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This work is about resumptive and non-resumptive relative clauses (RCs) in the three big Ibero-Romance languages: Spanish, Portuguese, and Catalan. In (1), the examined structures are exemplified for Spanish: (1a.) No conozco el hombre que viste _ ayer. “I don’t know the man that you saw yesterday.” (1b.) Es este el hombre que le enviaron el libro. “This is the man to whom they sent the book.” (1c.) Es este el hombre a quien le enviaron el libro. “This is the man to whom they sent the book.”
(1a.) displays a non-resumptive, or canonical, RC, which is characterized by the canonical use of a relativizing operator and a gap in the subordinate’s object position, a piece of evidence which has induced most of the generative literature to assume wh-movement of the relative operator in the sense of Chomsky (1977). The last two decades, however, have seen a big debate regarding the exact derivational analysis, starting with Kayne’s (1994) antisymmetry theory and the following focus on reconstruction and anti-reconstruction effects in RCs. This search for the correct starting site of the RC’s head noun has dismissed the original Head External Analysis (HEA) (Chomsky 1965, 1977) and led to the development of a Head Raising Analysis (RA) (Kayne 1994, Bianchi 1999, a.o.) and a Matching Analysis (MA) (Munn 1994, Sauerland 1998, a.o.). The discussion in this work argues that the data on reconstruction and anti-reconstruction effects are not sufficiently clear and reliable in order to adopt one of the head-internal analyses, i.e. a HEA or a MA. Instead, the work follows a variant of the HEA proposed for Portuguese by Rinke & Aßmann (2017), which adheres to standard assumptions about Romance syntax, and avoids the empirical problems that the other proposals have to face. Arguing that the HEA holds for all Ibero-Romance languages, this work also takes a stance in the debate around the categorical status of the relativizing element que and argues that it is always a D-element, and never of category C, i.e. there is no such thing as a relativizing complementizer (cf. also Kayne 2010, Kato & Nunes 2008, Poletto & Sanfelici 2018).
The work argues that wh-movement in a HEA fashion is the correct analysis also for resumptive relative clauses as in (1b., c.), which crucially lack a gap in argument position but show a resumptive pronominal element instead. Furthermore, it takes advantage of the fact that the choice of such genetically closely related languages like Spanish, Portuguese, and Catalan enables research to address the phenomenon under consideration from a microcomparative perspective, which is “the closest we can come … to a controlled experiment in comparative syntax” (Kayne 2005: 281-282). The descriptive literature suggests that, at least for Spanish and Catalan, there are two types of a resumptive RC structure available: a simple resumption as in (1b.), including mere que, and a complex resumption structure which displays a more complex relativizer like a quien in combination with a resumptive pronoun (1c.). However, a corpus study carried out for this work reveals that speakers of the three languages behave alike insofar as the only resumptive RC used in spontaneous speech is a simple-resumption structure, while complex resumption never occurs. Additionally, a multivariate analysis shows that in all three languages, grammatical case is the most important factor when it comes to the possibility of a resumptive structure in RCs: with a dative argument, simple resumption is obligatory, while for accusative and nominative arguments, resumption is optional. The discussion concludes that simple and complex resumption constitute different phenomena also on a structural level: the latter one is argued to be a subcase of clitic doubling, and therefore, receives an analysis along the lines of Pineda (2016), who argues against a dative alternation in Romance languages and locates the (non-)realisation of the dative clitic in a transitive clitic-doubling structure outside of syntax, it being a case of silent variation along the lines of Sigurðsson (2004) and Kayne (2005). From this perspective, it follows naturally that in Portuguese, complex resumption structures are ungrammatical. Simple resumption, on the other hand, which is a possible structure in all three languages, is argued to represent the phonological counterpart of “scattered deletion”, i.e. the preferred interpretation for an A’-chain according to Chomsky (2003): in the operator position SpecCP, every feature except for the operator feature is deleted, resulting in the phonological outcome que, while in the variable position, everything but the operator is interpreted, resulting in a pronominal element according to the argument’s phi-features.
This work takes a stance in the latest topics on generative analyses for relative clauses. Using not only theoretical considerations but conclusions drawn from empirical data on three languages, it offers a new perspective on pending questions and proposes to take a fresh look on supposedly outdated analyses.
In dieser Arbeit wurde untersucht, ob die Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik in den pädiatrischen Früherkennungsuntersuchungen U7a (mit 3 Jahren), U8 (4 J.) und U9 (5 J.) wissenschaftliche Qualitätsanforderungen an eine zuverlässige Identifikation von Kindern mit Spezifischen Sprachentwicklungsstörungen (SSES) erfüllt. Im Fokus der Untersuchung stehen mehrsprachige Kinder, da es insbesondere bei dieser Zielgruppe zu Fehleinschätzungen kommt.
In Studie I, einer Fragebogenerhebung mit 36 Kinderärzt/innen, wurde erstens der Frage nachgegangen, welche Informationen zur Sprachbiografie und Indikatoren einer SSES anamnestisch erhoben werden. Den Ergebnisse zufolge werden die relevanten sprachbiografischen Informationen (Alter und Sprachen des Kindes, Sprachgebrauch in der Familie, Alter bei Beginn des Deutscherwerbs, Kontaktdauer) und Risikoindikatoren (späte Produktion erster Wörter und Wortverbindungen, familiäre Sprachauffälligkeiten) von nahezu allen Kinderärzt/innen erfasst. Den Stand der Erstsprache als zentrales differentialdiagnostisches Kriterium erheben 75% der Pädiater/innen. Zweitens wurde untersucht, welche sprachdiagnostischen Methoden und Verfahren zur Untersuchung des Kindes zum Repertoire der Ärzt/innen gehören. Den Ergebnisse zufolge verfügen sie über verschiedenste Verfahren. Sie präferieren Elternfragebögen und nicht standardisierte Verfahren. Diese erfüllen die testtheoretischen Gütekriterien nicht und sind für mehrsprachige Kinder nicht geeignet.
In Studie II wurde mittels teilnehmender Beobachtungen in 21 Vorsorgeuntersuchungen bei 11 Ärzt/innen untersucht, unter welchen Rahmenbedingungen und wie Kinderärzt/innen die Sprachentwicklung mehrsprachiger Kinder überprüfen. Als Methode zur Beurteilung der sprachlichen Fähigkeiten bevorzugen die Ärzt/innen das informelle Gespräch mit dem Kind. Ein Schwerpunkt der Arbeit lag deshalb auf der Analyse ihrer diagnostischen Fragen für die Erfassung sprachlicher Fähigkeiten im Gespräch. Dafür wurden Fragetypen des Deutschen danach klassifiziert, welche sprachlichen Strukturen in den Antworten erwartet werden können und welchen Beitrag sie somit zur Diagnostik einer SSES leisten können. Eine linguistische Analyse aller Fragen und Impulse (n = 801), die die Ärzt/innen an die Kinder richteten, um sie zum Sprechen anzuregen, ergab, dass ihr Potenzial für die Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik nur unzureichend genutzt wird. 18% der ärztlichen Fragen waren nicht auswertbar, weil sie im Gespräch keine Antwort des Kindes zuließen. Im Mittel waren je Untersuchung lediglich 8,5% aller auswertbaren Fragen (n = 578) dazu geeignet, verbhaltige und v.a. satzwertige Äußerungen zu elizitieren. Diese sind für die SSES-Diagnostik besonders relevant, da sie frühe Symptome einer SSES enthalten können. 43% der Fragen ließen als Antwort verblose Konstituenten erwarten, die jedoch für die Diagnostik von untergeordneter Bedeutung sind. Die übrigen Fragen waren für die Diagnostik nicht relevant.
Den Ergebnisse beider Studien zufolge ist eine flächendeckend zuverlässige Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik unter Einhaltung wissenschaftlicher Qualitätsanforderungen in den Früherkennungsuntersuchungen nicht gewährleistet.
Mit der Arbeit wird ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der pädiatrischen Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik geleistet. Mögliche Ursachen für Fehldiagnosen werden offengelegt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen die Bedingungen und Probleme auf, unter denen Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik in institutionellen Kontexten stattfindet, und weisen damit über das Feld der pädiatrischen Diagnostik hinaus. Die linguistisch fundierte Analyse diagnostischer Fragen ist auch bspw. für die Sprachtherapie und die Sprachförderung in pädagogischen Kontexten bedeutsam. Die Ergebnisse lassen sich folglich nicht nur für die Weiterqualifizierung von Kinderärzt/innen, sondern auch für andere Berufsgruppen fruchtbar machen.
This article examines Jamal Mahjoub's 2003 novel Travelling with Djinns from a transcultural perspective. Drawing on Wolfgang Welsch's definition of transculturality, I argue that the road trip plays an integral role in how the novel maps 21st century Europe as a heterogeneous construct. While driving from Germany through France to Spain, the main character Yasin adopts a fluid understanding of identity, informed by his experience of being on the move. Simultaneously, the novel conceptualises the European continent as irrevocably shaped by its history of migration, relating the road trip to other historic experiences of travel, migration and exile, some – but not all – of which linked to Europe's colonial past. Extensive intertextual references also support the novel's central idea that cultural encounters have shaped Europe for centuries. Since transcultural exchanges tend to be an ever-growing phenomenon in the face of mass migration, globalisation and communication technology, Travelling with Djinns sets out to underscore the continent's transcultural condition as both historic and ongoing.
This thesis examines the referential properties of prenominal possessive modifiers in Serbian. The focus of the investigation is on the configurations that have been claimed to violate Binding Principles B and C: lexical or pronominal possessives modifying a noun in subject position binding a pronoun or an R-expression in object position. Such constructions have been claimed to be ungrammatical in Serbian due to the alleged adjectival status of the possessive and its respective syntactic position as NP-adjoined (Despić 2013).
The present thesis takes up the ongoing debate about the categorial status of Serbian possessives as adjectives or determiners. Based on several arguments, such as word order, binding of anaphora, coordination, and the fact that they are typically represented by either nouns or pronouns, it is concluded that possessives rather behave like full noun phrases than adjectives. Therefore, I analyse possessives as DPs from a categorial point of view.
In a second step, the syntactic position of the possessives within the Serbian noun phrase has been investigated. Based on theoretical arguments (cf. Bašić 2004) and empirical evidence, I propose a structural position that would accommodate the binding facts and the referential possibilities in these configurations. In line with Kayne (1994), Bernstein and Tortora (2005) and Alexiadou et al. (2007), I assume that possessives occupy SpecAgrP in Serbian, where they move from their base position (SpecPossP). Thirdly, I question the (im)possibility of coreference with possessives in comparison to ‘typical’ binding constructions without possessives by providing empirical evidence from three experimental studies, showing that coreference between possessive modifiers and objects is indeed available in Serbian.
The results from Experiment 1 (a picture selection task) have shown that coreference between a lexical possessive and a (clitic or strong) pronoun is allowed in Serbian. Further, there is a tendency that the coreferential reading is preferred with clitics, while the disjoint reference is preferred with strong pronouns. The fact that coreference is possible, does not necessarily mean that it is always available as the only interpretation, but can be influenced by other (pragmatic) factors. The same is observed in Experiments 2 and 3 as coreference was chosen between pronominal possessives modifying a noun in subject position and R-expressions but rejected between pronouns and R-expressions in a forced-choice task, suggesting a structural difference – no c-command – in the former case. The results from the self-paced reading task corroborate this finding.
Importantly, the experimental results provide evidence that possessive configurations are not violating Binding Principles B and C. This implies that Serbian possessive constructions do not c-command out of the noun phrase, as predicted by the proposed syntactic analysis.
The findings from all experiments contribute to the bigger picture concerning the nature and behaviour of Serbian possessives and cast doubt on the cross-linguistic DG/AG parameter. Instead, the theoretical arguments and the empirical results from the experiments rather speak for a parallel structure of possessive noun phrases in Serbian and English and ultimately in favour of the Universal DP Hypothesis.