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Bi Tirga
(2011)
Leonard Bi Tirga, son of a poor peasant, is a studious pupil. Due to shortage of finances, he has to leave school to make ends meet and pursue his studies. Leonard becomes a sweatshop labourer. As a young labourer, his life like that of his peers is hard. The pay rate is low and the work is hard. With his friends, they engage in trade union activism. A series of complicated and trying events reinforces their conviction to militate. Thus, Leonard and his friend Camille become Union leaders. Leonard's character trait and uprightness explains the book title, Bi Tirga. In the Moore language, this means a well educated, honest, hardworking, courageous and well-behaved youth.
L'Evad de K... derives from a true story. The story begins with a flash back showing the hero in jail. Cegalo, an adolescent, lives in a difficult family. His father is a kind of headsman unable to educate his son. He strongly believes in the virtue of violence as a means of educating. The son ends up in delinquency. Robbery of tourists, especially white men is his favourite activity. After a hold-up, he is arrested and kept in custody. Unable to control him, the prison authorities decide to send him to the famous Prison of K...This prison is the most secure of the country and nobody has ever escaped from it. In order to survive, many prisoners are condemned to eat all that they can find, even mice. The law in that jungle is 'kill before you are killed'. During a nightmare, his late grandmother appears and orders him to return to his village. It's the beginning of a fantastic and dreadful adventure. He decides to escape from the Prison of K... He succeeds and after covering 300 km on foot, disguised as a mad man to avoid policemen. His aim is quite simple. He wants to return to jail in order to be judged normally, according to the new penal procedure code in force. He kidnaps the Senior Divisional Officer, the Attorney at law and the prison chief and returns to the cell. After the judgement, he is set free. He reconciles with his parents and above all finds Rosy, his childhood love.
Assessing the impact of twenty-five years of action to promote the discontinuation of female circumcision (FGM) in Francophone West Africa, should consider a key issue: the contribution of the digital revolution, and how young people - girls and boys - have been associated. As victims, subjects, objects, actors, citizens, leaders and family and community stakeholders, FGM is for them a matter of concern. Youth, ICTs and FGM reveal gender issues that must be transversally integrated in public, private, citizen and personal development policies. This is the main message of this book, which presents the results of an innovative action research conducted by ENDA Tiers Monde, with the participation of girls and boys in Burkina Faso, Mali and Senegal. The study is in the French language.
We henceforth would open our eyes, as obscene dancers of moving kidneys, as songs burning with sexual aches, alarm bells in the stomach of emptiness, today constitute our revolution. For Ada Bessomo, Obili, a residential area in Yaounde, capital of Cameroon, is the epitome of bitterness itself. How does one, in such a context, reconcile self esteem, a recollection of better days and love for a country that flexes its muscles against your breath, almost as if to test your patience, to suffocate its very future?
(De)connexions identitaires hadjeray : Les enjeux des technologies de la communication au Tchad
(2013)
The recent history of Africa is characterised by the 'revolution' in information and communication technologies (ICT), specifically in the sector of mobile telephony, which reconsiders the challenges pertaining to identity in African societies. In this book, we follow the manifestation of such dynamic forces in the Hadjeray society in Guera, Tchad, a society that has suffered a history of political violence, mobility and failures. The study shows the role of the Chadian government in the implementation of ICT and explains how government logics have amplified. Through the analysis of the changes in the economic and social spheres, occurring due to mobile telephony, we discover the identity issues that are also informed by the feeling of fear, which is part of the Chadian history of violence. However, the ways in which the Hadjeray adopt this new technology also leave them with a means to escape the logic of violence and disruption. It is mostly a dynamic force that occurs amongst the youth who, by making use of mobile networks, discover another mode of identification, between the ethnic group and the more global identity, and find through it a political voice.
Armour Sucré
(2013)
Nerisha Yanee Dewoo writes in this book of poetry, her love for her people, love in its entire glory, Mauritian love...
The poems in this collection are a mirror reflecting the goings-on in the nooks and crannies of the Republic of Cameroon. Crafted in the lingo of the man in the street, these poems speak for the voiceless in Cameroon, for all those who live on the fringe of a rich Cameroonian society. The themes broached are numerous, namely the culture of impunity, the vicious cycle of corruption, abuse of power, influence peddling, rape of the constitution, electoral gerrymandering, and the ineptitude of national bourgeoisie to name but a few. In sum, Speak camfranglais pour un renouveau ongolais is a clarion call for a new deal in Cameroon.
La radicalisation est devenue un mot désignant notre monde en couleurs négatives. Ce livre cherche à comprendre ce que cest que la radicalisation au Sahel et aux Pays-Bas ? Est-elle seulement négative? Quelle diversité de processus sociaux et politiques se trouve derrière ce concept? Les biographies de personnes nous dévoilent les messages cachés dans ce genre de dynamiques. Y a-t-il au fond un désir de changement social? Autant de questions soulevées, traitées, (partiellement) répondues, et autant dautres que la lecture de ces recueils de textes aussi divers quintéressants, ne manqueront pas de susciter au lecteur contemporain.
Armee et politique au Niger
(2008)
Niger's political history has lacked a synthesis on the army's involvement in politics since independence. The country is a fertile ground for such analysis. Between 1964 and 1999, the country witnessed three successful military coups during the democratisation process (April 1974, January 1996, and April 1999) and at least four military coup attempts (1964, 1975, 1976, 1983). In its forty years of independence, Niger has been under military rule for twenty-one years. It has also experienced seven different institutional regimes while four out of the six presidents who headed the country were soldiers. Niger evolved from the Second to the Fifth Republic in less than ten years - from the national conference (November 1991) to the last military coup (April 1999). In statistical terms, Niger has been witnessing a military coup or a military coup attempt every five-years since 1974. In addition to that, the country recorded seven mutinies and various other forms of troop rebellion between December 1963 and August 2000. In terms of institutional instability, Niger's record is unparalleled in Africa. A study on the army is therefore more needed than ever before. The recurrence with which the military appears on the political scene imposes another way of looking at Niger's army. A critical analysis of the military phenomenon, if not an assessment, would help envisage new prospects for Niger's future. This work, which was undertaken by a multi disciplinary team, suggests an analysis, from a historical and sociological perspective, of the long-standing involvement of the army in politics (the apparition of war leaders in the 19th century, the transition from colonial army to national army, the politicisation of the army and the emergence of 'military-politicians', the army sociology.). It aims at providing an answer to a key question: Why is the army so deeply involved in politics in Niger? It reveals how a significant military component has been gradually built up in Niger's political arena to become a highly dynamic political entrepreneur, able to compete with civilian politicians. The work shows, on the one hand, the significance of socio-political and economic contexts that promote the propensity for military interventionism, and on the other hand the transformations within the army that explain its propensity to intervene. It relates two decades of 'military rule', analyses their modes of legitimating, organising and managing power, gives an assessment of their economic policies and sheds light on women's role in that institution, which was thus far a men's business.
The book highlights, the gradual change in the status of the land and relationships with land in Mali in general and in the Niger river basin in particular. It is suggested that despite these inevitable transformations, institutional reforms need to be measured. They must be done in a prudent, methodical way with patience and determination while taking into account certain realities to mitigate its impact on the rural populations.