Refine
Year of publication
- 2016 (183) (remove)
Document Type
- Report (97)
- Article (39)
- Contribution to a Periodical (15)
- Part of Periodical (12)
- Review (7)
- Working Paper (5)
- Conference Proceeding (3)
- Doctoral Thesis (3)
- Book (2)
Has Fulltext
- yes (183)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (183)
Keywords
- Deutschland (10)
- Salafismus (9)
- EU (7)
- Terrorismus (7)
- terrorism (7)
- Islamischer Staat (6)
- Adorno (5)
- Islamismus (5)
- Recognition (5)
- Reconhecimento (5)
Institute
- Gesellschaftswissenschaften (183) (remove)
Dies ist der 17. Artikel unseres Blogfokus „Salafismus in Deutschland“. In einer Zeit, in der islamistische Gewalttaten mit einer grausamen Häufigkeit vorkommen, wird mit großer Energie und Dringlichkeit nach Lösungen gesucht, wie mit Radikalisierten umzugehen ist und wie man Radikalisierungsprozesse verhindern oder umkehren kann. Dabei tauchen schnell Begriffe wie Prävention und Deradikalisierung auf. Es ist gut und wichtig, dass konstruktive Ansätze gegen Salafismus (eine konservative Strömung des Islam) und islamische Radikalisierung an Aufmerksamkeit gewinnen. Es ist aber auch wichtig, Prävention und Deradikalisierung als untschiedliche Handlungsfelder zu betrachten, die ihre eigenen Ziele verfolgen, und mit je eigenen Herausforderungen verbunden sind. Nichtsdestotrotz, sollten ihre Überschneidungen nicht vergessen werden. In diesem Beitrag beschäftige ich mich anhand der folgenden Fragen mit dem Thema Deradikalisierung: Was ist Deradikalisierungsarbeit? Was ist (nicht) ihr Ziel? Und wer übt sie aus? Wie unterscheidet sie sich von Prävention? Was sind Bedingungen erfolgreicher Deradikalisierungsarbeit? In den Versuch, diese Fragen zu beantworten, möchte ich mit der Beschreibung zweier Situationen einsteigen...
Professionelle Förderung für junge Wissenschaftler/-innen bei Forschungsprojekten zu Bildung, Erziehung und Didaktik: Mit dem GRADE Centre Education (GRADE EDU) hat die Graduiertenakademie GRADE der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt das neunte disziplinübergreifende Zentrum geschaffen. Im Interview berichten Prof. Dr. Tim Engartner, Sprecher des GRADE Centre Education, sowie Dr. Matthias Herrle, Koordinator des GRADE Centre Education und Mitglied im Vorstand, wer von dem neuen Zentrum in welcher Weise profitieren kann und welche Herausforderungen es zu meistern gilt.
Zwischen Banalisierung und Dramatisierung: Zum medialen Diskurs über Salafismus in Frankreich
(2016)
Dies ist der 15. Artikel unseres Blogfokus „Salafismus in Deutschland“. Seit einigen Jahren ist Salafismus in Deutschland in aller Munde. Ganz anders im Nachbarland Frankreich, wo sich der Begriff selbst nach mehreren Attentaten mit „salafistischen Hintergrund“ nicht recht durchgesetzt hat. Um diesem Paradox auf den Grund zu gehen, habe ich den Diskurs über Salafismus in der französischen Presse dahingehend untersucht, wie das Thema über die letzten zehn Jahre immer wieder eingeführt und diskutiert wurde. Zu diesem Zweck habe ich eine systematische, kontextuelle Suche der Stichworte „Salafismus“, „Salafist“ und „salafistisch“ in den Archiven der fünf (zahlungspflichtigen) französischen Zeitungen mit nationaler Ausbreitung im Zeitraum von 2005 bis 2015 durchgeführt.1 Auf diese Weise kann ein etwaiger Wandel des Begriffs nachvollzogen werden...
Germany has experienced a rise in xenophobic attacks since it began to welcome refugees from Syria and elsewhere. Sebastian Jäckle and Pascal D. König have mapped these attacks and drawn some striking conclusions about their causes. They were more common in regions with a strong far-right presence and fewer migrants. One attack also tended to spark others – as did condemnation of xenophobia by national leaders, and Islamist terror. Britain saw a similar spike in xenophobic crime after the referendum. The authors ask whether the UK can learn from Germany’s painful experience.
Dies ist der 22. Artikel unseres Blogfokus „Salafismus in Deutschland“. Die Beiträge der Blogserie „Salafismus in Deutschland – Herausforderungen für Politik und Gesellschaft“ beschäftigten sich pointiert mit den gesellschaftlich, politisch, wissenschaftlich und medial wichtigsten Aspekten der salafistischen Glaubenslehre, Ideologie und Bewegung. Sie betonten die vielen Schattierungen dieser sich beständig im Wandel befindlichen Phänomene, wagten den Blick über den deutschen Tellerrand hinaus und formulierten Handlungsempfehlungen für Politik, Medien, Wissenschaft und Zivilgesellschaft. Obwohl es einige blinde Flecken vor allem in der empirischen Forschung zu Salafismus und Dschihadismus gibt (siehe unter anderem den Beitrag von Riem Spielhaus), ist es offensichtlich, dass nicht nur ein Erkenntnisproblem, sondern ein Umsetzungsproblem besteht: es gibt sehr viel grundlegendes Wissen, welches aber nicht in konkrete Handlungen übersetzt wird und oft in „Inseln des Wissens“ verharrt. Dies bezieht sich auf zweierlei: erstens auf die Gestaltung eines nur in seiner Gegenseitigkeit produktiven Wissenstransfers zwischen Wissenschaft und Praxis und zweitens auf eine sinnvolle Priorisierung politischer Steuerungsmaßnahmen....
Mehr Geld für BND und Verfassungsschutz, bessere Vernetzung der europäischen Datenbanken, die Schaffung eines Ein- und Ausreiseregisters, die Übermittlung von europäischen Fluggastdaten an die Sicherheitsbehörden der EU-Mitgliedsstaaten, mehr Videoüberwachung, Kennzeichenlesesysteme, Biometrie – und vieles mehr. Detaillierte Angaben dazu, ob die angepeilten Maßnahmen überhaupt wirksam sind, werden selten gegeben. Politische Entscheidungsträger denken sich in der Regel nicht selbst aus, was gebraucht wird, vielmehr werden von den Sicherheitsbehörden Bedarfe angemeldet, die ihrer Arbeitslogik entsprechen. Und die sagt im Zweifelsfall: mehr hilft mehr. So sind im Zuge der Bekämpfung des Terrorismus im Laufe der letzten 15 Jahre unzählige verdachtsabhängige und verdachtsunabhängige Maßnahmen ergriffen worden. Allein auf Ebene der EU waren es mehr als 250...
Donald Trump hat die Polittechnologie des Populismus auf die Spitze getrieben und geradezu perfektioniert. Hier sind die mehr oder minder appetitlichen Zutaten seines Hyperpopulismus, die allesamt zur Anwendung kamen. Keine dieser Ingredienzen ist gänzlich neu, sondern sie wurden auch schon von europäischen Rechtspopulisten hinlänglich erprobt. Dieses Gemisch bedarf eines fruchtbaren Resonanzbodens, um seine betörende Wirkung zu entfalten. Es muss auf eine gesellschaftliche Disposition treffen. Je nach Kontext spielen unterschiedliche sozio-kulturelle und ökonomische Faktoren eine Rolle, weshalb sich die Populismen auch von Land zu Land in Form und Inhalt durchaus unterscheiden. Dennoch gibt es so etwas wie einen Kern an populistischen Lehrsätzen und Mechanismen, die man sich vergegenwärtigen sollte, um auch in der medialen Berichterstattung nicht stets aufs Neue in die aufgestellten Fallen zu tappen.
Kaum ein Thema hat in den letzten Jahren die öffentliche Diskussion geprägt wie die Frage nach dem Datenschutz: Die von Edward Snowdon losgetretene Affäre um den amerikanischen Geheimdienst hat endgültig den Nutzer digitaler Medien als eine gefährdete Spezies erscheinen lassen. Denn fast jeder benutzt heute mobile Smartphones und Tablet Computer für eine allgegenwärtige Kommunikation, Datenspeicherung und -verwaltung und noch vieles mehr – und ist damit latent staatlichen und öffentlichen Datenspionen ausgesetzt. Verschwindet nun in dem Maße, wie das Nutzerverhalten vor ungewollten Zugriffen von außen kaum oder möglicherweise gar nicht zu schützen ist, auch die Privatsphäre, wird der Mensch zunehmend gläsern?
Dies ist der 20. Artikel unseres Blogfokus „Salafismus in Deutschland“. Bislang haben sich über 700 junge Menschen aus Deutschland den gewaltbereiten Salafisten des IS angeschlossen. Sie haben die Bundesrepublik verlassen und sind in den Jihad gezogen. Die mediale Diskussion beschränkt sich bei der Diskussion darüber, wie dies zu verhindern sei, zumeist auf sicherheitspolitische Maßnahmen. Das sind Maßnahmen, die auf Bundes- oder Länderebene durchgeführt werden. In der Prävention von Radikalisierung spielen allerdings die Kommunen eine entscheidende Rolle. Dieser Beitrag beleuchtet die Maßnahmen, die auf kommunaler Ebene getroffen werden (sollten) – von verschiedenen Präventionsangeboten bis hin zu Chancen kommunaler Vernetzung...
This is the 23. article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
ccording to several observers new waves of refugees’ arrivals could increase the popularity of far right organizations.1 In these interpretations electoral and political support should be promoted by societal resonance of ethnocentric discourses. Recent data from the Eurobarometer illustrates that in EU-member states migration from non-EU countries is now considered to be the most important concern that the Union is facing. This is a sudden shift with respect to the results of the 2013 Eurobarometer where – in the middle of the euro crisis – EU citizens seemed to be more concerned about the economy and unemployment. I propose to place the magnifying glass on the arguments developed by these organizations by focusing on the least researched members of the far right family: nonparty organizations. After introducing CasaPound Italia (CPI) it will be discussed what fuels its anti-migrant’s discourse by highlighting continuities and changes with respect to classic nativist far right rhetoric. Digging into the arguments is crucial to getting a better assessment of their potential appeal especially in a favorable context...
This is the tenth article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
How can a racist party that was getting less than 0.2% of the vote for years, enter parliament with 18 MPs? How can a party that promotes violence, hate, sexism and murders amplify its reach after each pogrom? How can Golden Dawn remain the third political power in Greece for four years? And what’s in the mind of a Golden Dawner?...
Wohl kaum ein anders arabisches Land ist so umstritten wie Saudi-Arabien, zumindest wenn es um die Frage von Rüstungsexporten geht. Erst im Juni hat das Verwaltungsgericht Frankfurt in einer von Heckler & Koch eingereichten Klage geurteilt, dass die Bundesregierung sich in der Frage der Genehmigung der Lieferung von Bauteilen für die Lizenzproduktion des G-36 Sturmgewehrs nach Saudi-Arabien entscheiden müsse. Das Wirtschaftsministerium unter der Führung von Sigmar Gabriel (SPD) hatte diese Entscheidung bislang vertagt, auch mit Hinweis auf die gegenwärtige Militärintervention, die das Königreich zusammen mit anderen arabischen Staaten im Jemen führt....
Am Montag, 30. Mai 2016 von 18.00-20.00h, laden das Institut für soziale Bewegungen (ISB) und die Gemeinsame Arbeitsstelle RUB/IGM zum 3. Bochumer Disput ein. Diskutiert wird zum Thema „Handelspolitik gerecht gestalten? Die Transatlantische Handels- und Investitionspartnerschaft (TTIP) als politischer Prozess“.
Continuadores posteriores de la teoría crítica de la sociedad han cuestionado a Adorno por caer en una lógica de la emancipación frustrada aparentemente contradictoria, que reflexiona sobre la dominación social en condiciones bajo las cuales, empero, se declaran cerradas las posibilidades de transformación histórica. Sin embargo, sostengo que su teoría social remite también a un concepto novedoso de la emancipación sin totalidad, relevante para la reconstrucción de la teoría crítica ante los cuestionamientos pluralistas lanzados hacia el concepto de “totalidad”.
O objetivo do presente texto é repensar a aporia pela qual o livro “Dialética do Esclarecimento” é anunciado, a saber, a autodestruição do esclarecimento ou a procura da liberdade pela racionalidade, mas que culmina em uma regressão. Nossa argumentação perfaz dois caminhos: primeiramente, apresentamos a relação existente na obra entre um tipo de antropologia com bases freudianas e uma leitura da sociologia de Marx. Concebemos a noção de uma estrutura psíquica permeável às condições sócio-históricas do ser humano ocidental. Tal condição é imprescindível para a saída da aporia intimamente relacionada a uma antropologia psíquica ligada a um modo histórico da cultura e sociedade. Na sequência, propomos ainda um paralelo entre a possibilidade de um esclarecimento efetivo por meio do resíduo mítico presente na racionalidade técnica apresentada por Horkheimer e Adorno e a assunção da situação humana de desamparo na visão de mundo religiosa, modo freudiano para se alcançar uma posição mais “científica” em relação à realidade. Nesse contexto, utilizaremos rapidamente parte da teoria de Weber como meio para relacionarmos o esclarecimento à religião no que ambos têm em comum, isto é, a defesa contra o sofrimento, a angústia e o desamparo. Talvez seja por meio da assunção do desamparo na racionalidade situada na visão religiosa de mundo, ou ainda, a assunção do mito na racionalidade técnica do esclarecimento, que permitirá o futuro desenvolvimento de uma “antropologia dialética”, o que resultaria na saída da aporia enquanto condição histórica da racionalidade humana.
Given the current Middle Eastern scenario, one may reasonably hold the argument that the on-going turmoil in the Middle East owes its burden equally to the Machiavellian Anglo-American policies in the region and the harrowing failure of the Muslim governments/leaderships in the Middle East to rationally respond to those challenges. But are there any dimensions beyond religion?
This is the first article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Europe is in trouble. Far right politics is spreading all over the place and its actors and discourses become increasingly influential at various levels: Parties from the far right achieved successes in French, Austrian and Slovakian elections. Far right movement organizations in Germany and Italy mobilized thousands of people to the streets. In Sweden and Great Britain, vigilante and terrorist groups wage armed struggle. And last but not least, ‚illiberal models of democracy‘ in Poland and Hungary demonstrate the far right’s capacity to transform politics on the European level...
This is the sixth article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
As everywhere else in Eastern Europe, ever since the fall of the communist regime, Romania’s political system has experienced dramatic changes from one electoral cycle to another, starting off with what was considered to be an inflation of political parties at the beginning of the 1990’s and arriving today at what seems to approximate a two-party system, with the Social-Democratic Party (PSD) on the left and the National Liberal Party (PNL) on the right side of the political spectrum. However, the fog surrounding the ideological identities of virtually all Romanian political parties has only intensified in time, leaving the party system in flux and creating the idea that there are no significant differences between the major political players. As was the case of many other countries, this situation has generated the (at least partial) success of a radical anti-establishment discourse. However, unlike other European countries, the far right in Romania did not benefit by the financial crisis...
This is the second article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Since 2011 signs have been multiplying in Europe of a far right grassroots insurgency in the making. And there were signals, too, of a racist insurrection: arson attacks, petrol bombs, paramilitary and vigilante activities, and the stockpiling of weapons. The first major indication of the far right’s capacity for mass murder came from Norway on 22 July 2011. Anders Behring Breivik killed 77 people, mainly teenagers, whom he shot dead at the Labour Party youth summer camp on Oslo’s Utøya Island. At his trial, Breivik described the youngsters he so cruelly murdered as ‚traitors‘ who had embraced immigration in order to promote an ‘Islamic colonization of Norway‘..
The concept of freedom as non-domination that is associated with neo-republican theory provides a guiding ideal in the global, not just the domestic arena, and does so even on the assumption that there will continue to be many distinct states. It argues for a world in which states do not dominate members of their own people and, considered as a corporate body, no people is dominated by other agencies: not by other states and not, for example, by any international agency or multi-national corporation. This ideal is not only attractive in the abstract, it also supports a concrete range of sensible, if often radical international policies.
French far right activism experienced tremendous changes in recent years. Besides traditional far right party politics, new patterns of street-based mobilization attract especially action-oriented youths. This trend is epitomized by the growing popularity of the Bloc Identitaire (official name; shortened to “Identitaires”). Its ideology rests on the idea that there exists a struggle between different political families in order to become the legitimate representative of the people, and that the extreme right is winning this struggle. Behind the scenes, the recurring idea of the Bloc Identitaires is to occupy a cultural and “meta-political” territory that was once the monopoly of the left. Their aim is that they are gradually associated with the only possible alternative to change the world. They try to frame a maximum of popular needs and present themselves as substitutes for when the economy and the state will be bankrupt. So you can eat the food of the Identitaires, drink their beer (the “Desouchière”), buy their clothes, listen to their music or read their books and thus participate in financing the movement...
This is the seventh article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
While one cannot say that the far right movements and ideologies in Latvia are in a state of flux, the current situation in Europe has prompted some developments that could turn into significant trends in the medium to longer term. In turn, these could have an effect on broader European politics, if left unchecked...
This is the ninth article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Since around 1990, the state of the Austrian far right1 has been characterized by the strength of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ – Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, more precisely translated as Freedomite Party of Austria2) and the relative weakness of extra-parliamentarian far right activism. Far from a mere coincidence, these two features are to be understood as closely linked: the FPÖ’s electoral successes have brought far right causes and talking points unto the political center stage on a national level, given them ample media coverage and made street militancy increasingly pointless. Insofar, the Austrian far right spectrum could – at least until recently – be described as a photographic negative of the situation in Germany: successful party politics, weak bottom-up mobilizations and a comparatively low incidence of street violence. Currently, however, the long held hopes of German right-wingers for a party both in the mold, and strength, of the FPÖ are apparently being fulfilled by the emergence of the Alternative for Germany (AfD). Conversely, both legal and illegal street activism have been on the rise in Austria in recent years, particularly since the start of the asylum crisis in Europe. Numerous violent incidents were reported in 2015, including a minimum of 25 attacks on housing facilities for asylum seekers.
The dualism of movements and institutions. A structurational approach towards the two concepts
(2016)
In studies of social mobilization, the distinction between institutions and organizations is often as blurry as the instant of time from which on we can actually speak of a proper movement. Using the idea of a `duality of structure’ as a starting point, this article suggests a way of fixing the boundaries: a brief analysis of the South African Landless People’s Movement demonstrates the merit of conceiving of movements as aggregate actors with shared common objectives and common norms, which institutionalize particular modes of cooperation by purposefully drawing on existing institutions in order to shape functioning internal structures.
The article aims to sharpen the neo-republican contribution to international political thought by challenging Pettit’s view that only representative states may raise a valid claim to non-domination in their external relations. The argument proceeds in two steps: First I show that, conceptually speaking, the domination of states, whether representative or not, implies dominating the collective people at least in its fundamental, constitutive power. Secondly, the domination of states – and thus of their peoples – cannot be justified normatively in the name of promoting individual non-domination because such a compensatory rationale misconceives the notion of domination in terms of a discrete exercise of power instead of as an ongoing power relation. This speaks in favour of a more inclusive law of peoples than Pettit (just as his liberal counterpart Rawls) envisages: In order to accommodate the claim of collective peoples to non-domination it has to recognize every state as a member of the international order.
What’s that again? Blasphemy law? An Egyptian court sentenced the Islamic scholar and theologian Islam Al-Buhairi to one year in prison for blasphemy. Al-Buhairi was accused of insulting Islam in his TV show “With Islam Al-Buhairi” on “Al-Qahira wa Al-Nas” channel. Al-Buhairi questioned the “Islamic heritage”, which angered the Al-Azhar scholarship...
This is the 14. article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
country’s domestically weak far right has managed to send its representatives to the European Parliament (EP). Prior to 2014, these MEPs remained largely isolated, retaining a non-affiliated status. Initially, Volen Siderov’s far right party Attack, the first of its kind in post-communist Bulgaria, won three seats in the legislative body in 2007. Formed in 2005, Attack quickly gained electoral support, conveying a strong xenophobic and anti-minority rhetoric combined with emphasis on Orthodox Christian values and opposition to globalization. No other Bulgarian party has previously sought to attract voters using such a strategy. Attack participated in the short-lived Identity, Tradition, Sovereignty group in the EP. Further efforts for constructing a lasting political grouping on the far right with the participation of Bulgarian parties remained futile, making their influence on debate-shaping and decision-making hardly possible. Winning a seat less in 2009, Attack remained outside of any recognized EP political group...
Here we go again. Recent terrorist attacks against another European capital city in less than a year continue to shake the core of world politics. It is worth to note that terrorist attacks are not only happening against European states, but also against other countries, most notably Turkey and Indonesia. Is it a clash of cultures, religions, or it is merely politics? How do we keep serving Daesh (Islamic State)?
Wird von Terrorismusbekämpfung gesprochen, ist der Fokus auf nationale Problemlösungen gerichtet. Bei modernen Formen des Terrorismus handelt es sich zumeist um transnationale Phänomene, denen auch transnational begegnet werden muss. Zwei Beispiele zeigen die Probleme, die aus einer nationalen Beschränkung entstehen...
A short while ago, an interested reader inquired about one of my articles on the topic of jihad and terrorism. I am thankful for the inspiring question. The reader asked me to clarify why there seems to be no difference between terrorism and jihad nowadays, and why this boundary has disappeared in debates by many people in the social media and in other places...
Am 12. Juli wurde vom Internationalen Schiedshof das Urteil im Streit zwischen den Philippinen und der VR China verkündet. Der Schiedshof erklärte, dass große Teile der chinesischen Ansprüche im Südchinesischen Meer null und nichtig sind, da sie einer rechtlichen Grundlage entbehren. Dies betrifft zunächst die auf der sog. nine-dash line basierenden Ansprüche. Dabei handelt es sich um eine aus den 1940er Jahren stammende Karte mit neun unterbrochenen Strichen, mittels derer China seit Jahrzehnten die äußeren Grenzen seiner nicht näher bestimmten historischen Rechte auf große Teile des Südchinesischen Meeres begründet. Gefallen sind auch die Ansprüche auf eine bis zu 200 Seemeilen umfassende ausschließliche Wirtschaftszone (Exclusive Economic Zone; EEZ) in den Spratly-Inseln und rund um Scarborough Shoal im Norden des südchinesischen Meeres, weil diesen vom Gericht der Inselstatus abgesprochen wurde. Der Verlust dieser Rechte wiederum hat zur Folge, dass die chinesische Besetzung mehrerer Riffe und Atolle als illegal eingestuft wird, weil sie innerhalb der ausschließlichen Wirtschaftszone EEZ der Philippinen liegen....
Since 2013, the Swiss Federal Intelligence Service (FIS) has warned of a heightened threat emanating from jihadi terrorism in Switzerland. According to FIS’s assessment, the threat has continuously risen since then and reached a new high in 2016. This is a new situation for a country that has, since the two attacks conducted by Palestinian groups targeting an El Al airplane in Kloten in 1969 and the bombing of a Swissair machine in 1970, remained largely unscathed by terrorism. This has remained true even in the decade after 9/11 when a wave of jihadi terrorism inspired and often directed by al-Qaeda struck urban centers in Europe and elsewhere on multiple occasions...
This is the fourth article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Terror from the extreme right has again gained a wider public attention in 2011 with the devastating attacks carried out by Anders Behring Breivik in Norway and the detection of the right-wing terrorist cell called “National Socialist Underground” (NSU), which had committed ten murders, three bombings and a dozen bank robberies during more than a decade of time in Germany. In many Western countries violence motivated by racism, anti-government hate, anti-Semitism or other aspects of right-wing extremism, appears to be a regular part of criminal activities. Hate crime legislation and statistics vary strongly but show that next to high intense terrorist attacks such as 9/11, the attacks in London, Madrid or Paris, right-wing violence and terrorism is the most dangerous politically motivated threat. In the United States for example Perliger (2012) counted 4,420 right-wing terrorist incidents between 1990 and 2012 causing 670 fatalities and 3,053 injuries. In Germany official statistics counted 69 right-wing attacks between 1990 and 2015 causing 75 casualties, while civil society watchdogs count up to 184 deaths. In Russia some experts speak of approximately 450 right-wing motivated killings between 2004 and 2010. Nevertheless, this specific form of political violence remains largely under-researched and misunderstood as non-terroristic. In consequence the threat from the far right is continuously downplayed with severe consequences for victims and the internal security.
It is widely thought that the international community, taken as a whole, is required to take action to prevent terrorism. Yet, what each state is required to do in this project is unclear and contested. This article examines a number of bases on which we might assign responsibilities to conduct counterterrorist operations to states. I argue that the ways in which other sorts of responsibilities have been assigned to states by political philosophers will face significant limitations when used to assign the necessary costs of preventing terrorism. I go on to suggest that appealing to the principle of fairness—which assigns obligations on the basis of benefits received from cooperative endeavours—may be used to make up the shortfall, despite this principle having received relatively little attention in existing normative accounts of states’ responsibilities.
Nachkriegsländer gehören zu den schwierigsten politischen Arenen. Die Herausforderungen bestehen nicht nur darin, diese Länder dabei zu unterstützen Kriege zu beenden und neue Gewaltausbrüche zu verhindern, sondern vielmehr zu einem friedlichen Zusammenleben zurückzukehren. In diesem Zusammenhang ist in den letzten Jahren das Interesse vieler Wissenschaftler als auch vieler internationaler Akteure gestiegen, das mögliche Potential des nachhaltigen Managements natürlicher Ressourcen zu nutzen um Friedensprozesse zu unterstützen. Die Hoffnung liegt dabei darin, dass eine gute Regierungsführung („Good Governance“) und insbesondere die nachhaltige Entwicklung und Nutzung von Ressourcen wie Wasser, Wald oder landwirtschaftlichen Flächen, Kooperation zwischen Konfliktparteien ermöglichen und dabei zum Neustart der internen Beziehungen beitragen. Die wachsende Bedeutung des Zusammenspiels zwischen der Entwicklung von Frieden und Umweltschutz sowie der nachhaltigen Nutzung von Ressourcen wurde erst kürzlich durch die Ziele nachhaltiger Entwicklung der Vereinten Nationen bestätigt....
Sozialräume der Global Financial Class : Untersuchungen in den Finanzzentren Frankfurt und Sydney
(2016)
Dieses Working Paper untersucht die Bedeutung von Global Cities für die Formierung einer globalen Finanzklasse anhand der Finanzzentren Frankfurt und Sydney. In einer vergleichenden Ethnographie dieser beiden Städte werden urbane Räume und soziale Kontexte erforscht, die durch die kulturellen Praktiken und stilistischen Gemeinsamkeiten der modernen Finanzklasse geprägt sind. Es werden dabei vier charakteristische kulturelle Muster identifiziert: Dies sind die Muster der Repräsentation, der Exklusivität, der Aspiration und der sozialen Durchlässigkeit.
Im Muster der Repräsentation verbindet sich das Finanzwesen auf eine symbolische Weise mit Politik und Gesellschaft, während im Muster der Exklusivität der Kern ökonomischer Praktiken dem Zugriff der Allgemeinheit entzogen wird. Das Muster der Aspiration ermöglicht Praktiken der Herstellung und des Austestens von Zugehörigkeit, während der Modus sozialer Durchlässigkeit eine Auseinandersetzung mit anderen gesellschaftlichen Gruppen und die Aufnahme fremder kultureller Muster durch Praktiken der cultural omnivorousness ermöglicht.
Die Praktiken, die diese vier typischen Muster konstituieren, nehmen dabei jeweils lokale Eigenhei- ten auf, die in einen global verlaufenden Klassenbildungsprozess eingespeist werden und diese glo- bale Klasse in den Städten verankern.
Social movements and institutions are central actors in national and transnational politics as well as core categories of social inquiry. Despite their importance, both terms are still haunted by a lack of thorough definitions. We introduce a blog series with ten weekly contributions on their interrelation, outlining several innovative approaches and suggesting some vantage points for rethinking ‘Movements’ and ‘Institutions’ in a productive manner.
In modern welfare states, family policies may resolve the tension between employment and care-focused demands. However these policies sometimes have adverse consequences for distinct social groups. This study examined gender and educational differences in working parents’ perceived work–family conflict and used a comparative approach to test whether family policies, in particular support for child care and leave from paid work, are capable of reducing work–family conflict as well as the gender and educational gaps in work–family conflict. We use data from the European Social Survey 2010 for 20 countries and 5296 respondents (parents), extended with information on national policies for maternity and parental leave and child care support from the OECD Family Database. Employing multilevel analysis, we find that mothers and the higher educated report most work–family conflict. Policies supporting child care reduce the level of experienced work–family conflict; family leave policy appears to have no alleviating impact on working parents’ work–family conflict. Our findings indicate that family policies appear to be unable to reduce the gender gap in conflict perception and even widen the educational gap in work–family conflict.
As contendas filosóficas acerca da definição e da aplicação da ‘verdade’ desenvolvem-se desde a antiguidade até os dias atuais. O questionamento sobre as condições ideais para se alcançar a verdade e se estas condições podem ser satisfeitas, se a realidade pode ser conhecida com ela é ou se apenas podemos conhecer sua forma apresentada, todas estas indagações, ocuparam também o pragmatista e o neo-pragmatista Jürgen Habermas e Richard Rorty, respectivamente. Enquanto Richard Rorty, motivado pela Virada Linguística, pretende seguir o caminho oposto ao da Metafísica, substituindo a noção de verdade enquanto “descoberta” por verdade enquanto “construção”, Habermas sugere que existem condições de validação para aquilo que chamamos ‘verdadeiro’, que já encontram-se previamente estabelecidas no contexto de argumentação e que devem ser satisfeitas. Com o objetivo de analisar as posições de ambos os filósofos citados, apresentaremos de forma sucinta a visão de cada um acerca do debate sobre a verdade e a crítica que Habermas tece a respeito da interpretação que Rorty fornece.
Bei dem letzten Update des Genocide Alert Monitors wurde in sozialen Medien wiederholt darauf aufmerksam gemacht, dass fast sämtliche Massenverbrechen angeblich in muslimischen Staaten stattfänden. Der Islam wurde von den Kommentatoren als gewalttätige Religion bezeichnet und Muslime hauptverantwortlich für die über 21.000 im 1. Quartal 2016 getöteten Menschen gemacht. Anlass genug, die erfassten Situationen auf religiöse Identitäten von Tätern und Opfern zu analysieren...
Contemporary liberalism and republicanism present clearly distinct programs for domestic politics, but the same cannot be said when it comes to global politics: the burgeoning literature on global republicanism has reproduced the divide between cosmopolitan and associational views familiar from long-standing debates among liberal egalitarians. Should republicans be cosmopolitans? Despite presence of a range of views in the literature, there is an emerging consensus that the best answer is no. This paper aims to resist the emerging consensus, arguing that republicans should be cosmopolitans. The considerations offered against cosmopolitanism generally rest on an incomplete understanding of the relationship between economic inequality or poverty on the one hand, and domination on the other. Insofar as republicans agree that promoting freedom from domination should be our central political aim, they should regard the reduction of economic inequality and poverty at home and abroad as equally pressing.
This working paper is based on a lecture given at the Summer School “Multiple Inequalities in the Age of Transnationalization”, June 23-27 2014 at Goethe University Frankfurt. In it, I explore the linkages between sexuality and migration and aim to show that instead of deeming them a narrow subfield of migration studies, thinking through these linkages has much wider implications for different fields, including post- and decolonial queer studies, the study of race and sexuality, the study of citizenship and state projects of inclusion/exclusion, and for work that attempts to ce-center the predominant knowledge production focused on the Global North.
Das dritte E-Book des Sicherheitspolitik-Blogs ist nun erhältlich. Es basiert auf dem Blogfokus „Salafismus in Deutschland – Herausforderungen für Politik und Gesellschaft“ und wurde von Janusz Biene und Julian Junk herausgegeben. Es ist als Druckversion zu kaufen oder kann kostenlos als PDF heruntergeladen werden.
Dies ist ein Crosspost mit freundlicher Genehmigung der Hessischen Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Der Beitrag findet sich ebenso auf der Seite der HSFK.
Trotz Bangen war am Ende allen zum Feiern zumute: Am 16. Dezember 2016 fasste die fünfte Überprüfungskonferenz der UN-Waffenkonvention (Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, CCW) unter pakistanischem Vorsitz den Beschluss, im nächsten Jahr eine offizielle Expertenkommission einzusetzen, die sich mit letalen autonomen Waffensystemen (Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems, LAWS) befassen soll. Diese Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) wird unter indischem Vorsitz „open-ended“ tagen und 2017 zu zwei je fünftägigen Treffen zusammenkommen...
This is the fifth post in the blog series „Movements and Institutions“.
The article traces a formalization process within the Interventionist Left (IL). Against theoretical expectations that would assume a de-radicalization of aims and repertoires of protest, we find that due to the network’s multi-track strategy, and the claim to radicalize existing social debates, the IL did not de-radicalize despite a formalization process and a partial integration into established systems.
Tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran have been increasing recently. Although the narrative developed to describe the execution of a Saudi Shiite cleric, Nimr Al-Nimr, as a sectarian dimension of the Kingdom’s policies towards Iran, Saudi Arabia’s goals are not principally fuelling the Shiite-Sunni divide. The Saudi executions were partially an attempt by Saudi Arabia to severe ties with Iran and push the tensions forward. Lifting sanctions against Iran, coupled with oil prices plummeting to around $32 per barrel remains a frightening nightmare for the Saudis...
This is the fifth article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
The threat that the far right poses to civil society changes across time and space. In Britain this threat has generally been in the form of hate-crimes and public disorder, yet in the past two decades there has been a shift towards solo-actor terrorism. By examining far right groups in the UK in the post-war period this paper explores the drivers of this change; namely, how membership in extremist groups combined with the proliferation of far right networks created by the internet can create a pathway to radicalisation which ends in acts of terror.
This working paper gives insights on a theoretical perspective on class formation in the context of global financial markets and presents first empirical findings regarding the formation of a global financial class. It draws on numerous encounters with financial professionals that were inter- viewed in Frankfurt (Germany) and Sydney (Australia). As a preliminary conclusion from those inves- tigations on a micro-perspective, we state that acting on the market creates a sense of global socia- bility, whereby organizations only play a secondary role. Careers in finance follow internationally homogenized pathways. This process of global class formation is taking place prominently in global financial centers. Therefore we link the level of investigation on a micro-perspective (experience of financial professionals) with global city life and the fabric of the city. This results in empirical findings on a meso-level from an ethnography of the social and professional urban environment of finance in the two global cities. Symbolic struggles engraved in the built environment of Frankfurt and Sydney are traced and discussed against the background of every-day-practices of aspiration in the financial districts investigated.
Repertoires of counter-contention: conceptualizing institutional responses to social movements
(2016)
The ways in which political authorities respond to societal challenges is a key element in the interaction between social movements and state institutions. Two conceptual distinctions are important when studying such repertoires of counter-contention: authorities’ responses may (1) aim at either including or excluding challengers, and they may (2) either respect their autonomy or try to control them.
Seitdem im Juli die Schiedsentscheidung über die Territorialkonflikte im südchinesischen Meer gefällt wurde, wird in Zeitungen und Blogs intensiv darüber diskutiert, wie diese Entscheidung einzuordnen ist und welche Folgen sich daraus ergeben. Das Schiedsgericht hat nicht über Fragen der Souveränität selbst entschieden, sondern über die rechtlichen Grundlagen, aus denen Souveränitätsansprüche abgeleitet werden können. In diesem Zusammenhang hatte das Gericht die interessante Frage zu klären, inwieweit die durch China angeführten „historischen Rechte“ geeignet sind, einen Gebietsanspruch zu begründen. Klar ist, dass der Schiedsspruch nicht geeignet ist, den Konflikt zu beenden. China hat von Beginn an deutlich gemacht, dass es das Verfahren weder anerkennen noch sich daran beteiligen würde und hat daher schließlich auch die Entscheidung als rechtwidrig abgelehnt. Die Funktion des Verfahrens ist daher auch weniger die Konfliktlösung, die es nicht leisten kann, als vielmehr das Herausarbeiten einer rechtlich gerechtfertigten Position....
Populism is widely thought to be in tension with liberal democracy. This article clarifies what exactly is problematic about populism from a liberal–democratic point of view and goes on to develop normative standards that allow us to distinguish between more and less legitimate forms of populism. The point of this exercise is not to dismiss populism in toto; the article strives for a more subtle result, namely, to show that liberal democracy can accommodate populism provided that the latter conforms to particular discursive norms. What the article calls a ‘liberal ethics of populism’ turns out to be closely bound up with a broader ethics of peoplehood, understood as a way of articulating who ‘the people’ are in a way that is compatible with liberal–democratic principles of political justification. Such an ethics, concludes the article, inevitably has a much wider audience than populist political actors: its addressees are all those who seek legitimately to exercise power in the name of the people.
This article uses survey data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP) to analyze the persistence of educational attainment across three generations in Germany. I obtain evidence of a robust effect of grandparents’ education on respondents’ own educational attainment in West Germany, net of parental class, education, occupational status, family income, parents’ relationship history, and family size. I also test whether the grandparent effect results from resource compensation or cumulative advantage and find empirical support for both mechanisms. In comparison, the intergenerational association between grandparents’ and respondents’ education is considerably weaker in East Germany and is also mediated completely by parental education. There are hardly any gender differences in the role of grandparents for respondents’ educational attainment, except for the fact that resource compensation is found to be exclusively relevant for women’s attainment in both West Germany and in East Germany after German reunification and the associated transition to an open educational system.
This article examines Adorno’s non-identity thinking and the moral role of mimesis. On the one hand, Adorno criticises Kant’s moral theory, revealing the heteronomy of morality and the untruth of subjective freedom, on the other he defends the utopistic urge of the “transcendental”, moving from finitude and imperfection. Adorno opposes to the bourgeois personality neither a naïve return to nature, nor a getting rid of the subject, but the individual as differentiated coexistence of self and otherness, spirit and nature.
This is the eleventh article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Far right and anti-Muslim politics in Britain have become increasingly fragmented. The British National Party (BNP), once the leading far right party, has largely collapsed. During the 2010 general election the BNP polled only 1.9% of the vote and was overshadowed by the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), a right-wing, anti-immigration populist party unencumbered by the BNP’s debilitating historical baggage. Thereafter, the BNP leadership descended into demoralization, bitter recrimination and factional rivalry, hastening the departure of its activist base, the collapse of its membership and leading, ultimately, to the expulsion of its chairman, Nick Griffin, as the party continued its further descent to political irrelevance. The BNP appears ‘finished’ as a political force, its ‘quest for legitimacy’ at an end.
Interrogando-se sobre o lugar da filosofia de Theodor W. Adorno no âmbito do pensamento crítico contemporâneo, o presente artigo procura dar conta dos revezes da recepção político-filosófica da dialéctica negativa (das posturas críticas de Habermas, Lyotard ou Agamben às mais favoráveis de Jameson e Holloway) e discutir a sua relevância actual. Defender-se-á que a politização do pensamento adorniano é possível, muito embora as suas valências críticas não se restrinjam a essa possibilidade. Hoje, a dialéctica negativa funcionaria também como antídoto contra os atalhos tomados pelas correntes "voluntarista" (Peter Hallward), "messiânica" (Agamben) e "ontológica" (realismo especulativo) da filosofia, à entrada do século XXI. Contudo, atendendo a que a relação entre teoria e prática é complexa em Adorno, a sua relevância actual ressaltaria em relação com as reacções críticas que o movimento do "realismo especulativo" tem suscitado. Em diálogo com alguns dos seus interlocutores (Markus Gabriel e Adrian Johnston), sugere-se que o desenvolvimento de uma "dialéctica constelar" depende da introdução de um elemento destotalizador no seio do diagnóstico radical - a um só tempo materialista e transcendental - da dialéctica negativa.
This is the 15. article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Germany’s political culture currently faces a shift to the right as anti-immigrant violence and attacks on refugee camps are on the brink of becoming a daily routine. The populist party Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany) did achieve successes in every recent federal state election. Through their success politics gained a new political quality. Anti-immigrant groups such as PEGIDA in Dresden regularly mobilize hundreds and sometimes thousands of people. The increased number of refugees that came to Germany in 2015 is instrumentalized to fuel racism and to spread nationalist sentiments...
This is the eighth post in the blog series „Movements and Institutions“.
Occupy Wall Street has disappeared from the public radar, yet it is worth a second look. Through its structure and identity, it has probably become the United States’ first post-modern movement. Outside of formal institutions, people created their own utopian spaces in the hope for political and social innovation.
O presente artigo tem por objetivo analisar o tema do trabalho e do reconhecimento no pensamento de Axel Honneth (1949-), filósofo e sociólogo alemão da terceira geração da Escola de Frankfurt. O conceito de trabalho é um dos temas centrais da teoria crítica. Por meio do trabalho, o trabalhador encontra a sua sobrevivência e sua satisfação. É nele que o reconhecimento expressa uma identidade moral no contexto do mercado capitalista. Sem falar ainda que a atividade laboral expressa a subjetividade humana através da ação criativa. Diante desse contexto, a presente exposição pretende percorrer os passos argumentativos de Honneth acerca da relação reconhecimento e trabalho. Tal relação ajuda-nos a compreender a relevância deste autor na filosofia política contemporânea.
This is the 13. article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
The environment for populist radical right (PRR) parties in Europe is favourable. Both the refugee crisis as well as the recent terrorist attacks in Paris and Brussels have ostensibly fuelled further xenophobic and anti-Islam sentiments among European publics, on the basis of which PRR parties have been shown to build their support. Recent elections in Europe have indeed seen good results for parties with an outspoken xenophobic message, the victories in March 2016 for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in the German regional elections and two far right parties (SNS and L’SNS) in the Slovak national elections being cases in point. Opinion polls in countries such as France and the Netherlands look equally promising for PRR parties. Even though not all European countries have witnessed the successful mobilisation of the PRR, it is fair to conclude that this party family is going strong. It would be too quick to conclude, however, that PRR parties only thrive on the recent salience of the immigration issue.
Die Anschläge in diesem Sommer in ganz Europa sowie der andauernde Kampf gegen den Islamischen Staat haben das Thema der Terrorbekämpfung auch in der Öffentlichkeit wieder ganz nach oben auf die Tagesordnung gesetzt. Ob nun auf Länderebene oder durch neue Maßnahmen auf Bundesebene und International – eine ganze Reihe weiterer Maßnahmen wurden beschlossen um die Terrorbekämpfung in Deutschland zu verbessern. Ebenso wurden auch in anderen Ländern neue Maßnahmen beschlossen, in Frankreich sogar der Ausnahmezustand bis Anfang 2017 verlängert. Gleichzeitig brachten die neuen Maßnahmen auch eine Diskussion über die Sinnhaftigkeit, Effizienz und Effektivität dieser Maßnahmen mit sich – und ebenso, wie weit eine demokratische Gesellschaft in ihrem Sicherheitsbedürfnis überhaupt gehen soll. An diese Diskussion soll diese Blogserie anschließen...
Das Bundeskabinett hat in der vergangenen Woche die Strategie der Bundesregierung zur Extremismusprävention und Demokratieförderung beschlossen. Das gemeinsam vom Bundesinnenministerium und dem Bundessozialministerium verantwortete Konzept stellt damit die erste ressortübergreifende Strategie des Bundes in diesem Bereich dar....
National Model United Nations New York 2017 : Delegation der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
(2016)
Seit ihrer Gründung im Jahr 1945 sind die Vereinten Nationen zur bedeutendsten und einflussreichsten internationalen Organisation avanciert. Mittlerweile arbeiten 193 Mitgliedsstaaten gemeinsam an dem ehrgeizigen Ziel, den Weltfrieden und die internationale Sicherheit zu wahren. Der in der Charta der Vereinten Nationen verankerte Grundsatz des Verzichts auf Gewaltanwendung und der friedlichen Beilegung aller Streitigkeiten macht sie zu einer weltweit einzigartigen Institution.
Die Beschäftigung mit den Vereinten Nationen ist für Studierende der Gesellschaftswissenschaften – insbesondere der Politikwissenschaft – essentiell für den späteren Berufsalltag. Da der Fokus im wissenschaftlichen Universitätsbetrieb häufig auf der Diskussion theoretischer Paradigmen und eher selten auf praktischen Fragestellungen liegt, ist die Teilnahme am National Model United Nations (NMUN) in New York eine willkommene Abwechslung mit einzigartigem Charakter. Innerhalb einer Simulation von UN-Verhandlungen versetzen sich Studierende als Mitglieder einer Delegation in die Lage von Diplomaten und vertreten die Interessen, Werte und Positionen des ihnen zugeteilten Landes. Dabei versuchen sie, dessen Standpunkte in Kooperation mit anderen Delegationen durchzusetzen. ...
National Model United Nations New York 2016 : Delegation der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
(2016)
Schon 1946 kamen Studierende aus aller Welt zusammen, um ein Land ihrer Wahl auf internationalem politischem Par kett zu vertreten. Das National Model United Nations, eine langjährig gepflegte Tradition, die es studentischen Delegationen ermöglicht, einen praktischen Einblick in die Arbeitsweise der Vereinten Nationen zu erlangen, ihr erlerntes Wissen anzuwenden, ihre Soft Skills weiter zu entwickeln, sich in englischer Sprache auf Verhandlungsbasis zu ver ständigen, neue Freunde zu finden und Kontakte in der ganzen Welt zu knüpfen. ...
Rezension zu:
Margaret Moore, A Political Theory of Territory (New York: Oxford, 2015).
Este artigo visa compreender o estatuto do monismo do reconhecimento proposto por Axel Honneth, por meio de uma análise da relação estabelecida por ele entre reconstrução normativa e descrição social. Tendo esse objetivo, procuraremos inicialmente mostrar que, para reabrir o domínio do social e identificar um interesse mais realista à emancipação na sociedade, Honneth enfatiza a importância dos padrões institucionalizados do reconhecimento e das lutas morais no interior de todos os processos de reprodução social. Retomando, em seguida, algumas das críticas dirigidas a ele dessa perspectiva, argumentaremos que, nos momentos em que afirma que o funcionamento da economia pode ser compreendido a partir da teoria do reconhecimento, Honneth ignora a especificidade dos mecanismos econômicos de reprodução. Estendendo esse argumento às várias dimensões da reprodução social, mobilizaremos então diferentes autores para mostrar que, nas passagens em que defende que o desenvolvimento da sociedade está ancorado nos três padrões normativos de reconhecimento, Honneth parece fundir o nível da reconstrução normativa com o da descrição social, negligenciando com isso as relações de poder que permeiam a realidade social. Explicitando, por fim, a estratégia negativa de reconstrução utilizada por Honneth, concluímos o artigo mostrando como, ao partir das experiências de desrespeito, ele recusa as acusações de que o monismo do reconhecimento possui pretensões descritivas e lhe atribui um estatuto moral.
Il saggio si propone di approfondire due tendenze tipiche della musica contemporanea: la prima è il Minimalismo, movimento rappresentato da musicisti come La Monte Young, Philip Glass and Steve Reich, la seconda è la rave music (come la techno), caratteristica della popular culture nell’era postmoderna. Attraverso il pensiero di Adorno, e a partire dalla sua analisi dialettica del dualismo Schönberg-Stravinskij, il saggio propone una comprensione filosofica di concetti come “ripetizione” e “trascendenza”; l’assenza dello “sviluppo” in gran parte della produzione musicale degli ultimi decenni, nella popular music quanto nella musica colta, dimostra una dispersione del soggetto e dell’individuo, smarrito all’interno di un “eterno ritorno” della struttura ritmica che può essere ricompreso nei termini di un “eterno ritorno dell’identico” e non nei termini di un “eterno ritorno della possibilità”; in quest’ottica, a venire sacrificata è anche la dimensione della trascendenza, che non a caso viene ricercata spesso nell’esotismo dei culti orientali o nel consumo di sostanze stupefacenti. L’insistenza nel Minimalismo della ripetizione come unica ed estrema categoria di riferimento e norma estetica, produrrà infatti nel corso degli ultimi anni una dicotomia apparentemente contraddittoria, ma che invece esprime la medesima matrice logica: da un lato l’invasamento edonistico del beat elettronico della musica dance elettronica, dall’altro la proposta commerciale della produzione industriale della musica pop. Non è un caso che proprio il Minimalismo sia sfociato in entrambe queste due tendenze, mostrandosi come la cifra comune originaria, traducendosi nella musica rave o nella musica rock.
The Methodological seminar was conducted by the scientific journal “Philosophy of Education” (Institute of Higher Education, National Academy of Educational Sciences of Ukraine). The participants of the seminar were Prof. Panos Eliopoulos (University of Peloponnese, Greece), Lyudmyla Gorbunova, Mykhailo Boychenko, Olga Gomilko, Mariia Kultaieva, Volodymyr Kovtunets, Sergiy Kurbatov, Anna Laktionova, Tetiana Matusevych, Natalia Radionova, Iryna Stepanenko, Maya Trynyak and Viktor Zinchenko. On March 30, 2016, a methodological seminar was conducted at the Institute of Higher Education NAES of Ukraine. This seminar was devoted to the discussion of educational problems in the area of mass culture, and relative opportunities for the development of individuality. The report «Mass culture, education and the perspective of individuality» was made by Panos Eliopulos, professor of Peloponnese University, a member of journal’s «Філософія освіти. Philosophy of Education” editorial board. The scientists from the Institute of Higher Education, Institute of Philosophy of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Skovoroda National Pedagogical University of Kharkiv participated in this event. Designated issues were observed primarily from the point of view of the Frankfurt School representatives, as well as representatives of modern critical philosophy of education and critical pedagogy. It was emphasized that T.Adorno’s ideas and ideas of other Frankfurt School members, which were developed in the middle of the last century, continue to be relevant in current socio-cultural contexts. The technical rationalism which became the rationalism of dominance in the context of technological civilization, could not provide the way toward the liberation of man and the development of his or her individuality. Market society with its instrumental rationality leads to homogenization and standardization of mass culture and as a result, we have a semi-education, leading to destruction of personality and social pathologies. The panelists agreed that semi-education reflects the crisis of ideals of education and training as far as a suspension of human emancipation process. Due to suspension of the creative process of a person formation, replacing it by the processes of stereotyping based on mimetic rationality, culture itself loses creative potential. The process of degradation of education and culture in the semi-education eventually leads to its destruction at theoretical level and the elaboration of the practice of anti-education. Only through returning of the individual and maintaining his or her social importance due to the tools of holistic education it is possible to overcome such stereotyping. For Frankfurt School members, and those who share their ideals, true education in its meta-theoretical sense becomes the important factor, contributing to the emancipation of society and individual. This idea is particularly important in the context of contemporary challenges and threats from instrumentalization of approaches to the process of transformation of the Ukrainian culture and education.
Der Artikel untersucht Rassismus und Sexismus und ihre materiellen und diskursiven Artikulationen an dem spezifischen Artikulationsort Haar, bzw. Locken. Anhand von biographisch-narrativen Interviews mit Frauen of Color und mit Hilfe von Ansätzen der Grounded Theory werden Fragen danach aufgeworfen, welche symbolischen Bedeutungen von Locken es gibt; Welche Umgangsformen mit Haar es gibt; Wie Haar eingesetzt wird; Ob es Widersprüche gibt; Wie sich diese artikulieren und wie Subjekte trotz rassistischer, sexistischer Diskurse und der damit verbundenen materiellen Unterdrückung handlungsmächtige Akteurinnen ihrer eigenen Biographien werden. Parallel wird der Forschungsprozess aus dekolonialer, feministischer Perspektive entwickelt, beschrieben und reflektiert und damit eine dekolonial feministische Methodologie entworfen.
For the first time in post-Communist Romania, the national legislative elections organized in December 2016 allow the citizens living abroad to cast their vote by regular mail. To use postal voting the voters had to register between May and September 2016 and numbers reveal that very few voters registered. This article analyzes the sources of information used by those who registered and the causes of those who did not register. We use data from a survey conducted between 18 September (a few days after registration was closed) and 4 October 2016 with 403 respondents. The results are not generalizable to the entire diaspora (since the sampling is not representative probabilistic) but they are informative and relevant to the understanding of the process. They show that that main sources of information for those who registered were online (Facebook and the website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs), newspapers, and friends and acquaintances. At the same time, the absence of information about registration and the difficulty of procedures were the main reasons against the registration.
Lebenswelten anerkennen! Religion im Unterricht und die Prävention salafistischer Einstellungen
(2016)
Dies ist der 16. Artikel unseres Blogfokus „Salafismus in Deutschland“. „Darf ich als Muslim wählen?“, „Ist Augenbrauenzupfen halal?“, „Dürfen Musliminnen Halloween feiern?“ Antworten auf diese Fragen suchen junge Musliminnen und Muslime immer seltener bei ihren Eltern und Koranlehrern. Einfacher – und lebensweltnäher – ist die Suche bei „Sheikh Google“. Gerade hier dominieren allerdings oft salafistische Stimmen die Debatten und prägen somit das Religionsverständnis vieler Jugendlicher. Umso wichtiger ist es, religiöse Fragen auch im Unterricht aufzugreifen und damit alternative Foren für eine Auseinandersetzung mit Werten, Normen und Traditionen anzubieten. Dabei geht es nicht um „Religionsunterricht“, sondern um Gespräche über Themen, die Jugendliche im Alltag beschäftigen – und die für alle Jugendlichen unabhängig von Herkunft und Religionszugehörigkeit relevant sind. In der Präventionsarbeit haben sich verschiedene Ansätze bewährt, religiöse Themen in den Unterricht zu integrieren. Sie unterscheiden sich zum Teil deutlich in der Herangehensweise und Kontextualisierung. Außer in interreligiösen Zugängen werden religiöse Fragen auch in politisch-bildnerischen Ansätzen aufgegriffen....
Der deutsche und französische Innenminister haben eine Initiative gestartet um gegen Verschlüsselung vorzugehen. Ihr Argument, was von mehr oder weniger allen Geheimdiensten/Strafverfolgungsbehörden unisono vorgetragen wird lautet, dass verschlüsselte Kommunikation die Arbeit der Behörden behindere. Bereits im Jahr 1993 wurde die gleiche Debatte geführt, endete aber mit dem Konsens, dass die Vorteile von Verschlüsselung die Nachteile deutlich überwiegen. Dieser Konsens, getragen von Industrie, Datenschützern und Politik (sowohl Liberale als auch Konservative) schien sicher, war er doch die vernünftigste Antwort auf ein komplexes Problem. Heute stellen die von Rechtspopulisten getriebenen Innenminister wieder einmal die Verschlüsselung in Frage. Warum das eine schlechte Idee ist, soll dieser Beitrag klären.NSA Chef Inman argumentierte bereits 1980: “There is
a very real and critical danger that unrestrained public discussion of crypto-logic matters will seriously damage the ability of this government to conduct signals intelligence and the ability of this government to carry out its mission of protecting national security information from hostile exploitation” (1980). Kern dieses “going dark” Arguments ist also, dass digitale Überwachung schwerer würde, wenn alle verschlüsseln. Terroristen und andere bad guys könnten also nicht mehr gefangen werden. Die Debatte ist also gar nicht so neu und überraschend wie immer behauptet wird....
This is the twelth article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
In 2008 and 2009, a group of Hungarian right-wing extremists committed a series of attacks on random members of the Roma community. Six people were killed, including a five-year-old, and another five were injured. The trial of the four suspects lasted two-and-a-half years, and the verdict was passed in August 2013. Director Eszter Hajdú filmed the trial and condensed it to create an oppressive Kammerspielfilm starring the cold-blooded suspects, an irritable judge and the victims’ families. Without any commentary, Hajdú recorded the drawn-out and sometimes chaotic trial from the cramped courtroom’s public gallery. A small static camera shows the judge’s point of view, while close-ups highlight the emotions of the people touched by the crime. Sometimes we see the protagonists outside the courtroom, for example during the reconstruction at the crime scene. At the start of the trial, the victims and next of kin assume there will be justice, and they have faith that the Hungarian authorities will protect them. But will the extremists be found guilty? The widespread anti-Roma sentiment in Hungarian society, and the bungling (intentional or otherwise) on the part of the police give them reason to fear they will not...
Islamic State (IS), previously known as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), has shown nothing but destruction, chaos and sectarianism. Through terror strategies, they rapidly spread over great parts of eastern Syria and north and central Iraq. Their new recruits came from all over the world, but mainly from Islamic countries. Arab countries had the biggest share of recruits. While IS was assembling supporters and sympathisers, Sunni Clergymen constantly called for ‘material and moral’ support to the Syrian rebels, and accordingly, thousands of foreign fighters flooded into Syria for Jihad. According to a Soufan Group research in 2014 on the foreign fighters in Syria, it is estimated that the highest number of foreign fighters came from Tunisia (about 3,000), Saudi Arabia (about 2,500), Morocco (about 1,500), Russia (about 800), France (700), Turkey and the United Kingdom (about 400 each). These numbers exclude the Syrians and Iraqis who are already in IS...
Rezension zu:
Ruben Andersson, Illegality, Inc. (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2014)
Amy Nethery and Stephanie J. Silverman (eds.), Immigration Detention: The Migration of a Policy and its Human Impact. (London and New York: Routledge, 2015)
Entre os autores da Teoria Crítica frankfurtiana, talvez Adorno seja declaradamente o mais influenciado pela filosofia de Hegel. Coube ao mesmo preservar o sentido de dialética que, reconfigurada, aparece como método essencialmente crítico. Salientar o criticismo da dialética significa, aos olhos de Adorno, entendê-la como essencialmente negativa, algo previsto na sua formulação inicial no contexto do idealismo pós-kantiano. Entretanto, é possível observar tão claramente essa força crítica dentro do próprio Hegel? A resposta a tal questão surge na própria comparação entre os conceitos (Crítica, dialética, negatividade) conjugados pelos dois pensadores, algo que buscamos mostrar no presente artigo.
This is the seventh post in the blog series „Movements and Institutions“.
Social movements challenge systems of rule and thus institutions. They are expressions of the non-identical, the gaps and fissures in today’s world. That’s what makes social movements interesting and relevant for a critical research agenda. Thus, more than applying ready-made concepts to cases, scholars should inquire into the interactions between social movements and institutions as relationships between rule and resistance. This article proposes one way to go about such a critical research agenda.