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In German, the subject usually precedes the object (SO order), but, under certain discourse conditions, the object is allowed to precede the subject (OS order). This paper focuses on main clauses in which either the subject or a discourse-given object occurs in clause-initial position. Two acceptability experiments show that OS sentences with a given object are generally acceptable, but the precise degree of acceptability varies both with the object‘s referential form (demonstrative objects leading to higher acceptability than other types of objects) and with formal properties of the subject (pronominal subjects leading to higher acceptability than non-pronominal subjects). For SO sentences, acceptability was reduced when the object was a d-pronoun, which contrasts with the high acceptability of OS sentences with a d-pronoun object. This finding was explored in a third acceptability experiment comparing d-pronouns in subject and object function. This experiment provides evidence that a reduction in acceptability due to a prescriptive bias against d-pronouns is suspended when the d-pronoun occurs as object in the prefield. We discuss the experimental results with respect to theories of German clause structure that claim that OS sentences with different information-structural properties are derived by different types of movement.
Tema je našega rada položaj zamjeničkoga pridjeva sam uz naglašeni oblik povratne zamjenice (sebe) unutar konstrukcija s pravim povratnim glagolima. U tim konstrukcijama zamjenički pridjev sam može biti u akuzativu ili u nominativu (hvalim sam sebe / hvalim samog sebe). Poznato je svojstvo zamjeničkoga pridjeva sam da u pojačajnome značenju najčešće slijedi iza lične zamjenice, ali prethodi imenicama (On sam to radi. / Sama Marija to radi.). Cilj je ovoga istraživanja utvrditi koji mu je neobilježeni položaj uz povratnu zamjenicu te ponaša li se drukčije s obzirom na red riječ kad je u nominativnome ili u akuzativnome obliku.
U redu riječi prijedlozi imaju relativno stalno mjesto po kojemu su i nazvani – predlažu se ispred riječi na koju se odnose. U gramatikama se još spominje i postpozicija, kad prijedlozi dolaze iza riječi na koju se odnose (svemu unatoč...). U ovom radu prijedlozi se ne promatraju na morfološkoj razini, dakle na razini jedne riječi, nego se promatraju kao funkcionalna skupina koja uključuje i višerječne prijedložne izraze. Analizom su obuhvaćene i sveze riječi, odnosno koligacije temeljene na gramatičkoj uvjetovanosti sastavnica, a koje tvore jednu značenjsku cjelinu. Ta dva metodološka pomaka u percepciji prijedloga i u percepciji riječi pokazuju da se prijedlog može naći i u drugim pozicijama te se u radu analizira gdje se sve u rečenici mogu naći prijedlozi.
In this article we present experimental findings on the acceptability of different argument orders in the German middle field. Our study pursues two goals: First, to evaluate a number of surface constraints on German argument order that have been proposed in the literature, and second, to shed new light on how gradient constraints jointly determine sentence acceptability. In four experiments, we investigated the impact of surface constraints relating to animacy, thematic roles, definiteness and case. While we are able to confirm an influence of most constraints under investigation, the resulting constraint hierarchy does not coincide with any hierarchy put forward so far in the literature, to the best of our knowledge. With regard to gradience, our results can be accounted for either by an OT variant incorporating a notion of markedness, or by a fully quantified model using constraint weights. For the latter, however, we provide evidence against uniform penalties associated with constraint violations.
In this study, we investigated the impact of two constraints on the linear order of constituents in German preschool children’s and adults’ speech production: a rhythmic (*LAPSE, militating against sequences of unstressed syllables) and a semantic one (ANIM, requiring animate referents to be named before inanimate ones). Participants were asked to produce coordinated bare noun phrases in response to picture stimuli (e.g., Delfin und Planet, ‘dolphin and planet’) without any predefined word order. Overall, children and adults preferably produced animate items before inanimate ones, confirming findings of Prat-Sala, Shillcock, and Sorace (2000). In the group of preschoolers, the strength of the animacy effect correlated positively with age. Furthermore, the order of the conjuncts was affected by the rhythmic constraint, such that disrhythmic sequences, i.e., stress lapses, were avoided. In both groups, the latter result was significant when the two stimulus pictures did not vary with respect to animacy. In sum, our findings suggest a stronger influence of animacy compared to rhythmic well-formedness on conjunct ordering for German speaking children and adults, in line with findings by McDonald, Bock, and Kelly (1993) who investigated English speaking adults.
The paper considers the interdependence between word order, congruence and formal cases – the means which, together with lexical meaning and formal class markers, explicate the concrete syntactic relations in a sentence. There are languages (including the Slavic ones) in whose structure congruence is very important. They may or may not possess formal cases. Even if they have no formal cases their word order is relatively free due to the compensatory role of congruence, which is often, but not always, able to eliminate potential ambiguity in the sentence, assisted to a certain extent by animacy, definiteness, pronoun duplicates of the objects and extra-linguistic knowledge (and Modern Bulgarian is good enough to illustrate this). At the same time, even in congruence languages with formal cases there are strict word order rules. In both kinds of congruence languages the violation of these rules can make a sentence utterly unintelligible (the last is exemplified by a couple of lines from Spanish and Ukrainian poetry).
Red riječi u smješnicama
(2014)
U radu se promatra i analizira red riječi u rečenici u hrvatskim anonimnim komedijama u prozi nastalim u 17. stoljeću na dubrovačkom području. Rezultati se analize uspoređuju s redom riječi potvrđenim u onodobnom književnom jeziku. Sinkronijskom su prikazu pridružene i usporedbe s rezultatima istraživanja Laznibata o dubrovačkim arhivskim spisima 17. i 18. stoljeća i I. Lovrić Jović o dubrovačkim oporukama iz istog tog razdoblja, dok je dijakronijski pregled napravljen usporedbom s Rešetarovim istraživanjima jezika Ranjinina zbornika i Držićeva jezika, s istraživanjem frančezarija 18. stoljeća I. Lovrić Jović te s Budmanijevim istraživanjem devetnaestostoljetnoga dubrovačkoga govora. Posebna se pozornost posvećuje poretku zanaglasnica, koji je, kao što je bilo očekivano, uglavnom stariji pa zamjenička zanaglasnica prethodi glagolskoj, no ovisno o smješnici, potvrđena su i brojna odstupanja.
Tree-local MCTAG with shared nodes : an analysis of word order variation in German and Korean
(2004)
Tree Adjoining Grammars (TAG) are known not to be powerful enough to deal with scrambling in free word order languages. The TAG-variants proposed so far in order to account for scrambling are not entirely satisfying. Therefore, an alternative extension of TAG is introduced based on the notion of node sharing. Considering data from German and Korean, it is shown that this TAG-extension can adequately analyse scrambling data, also in combination with extraposition and topicalization.
Složeni glagolski predikat u hrvatskom kajkavskom književnom jeziku sa stajališta reda riječi
(2014)
U radu se donosi raščlamba reda riječi u rečenicama sa složenim glagolskim predikatom.1 Na korpusu tiskanih tekstova na hrvatskom kajkavskom književnom jeziku utvrđuje se redoslijed sintaktičkih jedinica složenoga glagolskog predikata, mjesto složenoga glagolskog predikata u rečenici te njegov suodnos s drugim rečeničnim dijelovima.
U radu se račlanjuje odnos reda riječi i negacije u hrvatskome crkvenoslavenskome jeziku. Prvi se vid toga odnosa tiče položaja niječnih izraza ne, ni i bez. U zadanome korpusu oni stoje ispred, odnosno lijevo od jezične jedinice koju niječu. Jedinica ispred koje se niječni izraz nalazi nije nužno glagol, pa ni finitni glagolski oblik. Položaj niječnih izraza povezan je i s razlikom, odnosno s utvrđivanjem razlike između sastavničke negacije, kao negacije nepredikatne sastavnice, i rečenične negacije, negacije predikata. Konačno, o redu riječi ovisi hoće li se ili neće provesti niječno slaganje. U hrvatskome je crkvenoslavenskome jeziku provođenje niječnoga slaganja djelomično (ne i proizvoljno), a ovisi o tome na kojemu se mjestu u rečenici nalazi niječna zamjenica ili prilog.