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This paper presents a brief overview of idiomatic expressions in the Norwegian LFG grammar NorGram and shows how the rich lexical information of the LFG grammar can be reused in an HPSG-like grammar with a radically different approach to alternating argument frames. Rather than accounting for idioms by means of special idiom lexical entries, which is the standard approach in LFG and HPSG, a constructional approach is taken where the verbs of the idioms are left underspecified with regard to whether they are idioms or not. A hierarchy of subconstruction types is assumed, which for each piece of evidence provided by the words and rules of the sentence, narrows down the possible frames of the verb to just one.
In this paper I present an account for the lexical passive Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs) in Korean. Regarding the issue of how the arguments of an SVC are realized, I propose two hypotheses: i) Korean SVCs are broadly classified into two types, subject-sharing SVCs where the subject is structure-shared by the verbs and index-sharing SVCs where only indices of semantic arguments are structure-shared by the verbs, and ii) a semantic argument sharing is a general requirement of SVCs in Korean. I also argue that an argument composition analysis can accommodate such the new data as the lexical passive SVCs in a simple manner compared to other alternative derivational analyses.
Poster presentation at 1st International Workshop on Odor Spaces.
Mice are exceptional in their ability to capture their chemical environment, mapping the olfactory world into a basic sensory representation with over one thousand different types of chemical sensors, that is, olfactory sensory neurons (OSNs). OSNs of each type converge in the olfactory bulb onto exclusive distinct physiological areas called glomeruli. The glomeruli constitute the first relay station of olfactory stimulus representation in the mouse brain. Thus, the stimulus induced glomerular input pattern spatially embodies an important part of the sensory representation in the olfactory bulb. Still, topographic organization principles (chemotopy, tunotopy) are under debate. One reason might be that investigation are, due to experimental limitations, only performed on stimuli sets in the size of one hundred odors. But this represents only a tiny snapshot of the vast amount of molecules in the olfactory world and topographic relationships might be disguised in the incomplete representation of molecular receptive ranges (MRR). Therefore we investigated the problem with the MOR18-2 glomerulus as point of reference: First we determined it's MRR. Then, based on a measurement set covering this MRR, we elucidated the topographic embedding. It shows that MOR18-2 is embedded in a hierarchy of patchy tunotopic domains.
The present study is concerned with the complex ways in which alternating relative complementisers in Coptic are employed as a morphological flagging device for unbounded dependencies in various types of relative clause constructions and wh questions. We shall argue in particular that the alternation in shape is locally conditioned by properties of the complement (TAME) and the antecedent noun (definiteness), which can be modelled via selectional features such as COMPS and MOD, plus the prosodic status of right-adjacent material (phrase vs. clitic). We shall show that all applicable conditions carry over from relatives to wh in-situ, suggesting to model the polyfunctionality of these complementisers in terms a systematic alternation between resumptive SLASH and in-situ QUE dependencies, modelled in terms of a lexical rule.
Furthermore, we shall discuss the status of unbounded dependencies and argue that the pervasiveness of resumption with relatives and ex-situ wh arguments can be attributed to the absence of gap-synsem on ARG-ST . We shall argue that apparent subject "gaps" in relative constructions are of a highly local nature, best to be understood in terms of subcategorisation for a finite VP complement. Finally, we shall show that the ban on argument gaps does not carry over to wh ex-situ adjuncts, providing additional motivation for maintaining a systematic distinction between these two types of extraction.
We have measured the radiative neutron-capture cross section and the total neutron-induced cross section of one of the most important isotopes for the s process, the 25Mg. The measurements have been carried out at the neutron time-of-flight facilities n_TOF at CERN (Switzerland) and GELINA installed at the EC-JRC-IRMM (Belgium). The cross sections as a function of neutron energy have been measured up to approximately 300 keV, covering the energy region of interest to the s process. The data analysis is ongoing and preliminary results show the potential relevance for the s process.
Poster presentation at The Twenty Third Annual Computational Neuroscience Meeting: CNS*2014 Québec City, Canada. 26-31 July 2014: We study random strongly heterogeneous recurrent networks of firing rate neurons, introducing the notion of cohorts: groups of co-active neurons, who compete for firing with one another and whose presence depends sensitively on the structure of the input. The identities of neurons recruited to and dropped from an active cohort changes smoothly with varying input features. We search for network parameter regimes in which the activation of cohorts is robust yet easily switchable by the external input and which exhibit large repertoires of different cohorts. We apply these networks to model the emergence of orientation and direction selectivity in visual cortex. We feed these random networks with a set of harmonic inputs that vary across neurons only in their temporal phase, mimicking the feedforward drive due to a moving grating stimulus. The relationship between the phases that carries the information about the orientation of the stimulus determines which cohort of neurons is activated. As a result the individual neurons acquire non-monotonic orientation tuning curves which are characterized by high orientation and direction selectivity. This mechanism of emergence for direction selectivity differs from the classical motion detector scheme, which is based on the nonlinear summation of the time-shifted inputs. In our model these two mechanisms coexist in the same network, but can be distinguished by their different frequency and contrast dependences. In general, the mechanism we are studying here converts temporal phase sequence into population activity and could therefore be used to extract and represent also various other relevant stimulus features.
Based on a non-rigorous formalism called the “cavity method”, physicists have made intriguing predictions on phase transitions in discrete structures. One of the most remarkable ones is that in problems such as random k-SAT or random graph k-coloring, very shortly before the threshold for the existence of solutions there occurs another phase transition called condensation [Krzakala et al., PNAS 2007]. The existence of this phase transition seems to be intimately related to the difficulty of proving precise results on, e. g., the k-colorability threshold as well as to the performance of message passing algorithms. In random graph k-coloring, there is a precise conjecture as to the location of the condensation phase transition in terms of a distributional fixed point problem. In this paper we prove this conjecture, provided that k exceeds a certain constant k0.
Much discussion of the comparative correlative construction exemplified by The more I read, the more I understand has been concerned with how much cross–linguistic variation there is in this area. Culicover and Jackendoff (1999) suggest that there is considerable variation, but Den Dikken (2005) suggests with data from a variety of languages that the variation is quite limited. Modern Standard Arabic has a comparative correlative construction which is quite different from Engish and the other languages that Den Dikken considers, suggesting that there is more variation in this domain than he assumes. However, it is not difficult to provide an analysis of the construction and other related constructions within the HPSG framework.
Impairment in past tense production as well as interaction between tense and aspect have been found in both fluent and non-fluent aphasia (e.g. Dragoy & Bastiaanse, 2013). Inflection has been found to be relatively preserved in semantic dementia (SD) (Thompson et al., 2012). The aims of the present study are a) to compare the morphosyntactic abilities of patients with aphasia and SD in tense and aspect marking and b) to explore the interaction of lexical (+/- telic) and grammatical (perfective/imperfective) aspect in aphasia and SD. A sentence completion task was administered to 30 native speakers of Greek: 10 patients with aphasia (6 anomic, 2 Wernicke and 2 agrammatic), 10 age and education-matched controls, 5 patients with SD and 5 controls. The material consisted of unergative, unaccusative and transitive verbs (12 of each verb class) and the participants had to apply present (imperfective) and past (perfective) tense. Unergative and unaccusative verbs differ in terms of their aspectual properties with the unergative being [-telic], and unaccusative [+telic]. Transitive verbs vary. A principal distinction between the tested conditions was the standard ummarked combination ([+telic] verbs in past perfective and [–telic] verbs in present imperfective) vs. the marked one ([+telic] verbs in present imperfective and [–telic] in past perfective). Both control groups performed at ceiling in all conditions. Aphasic participants were significantly more impaired than the control group in all conditions. SD participants were significantly more impaired than the controls only in the production of present tense (M-W U= 1.5, p= 0.024). There was no difference between past perfective and present imperfective for neither group, but there was an interaction between verb class and tense for the aphasic participants, as performance in unaccusative verbs in past perfective (unmarked condition) was significantly better than in unergatives in past perfective (marked condition) (Z=2.512, p=0.012) but performance in unaccusatives in present imperfective (marked condition) was significantly worse than performance in unergatives in present imperfective (unmarked condition) (Z=2.680, p=0.004). In sum, aphasic participants performed significantly better in the unmarked than in the marked conditions. Such an interaction was not found for the SD group. Aphasic participants performed significantly worse than the SD subjects in past perfective tense (M-W U= 7.5, p=0.029) in total, and the difference was significant only for unaccusative verbs (M-W U= 6.5, p=0.021), although both groups performed very well in this condition. There was no difference in present, neither for each verb class separately nor for the total score. A general past tense deficit cannot be upheld for either group. Rather, SD participants appear relatively impaired in producing present tense. We argue for slight morphosyntactic impairment in SD, although with a different underlying cause than in aphasia. Moreover, our data suggest an effect of aspectual markedness in aphasia but not in SD. We discuss this finding in the light of the different neuropathology of the two populations.