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Measurements of the sphericity of primary charged particles in minimum bias proton--proton collisions at s√=0.9, 2.76 and 7 TeV with the ALICE detector at the LHC are presented. The observable is linearized to be collinear safe and is measured in the plane perpendicular to the beam direction using primary charged tracks with pT≥0.5 GeV/c in |η|≤0.8. The mean sphericity as a function of the charged particle multiplicity at mid-rapidity (Nch) is reported for events with different pT scales ("soft" and "hard") defined by the transverse momentum of the leading particle. In addition, the mean charged particle transverse momentum versus multiplicity is presented for the different event classes, and the sphericity distributions in bins of multiplicity are presented. The data are compared with calculations of standard Monte Carlo event generators. The transverse sphericity is found to grow with multiplicity at all collision energies, with a steeper rise at low Nch, whereas the event generators show the opposite tendency. The combined study of the sphericity and the mean pT with multiplicity indicates that most of the tested event generators produce events with higher multiplicity by generating more back-to-back jets resulting in decreased sphericity (and isotropy). The PYTHIA6 generator with tune PERUGIA-2011 exhibits a noticeable improvement in describing the data, compared to the other tested generators.
The production of K∗(892)0 and ϕ(1020) in pp collisions at s√=7 TeV was measured by the ALICE experiment at the LHC. The yields and the transverse momentum spectra d2N/dydpT at midrapidity |y|<0.5 in the range 0<pT<6 GeV/c for K∗(892)0 and 0.4<pT<6 GeV/c for ϕ(1020) are reported and compared to model predictions. Using the yield of pions, kaons, and Omega baryons measured previously by ALICE at s√=7 TeV, the ratios K∗/K−, ϕ/K∗, ϕ/K−, ϕ/π−, and (Ω + Ω¯¯¯¯)/ϕ are presented. The values of the K∗/K−, ϕ/K∗ and ϕ/K− ratios are similar to those found at lower centre-of-mass energies. In contrast, the ϕ/π− ratio, which has been observed to increase with energy, seems to saturate above 200 GeV. The (Ω + Ω¯¯¯¯)/ϕ ratio in the pT range 1-5 GeV/c is found to be in good agreement with the prediction of the HIJING/BB v2.0 model with a strong colour field.
Measurement of electrons from semileptonic heavy-flavor hadron decays in pp collisions at √s = 7 TeV
(2012)
The differential production cross section of electrons from semileptonic heavy-flavour hadron decays has been measured at mid-rapidity (|y|<0.5) in proton-proton collisions at s√=7 TeV with ALICE at the LHC. Electrons were measured in the transverse momentum range 0.5 <pT< 8 GeV/c. Predictions from a fixed order perturbative QCD calculation with next-to-leading-log resummation agree with the data within the theoretical and experimental uncertainties.
The ALICE experiment at the LHC has studied J/psi production at mid-rapidity in pp collisions at sqrt{s}=7 TeV through its electron pair decay on a data sample corresponding to an integrated luminosity L_int = 5.6nb-1. The fraction of J/psi from the decay of long-lived beauty hadrons was determined for J/psi candidates with transverse momentum p_t>1.3 GeV/c and rapidity |y|<0.9. The cross section for prompt J/psi mesons, i.e. directly produced J/psi and prompt decays of heavier charmonium states such as the Psi(2S) and Csi_c resonances, is sigma_prompt-J/psi(pt > 1.3 GeV/c, |y| < 0.9) = 8.3 +- 0.8(stat.) +- 1.1(syst.) + 1.5 - 1.4(syst. pol.) micro barn. The cross section for the production of b-hadrons decaying to J/psi with p_t>1.3 GeV/c and |y|<0.9 is sigma_{J/psi<-h_B} = 1.46 +- 0.38(stat.) + 0.26 -0.32(syst.) micro barn. The results are compared to QCD model predictions. The shape of the p_t and y distributions of b-quarks predicted by perturbative QCD model calculations are used to extrapolate the measured cross section to derive the b-bbar pair total cross section and dsigma/dy at mid-rapidity.
The forward muon spectrometer of ALICE (A Large Ion Collider Experiment) is equipped with a trigger system made of four planes of Resistive Plate Chambers (RPC), arranged in two stations with two planes each, for a total area of about 140 m2. The system provides single and di-muon triggers with suitable transverse momentum selection, optimised for the physics of quarkonia and open heavy flavour. In the first two years of data-taking at the Large Hadron Collider (2010 and 2011) the 72 RPCs were operated in highly saturated avalanche mode in both pp and Pb-Pb collisions. The integrated charge was about 1.3 mC/cm2 on average and 3.5 mC/cm2 for the most exposed detectors. This paper describes two main results. The first result is the determination of the RPC performance, with particular focus on the stability of the main detector parameters such as efficiency, dark current, and dark rate. The second result is the measurement of the muon trigger performance in Pb-Pb collisions at √sNN = 2.76 TeV, in terms of the reliability and stability of the trigger decision logic.
Comparison of the ellipsis-based theory of non-constituent coordination with its alternatives
(2012)
In this paper, I compare the ellipsis-based theory of non-constituent coordination proposed in Yatabe (2001) with three of its alternatives, namely the theory that has been widely accepted within the context of Categorial Grammar, Mouret's HPSG-based theory, and the theory proposed by Bachrach and Katzir in the framework of the Minimalist Program. It is found (i) that the CG-based theory of non-constituent coordination cannot deal with medial RNR, i.e. a subset of right-node raising constructions in which either all or a part of the right-node-raised material is realized at a location other than the right edge of the final conjunct, (ii) that Mouret's theory encounters similar difficulties when applied to RNR, and (iii) that Bachrach and Katzir's theory cannot be applied to left-node raising in English, has difficulty capturing the semantic inertness of medial RNR, and overgenerates in several ways. The ellipsis-based theory, on the other hand, appears to be consistent with all the observations.
Predicative complements canonically show number and/or gender agreement with their target. The most detailed proposal on how to model it in HPSG is provided in Kathol (1999). This proposal, though, chiefly deals with the predicative adjectives of the Romance languages, and turns out to be inappropriate for dealing with predicate nominals. There is an obvious way to repair it, but it cannot be fitted in the canonical HPSG treatment of clauses with a predicative complement. It can be fitted, though, in a treatment of such clauses that was proposed in Van Eynde (2009). Adopting that treatment, the agreement is modeled in terms of a constraint on the lexemes which select a predicative complement.
This paper presents an HPSG formalisation of how the ellipsis of case-marking affects the focus of the clause in Japanese. We restrict our attention to the nominative and accusative markers ga and o, and in view of the fact that the ellipsis effects on focushood vary between 1) ga and o and 2) different argument structures of the head verb, develop an essentially lexicalist account that combines both aspects, in which the implicit focus argument position is specified in the predicate. We argue that if a constituent is an implicit focus it does not, while if one is not it does, require a case-marker to be focused.
It has been analyzed that the word order of English comparative inversion is analogous to that of other subject-auxiliary inversions in that only a finite auxiliary verb can be followed by the subject. However, English comparative inversion should be distinguished from other inversions because the subject can be located between a cluster of auxiliary verbs and the non-auxiliary verb phrase in English comparative inversion. Existing analyses on subject-auxiliary inversion cannot account for this special kind of inversion. This paper proposes a new phrase type for English comparative inversion within the construction-based HPSG. In addition, I suggest that constraints on properties of lexemes participating in the new phrase type are governed by the construction-based approach, while the word order of English comparative inversion is determined by rules that the word order domain approach adopts. Also, it will be shown that these proposals can capture the word order of nor-inversion, as-inversion, and so-inversion as well as that of comparative inversion.
The Japanese infinitive-clause construction (InfCx) and gerund-clause construction (GerCx), which are the most basic subordination structures (considered as coordination structures by some) in the language, may convey a wide range of interclausal semantic relations, including 'temporal sequence', 'cause', and 'manner', largely due to pragmatic enrichment. This work addresses the question of what the core meaning(s) of the two constructions is (are), and demonstrates (i) that the InfCx and GerCx indicate either that the first-clause eventuality precedes or temporally subsumes the second-clause eventuality or that the two clauses stand in the rhetorical relation of contrast, and (ii) that the GerCx has a distinct sense that the InfCx lacks, which gives rise to the 'resulting state' interpretation.