptionnel a-t-elle eu pour que la patrie reconnaissante lélève au rang des héros dans lordre dImena ? Son royaume denfance, son adolescence et sa jeunesse préfiguraient-ils un destin si singulier ? À travers lectures, souvenirs, témoignages et anecdotes, son ami denfance nous offre un récit édifiant, court mais dense, qui nous fait découvrir la vie et la personnalité complexe et polymorphe de cette flamme éphémère dans la nuit rwandaise.
Issues of gender, marriage and family are at the heart of the main cultural wars of our time and have led to a number of legal and societal reforms in many African countries. These reforms, generally initiated by the state and dictated by the neoliberal model of human rights, often have to come to terms with local resistance, mainly from religious circles. What is the modus operandi of these reforms? What are the power relationships that structure them? How are they perceived and received by African societies? What are the terms of religious resistance? These questions are at the heart of this volume which examines the margins of docility and indocility of African societies to legal reforms aimed at promoting the neoliberal model of sexuality, marriage and the family. Emphasis is placed on the centrality of the state and the power struggle with other stakeholders in the deconstruction and reconstruction of gender relations. Few empirical studies have illustrated the issue of power struggles surrounding the social production of gender norms. This book is the outcome of an international conference organized at the Institute of Dignity and Human Rights of the Center for Research and Action for Peace (CERAP) in Abidjan, in June 2017, on the following theme: 'State, Religions and Gender in West and Central Africa'. The main objective of the conference was not only to highlight the results of a research project on the reception of the recent modification of the family code in Côte dIvoire but also to broaden the discussion to similar case studies in other countries of West and Central Africa such as Senegal, Niger, Benin, Cameroon and Mali.
Eastern Dan-French dictionary, preceded by a grammar sketch, is the first and only dictionary of this language spoken in Western Côte d'Ivoire by half a million people. Both in dictionary and in the grammar sketch, lexical and grammatical tones are marked throughout. Polysemy and idiomatics are broadly represented, dictionary entries include abundant illustrative examples reflecting the cultural specifics of Dan. The dictionary has a French-Dan index. The publication is oriented both to Dan languages learners and professional linguists; it can be also used by the native speakers of Dan.
Western Dan-French dictionary is the first and only dictionary of this language spoken in Western Côte d'Ivoire by half a million people. In the Dictionary, lexical and grammatical tones are marked throughout. Polysemy and idiomatics are broadly represented, dictionary entries include abundant illustrative examples reflecting the cultural specifics of Dan. The dictionary has a French-Dan index. The publication is oriented both to Dan languages learners and professional linguists; it can be also used by the native speakers of Dan.
Many contemporary African writers remain trapped in the quest for a worldview, philosophy, supposing a single 'African' demesne to explain the entire continent, referring to a mythical past. Paulin Hountondji shows how these strange conceptual constructions have played a positive role in the resistance led by intellectuals of colonial rule: they responded to the negation of the oppression that it comprised of, but it was an ambiguous answer, especially because it was built on the principles derived from the works of European ethnologists, particularly the Père Tempels. Independence opened a new historical period; these philosophical elaborations changed direction: once an expression of anti-colonial resistance, they are nowadays an ideology that justifies and reinforces the dominance of the contemporary state; the intellectuals who create them are today only the 'griots' of the regimes in place. Analysing without complacency the work of Nkrumah, of the Cameroonian Towa, and of the Rwandan Kagamé, amongst others, Hountondji exposes and denounces this antagonism. To him, the critical project proposed in this book seems a necessary step on the way to 'the liberation of theoretical creativity,' the peoples of Africa and their full participation in the universal intellectual debate!
From my friendships and loves are born the lines herein. My greatest desire is that we must learn to love to the best of our abilities and not better than the Best of our abilities. Requesting the latter would be demanding the impossible. For me, every heart is filled with goodness and love that only a positive posturing and channeling of their energies can warrant the transcendence of these terrestrial realities to flirt with their divine counterparts.
Histoire et contes des Mossi
(1986)
Documents humains
(1888)