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Several types of symbolic weapons are portrayed in the hands of divinities on the most diverse artistic works of the third millennium, such as maces or sceptres, daggers, spears. hows and arrows. There is also a weapon which has a form similar to a sickle. Data referring to it may be found - in addition to the representations - in written sources. We learn from the Cy1. «A» of Gudea that the king, the en-priest of Ningirsu, was the first to reach the cedar mountains and fell the cedars with his big axe. He then made the SAR.UR, the «Floodstorm Weapon» of his god, the right hand of Lagas. The inscription of statue «B» tells us the Same. When Gudea built the temple of Ningirsu, the god aided him in reaching the cedar mountains from which he took gigantic logs to make a weapon for his god: the SAR.UR, having the power ofa flood storm and the SAR.GAZ, a mace with seven copper knobs.
Sokrates und die Sophisten
(1909)
In einer mehrjährigen Grabungskampagne hat das Niederösterreichische Landesmuseum in Pitten, N.Ö., ein ausgedehntes Gräberfeld freigelegt, in dem Schichten mehrerer Epochen entdeckt wurden. Die anthropologische Bearbeitung der frühmittelalterlichen Skelette dieses Gräberfeldes wird mithin vorgelegt. Insgesamt standen 137 Skelette, davon 32 männliche, 44 weibliche und 61 kindliche zur Verfügung. Ihr Erhaltungszustand war größtenteils gut, sodaß eine große Zahl von Individualdaten nach den standartisierten anthropologischen Methoden erhoben werden konnte, aus denen die gruppenstatistischen Parameter berechnet wurden. Wesentlich mehr Einzelmerkmale deuten auf eine nähere Verwandtschaft der Pittener Population mit denen von Mikulcice, Lupka und Pobedin (CSSR) hin, als mit den awarenzeitlichen Gruppen von Zwölfaxing (NÖ), Feherto-A, Allätyan-Tulant und Adorjan (Ungarn), mit denen sich nur wenige Ähnlichkeiten fanden. Dieses Ergebnis wurde noch durch das Resultat einer Varianzanalyse erhärtet. Typisch mongoloide Schädel, wie sie in geringer Zahl im awarenzeitlichen Gräberfeld von Zwölfaxing festgestellt wurden, scheinen in unserer Serie nicht auf. Einige Merkmale mit mongoloider Tendenz finden sich zwar bei einem weiblichen Schädel, doch reichen unsere Kentnisse über die Variabilität der Pittener Population nicht aus, um ihn mit Sicherheit zu den Mongoliden stellen zu können. Die morphologisch-metrische Gesamtbeurteilung über die mögliche rassische Zugehörigkeit des vorliegenden untersuchten Teiles des Pittener Gräberfeldes bestätigt mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit die, auf Grund der kulturellen Beigaben vermutete slawische Herkunft dieser Population. Demographische Berechnungen und Untersuchungen über Beziehungen innerhalb des Gräberfeldes wie Familien- oder Sippenähnlichkeiten, Unterschiede bezüglich der beiden Haupt-Bestattungsrichtungen N-S u. W-O, konnten keine Ergebnisse bringen, da das Gräberfeld teilweise zerstört war, bzw. großteils gar nicht gehoben werden konnte. Die in den wichtigen Merkmalen auswertbare Schädelserie war außerdem zu klein um noch sinnvolle Unterteilungen durchführen zu können.
Ding und Medium
(1926)
This study is part of a larger work whose aim is to examine the historical significance of the tens of thousands of Islamic silver coins or dirhams which appeared in Eastern Europe during the pre-Mongol era. The first part of this work explored the questions of when and how dirhams first reached European Russia. Very briefly, this initial study led to the following conclusions: 1. Dirhams first reached Eastern Europe about 800 A.D., as R. Fasmer (Vasmer) argued a half-century ago. 2. The earliest dirham hoards from Eastern Europe are almost identical in composition with contemporaneous Near Eastern hoards (both contain a predominance of 'Abbasid coins struck after 769 in Iraq and North Africa). This suggests that the earliest Eastern-European hoards were composed from the Near-Eastern coin stock of the time. 3. The earliest dirham hoards from Eastern Europe are completely different in composition from the contemporaneous hoards found in Transoxiana indicating that the earliest dirhams to reach Eastern Europe did not come via Central Asia. 4. An analysis of the early Caucasian dirham hoards revealed that the composition of some of these hoards differs from that of Eastern-European and Near-Eastern hoards in that the Caucasian hoards contain a higher percentage of dirhams from South-Caucasian mints and a lesser percentage of coins from North-African mints. This suggests that these hoards were composed of dirhams imported from the Near East which had circulated in the Southern Caucasus for some time before being deposited. 5. Other early dirham hoards from the Caucasus, however, are very similar in composition to contemporaneous Near-Eastern and Eastern-European dirham hoards. This suggests that these hoards were composed of coins which were apparently being transported to Eastern Europe from the Near East and were buried accidentally while in route through the Caucasus. In short, the first segment of this research concluded that dirhams began to reach Eastern Europe around the year 800 and that they were imported by the Caucasus or Caspian route from the Near East. The purpose of this study is to investigate the historical circumstances which would explain why dirhams were first brought by the Caucasus or Caspian route to Eastern Europe in the early ninth century. It is pertinent to note that, to the best of my knowledge"no one has yet addressed this fundamental question in any depth. Consequently, in discussing this issue, it is not our intention to claim that the thesis which will be put forward is irrefutable or that no other thesis could explain the available data. Rather, the objective is to raise the question of why dirhams first reached Eastern Europe around 800 A.D. by the Caucasus-Caspian route and to suggest a possible solution. This study should thus be considered as the presentation of a working hypothesis which will hopefully inspire others to examine a basic question of medieval Eurasian history which has been too long ignored.
A brief presentation of iron chemistry is made with emphasis on those aspects relevant to siderophore biochemistry. Siderophore structure and biosynthesis is described. The underlying chemistry associated with, 1, the movement of iron(ill) complexes across membranes and 2, the removal of iron from such complexes is discussed in detail. The ability of siderophores to interact with other metals is considered. Finally, the role of siderophores in infection and their clinical potential as iron scavenging molecules are reviewed.