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The principal aim of this paper is to present a comprehensive theory of coordination of unlikes, i.e., a theory that is capable of dealing with every phenomenon resulting from coordination of unlikes. The proposed theory accounts not just for standard cases of coordination of unlike arguments and coordination of unlike functors but also for cases involving single-conjunct agreement and what will be called each-conjunct agreement. In the course of the argumentation, it is also shown that, even in a language like English, predicate-argument agreement needs to be described in terms of a relational constraint that is not simply an identity requirement.
To model the pied piping in interrogative and exclamative clauses Ginzburg & Sag (2000) proposes a nonlocal head-driven treatment, thus emphasizing the resemblances with extraction. This treatment has a number of drawbacks: it relies on poorly motivated lexical rules and nonbranching phrase structure rules, it makes false predictions about pied piping in PPs, and it presupposes an implausible structure for NPs with predeterminers. To solve these problems I propose an alternative in which pied piping is treated as a local functor-driven dependency. Technically, the WH feature is integrated in the CATEGORY objects, and the propagation of its values is modeled by constraints which are independently needed for the treatment of other phenomena.
This paper focuses on aspects of the licensing of adverbial noun phrases (AdvNPs) in the HPSG grammar framework. In the first part, empirical issues will be discussed. A number of AdvNPs will be examined with respect to various linguistic phenomena in order to find out to what extent AdvNPs share syntactic and semantic properties with non-adverbial NPs.Based on empirical generalizations, a lexical constraint for licensing both AdvNPs and non-adverbial NPs will be provided. Further on, problems of structural licensing of phrases containing AdvNPs that arise within the standard HPSG framework of Pollard and Sag (1994) will be pointed out, and a possible solution will be proposed. The objective is to provide a constraint-based treatment of NPs which describes non-redundantly both their adverbial and non-adverbial usages. The analysis proposed in this paper applies lexical and phrasal implicational constraints and does not require any radical modifications or extensions of the standard HPSG geometry of Pollard and Sag (1994).
Relative clauses (RCs) in Persian are head-modifying constituents, all typically introduced by the invariant complementizer ke. Persian RCs are Unbounded Dependency Constructions (UDCs), containing either a gap or a resumptive pronoun (RP). In some positions only gaps are allowed, and in other positions only RPs. There are also some positions where both gaps and RPs are alternatively allowed. Illustrating the striking similarities between Persian gaps and RPs, I will provide an HPSG unified approach to take care of the dependency between the licensing structure and the gap/RP with a single mechanism, using only the SLASH feature. Similar to Pollard and Sag s (1994) approach to the bottom of the dependency, I will assume a special sign at the bottom. However, my sign may have a nonempty PHON value. I will introduce a feature called GAPTYPE which is a NONLOCAL feature whose value can be either trace or rp. I will introduce two constraints to capture the pattern of distribution of RPs and traces. At the top of the dependency, I will bind the nonempty SLASH at the complementizer point. I will propose a lexical entry for the complementizer ke that will account for the binding of SLASH by the feature BIND, which has a nonempty set as value.
In this contribution we propose a new module for handling idioms and distributional idiosyncrasies. Based on the concept by Richter/Sailer (1999) the new feature COLL (context of lexical licensing) plays the central role in our approach. We provide a way to handle decomposable and nondecomposable idioms and idioms containing bound words. Our module guarantees the co-occurrence of all idiom parts and of bound word and licensing context, respectively. A prerequisite for our analysis is a means to select for particular elements in the lexicon. We introduce another feature, LISTEME, which gives each lexical item its unique identifier andmakes it possible to select for a particular lexical word or phrase. Finally, we compare our proposal with alternative approaches and give some ideas regarding further applications beyond idiomaticity.
A compound matrix
(2004)
This paper presents a suplement to the Grammar Matrix, namely what I call a Compound Matrix ; in reality, it is not a matrix, since the type file includes a fully specified cross-linguistic inventory of compound types. The idea is that the grammar writer can comment out the ungrammatical types for his or her own language. The theory behind the typology is presented here in a bottom-up fashion, from the basic assumptions to the actual linguistic types.
Japanese is often taken to be strictly head-final in its syntax. In our work on a broad-coverage, precision implemented HPSG for Japanese, we have found that while this is generally true, there are nonetheless a few minor exceptions to the broad trend. In this paper, we describe the grammar engineering project, present the exceptions we have found, and conclude that this kind of phenomenon motivates on the one hand the HPSG type hierarchical approach which allows for the statement of both broad generalizations and exceptions to those generalizations and on the other hand the usefulness of grammar engineering as a means of testing linguistic hypotheses.
This paper discusses a special kind of syntax-semantics mismatch: a noun with a relative clause is interpreted as if it were a complement clause. An analysis in terms of Lexical Resource Semantics is developed which provides a uniform account for ''normal'' relative clauses and for the discussed type of relative clause.
This paper summarizes the architecture of Lexical Resource Semantics (LRS). It demonstrates how to encode the language of two-sorted theory (Ty2; Gallin, 1975) in typed feature logic (TFL), and then presents a formal constraint language that can be used to extend conventional description logics for TFL to make direct reference to Ty2 terms. A reduction of this extension to Constraint Handling Rules (CHR; Fruehwirth & Abdennadher, 1997) for the purposes of implementation is also presented.
In Müller, 2005 I provide evidence that suggests that linearization approaches that analyze German clause structure with discontinuous constituents cannot account for the German clause structure in an insightful way. In order to eliminate the very powerful concept of linearization domains and discontinuous constituents from the grammar, analyses of other phenomena which also rely on discontinuous constituents should therefore be revised.
In this paper, I develop an analysis of German depictive secondary predicates that differs from the one suggested in Müller, 2002 by assuming binary branching structures, verb movment, and continuous constituents instead of a linearization approach. Some shortcomings of previous analyses are pointed out and it is shown how linearization constraints regarding depictive predicate and antecedent can be modeled.