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Die vorliegende Arbeit ist einem Phänomen gewidmet, das in den letzten Jahren eine gewisse Rolle gespielt hat bei dem Versuch, die Anwendbarkeit des Modells der generativen Transformationsgrammatik an einer möglichst großen Anzahl unterschiedlicher Sprachen und Phänomene zu erproben. Es gehört in den umfassenderen Phänomenbereich der Koordination bzw. der Koordinationsreduktion und wird in der einschlägigen Literatur als "Gapping" bezeichnet. [...] Wir wollen koordinierte Strukturen, die ein für alle Konjunkte identisches Verb nur einmal repräsentieren, als "reduzierte Strukturen" bezeichnen, und zwar als "vorwärts"- oder "rechtsreduzierte", wenn sie es ausschließlich im ersten Konjunkt repräsentieren und als "rückwärts" oder " linksreduzierte", wenn sie es ausschließlich im zweiten bzw. (da auch mehr als zwei Sätze koordiniert werden können) im letzten Konjunkt repräsentieren. Entsprechend nennen wir koordinierte Strukturen, die das Verb in beiden bzw. allen Konjunkten repräsentieren, "nicht-reduzierte" Strukturen. [...] Beispiele zeigen, daß es Sprachen gibt, die ausschließlich vorwärtsreduzierte Varianten gestatten und solche, die nur rückwärtsreduzierte Varianten gestatten. Daraus ergibt sich folgende Fragestellung: ( i ) Welche Sprachen gestatten welche reduzierten Varianten? ( ii ) Warum gestatten bestimmte Sprachen diese, andere Sprachen jene Varianten? Diese hier noch recht grob formulierte Fragestellung wird im Laufe der Untersuchung weiter verfeinert werden. Der Schwerpunkt wird auf der Frage nach dem Warum? liegen.
In attempting to reconstruct the morphosyntax of Proto-Sino-Tibetan, one of the most basic questions to be answered is what was the unmarked word order of the proto-language? Chinese, Bai, and Karen are verb-medial languages, while all of the Tibeto-Burman languages except for Bai and Karen have verb-final word order. lf these languages are all related, as we can assume from lexical correspondences, then either Chinese, Bai and Karen changed from verb-final to verb-medial word order, or the other Tibeto-Burman languages changed trom verb-medial to verb-final order. How we answer the question of which languages changed their word would then give us the answer to the question of word order in Proto-Sino-Tibetan.
In LaPolla 1990, I presented arguments to show that Chinese is a language in which there has been no grammaticalizalion of the syntactic relations "subject" and "object". This being the case, then syntactic relations cannot be what determines word order in Chinese. In this paper I will argue that, aside from a semantic rule that the actor of a verb, if expressed, must precede that verb, it is pragmatic relations (information structure) that are the main determinants of word order in Chinese.
This paper corroborates the interpretability proposal of Chomsky (1995) with evidence from scrambling in Japanese and German. First it is shown that scrambling in Japanese is semantically vacuous, whereas scrambling in German is semantically contentful. Chomsky’s proposal then predicts that the feature driving Japanese scrambling is erased after checking, while the corresponding feature in German remains visible, specifically for the Shortest Attract condition. Looking at patterns of movement that result in overlapping paths, this prediction is seen to be correct.
Ever since the publication of Greenberg 1963, word order typologists have attempted to formulate and refine implicational universals of word order so as to characterize the restricted distribution of certain word order patterns, and in some cases have also attempted to develop general principles to explain the existence of those universals.
German dialects vary in which of the possible orders of the verbs in a 3-verb cluster they allow. In a still ongoing empirical investigation that I am undertaking together with Tanja Schmid, University of Stuttgart (Schmid and Vogel (2004)) we already found that each of the six logically possible permutations of the 3-verb cluster in (1) can be found in German dialects.
On the syntax and pragmatics interface : Left-peripheral, medial and right-peripheral focus in greek
(2004)
The present paper explores the extent to which narrow syntax is responsible for the computation of discourse functions such as focus/topic. More specifically, it challenges the claim that language approximates ‘perfection’ with respect to economy, conceptual necessity and optimality in design by reconsidering the roles and interactions of the different modules of the grammar, in particular of syntax and phonology and the mapping between the two, in the representation of pragmatic notions. Empirical and theoretical considerations strongly indicate that narrow syntax is ‘blind’ to properties and operations involving the interpretive components — that is, PF and LF. As a result, syntax-phonology interface rules do not ‘see’ everything in the levels they connect. In essence, the architecture of grammar proposed here from the perspective of focus marking necessitates the autonomy of the different levels of grammar, presupposing that NS is minimally structured only when liberated from any non-syntactic/discourse implementations, i.e., movement operations to satisfy both interface needs. As a result, the model articulated here totally dispenses with discourse projections, i.e. FocusP.
Dislocation without movement
(2004)
This paper argues that French Left-Dislocation is a unified phenomenon whether it is resumed by a clitic or a non-clitic element. The syntactic component is shown to play a minimal role in its derivation: all that is required is that the dislocated element be merged by adjunction to a Discourse Projection (generally a finite TP with root properties). No agreement or checking of a topic feature is necessary, hence no syntactic movement of any sort need be postulated. The so-called resumptive element is argued to be a full-fledged pronoun rather than a true syntactic resumptive.
In this paper topic and focus effects at both left and right periphery are argued to be epiphenomena of general properties of tree growth. We incorporate Korean into this account as a prototypical verb-final language, and show how long- and short-distance scrambling form part of this general picture. Multiple long-distance scrambling effects emerge as a consequence of the feeding relationship between different forms of structural under-specification. We also show how the array of effects at the right periphery, in both verb-final and other language-types, can also be explained with the same concepts of tree growth. In particular the Right Roof Constraint, a well-known but little understood constraint, is an immediate consequence of compositionality constraints as articulated in this system.