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Table de matières: Carola Lentz, Richard Kuba et Katja Werthmann: Remerciements ; Katja Werthmann Diébougou : recherche dans une petite ville du Burkina Faso ; Richard Kuba et Katja Werthmann: Diébougou : aperçu historique ; Marlis Gensler Lotissement et histoire à Diébougou : accès aux et contrôle sur les terres urbaines dans le contexte de pluralisme juridique dans une petite ville au Burkina Faso ; Julia Weinmann Les Dagara-Dioula de Diébougou : identité musulmane dans une petite ville ouest-africaine; Marc Hanke Anciens Combattants : images de soi et regards extérieurs; Sékou Amadou Maïga Élections municipales à Diébougou; Oscar Dabiré La recherche aux archives de la Préfecture de Diébougou; Liste des rapports soumis.
Documents humains
(1888)
How does one think about the form of the State in its management of conflicting ethnic groups in positive light in Africa in the present and in the future? Ethnic reality in Africa continues to be the principal determining factor of individual and collective existence, constituting an obstacle to the normal operation of its States, which often fail or collapse. In the global era, the re-organisation of power and of thought in plural societies leads to socio-political and geopolitical stabilisation. The author here argues for the implementation of 'deliberative democracy' or 'governance under the tree' as a synthesis of liberal and republican democracy based on the 'win-win' principle, different from majoritarian democracy where the 'winner takes all'. The theory of the multinational state thus proposes a constitutional, political and conceptual innovation in the plural societies of the 21st century: it entails restructuring the imagination to allow a global shift in African political thought, its needs, desires, quests, expectations and hopes.
Through her Letters written to Friends, to her opponents: priests, magistrates, politicians, including the king, Elizabeth Hooton leaves a captivating testimony of her fights for and of her activism in quest of the Truth, Freedom, Justice and equity for all as well as peace on earth and within the Quaker movement. Hers was a fight and quest far from any guided by egoism pure and simple or by personal interest. She was driven by her interest in the common good of all and everywhere. In History of civilizations we have actors who fade away unnoticed or at times are just ignored whereas their contributions to the said civilizations as small as they might be have contributed tremendously in shaping without doubt the same civilizations. Elizabeth Hooton falls within this category of people whose contribution to contemporary English civilization and above all to the feminist movement can be read between the lines of the fragments of these letters; she wrote to her Friends and to the political leaders of England during an era of great changes which radically transformed the English society i.e. 17th Century England. She expresses herself in very caustic terms as a way of affirming the rights to equality of the oppressed woman and other marginals of the society of her time. She anchors her fight on the axis of a universal and Universalist quest for equality, a Quaker ideal.
This book re-examines historical, ethnographic and anthropological productions in various spaces in Senegambia. Just like language, material culture in original forms is powerful in the transmission and affirmation of identity. Unfortunately, archeology has so far played a very minor role in this domain in Senegambia, as the discipline has been confined to the study of eras know as prehistoric and protohistoric, which are little known by story tellers and other traditional communicators. It is generally agreed that archeology generates more inclusive knowledge, given the fact that the essential source of identity for all societal strata is based on the production, consumption, rejection or recycling of material culture. This book democratizes knowledge generation by giving prominence to the social life and identities of ordinary individuals who are often invisible in written and oral sources.
Issues of gender, marriage and family are at the heart of the main cultural wars of our time and have led to a number of legal and societal reforms in many African countries. These reforms, generally initiated by the state and dictated by the neoliberal model of human rights, often have to come to terms with local resistance, mainly from religious circles. What is the modus operandi of these reforms? What are the power relationships that structure them? How are they perceived and received by African societies? What are the terms of religious resistance? These questions are at the heart of this volume which examines the margins of docility and indocility of African societies to legal reforms aimed at promoting the neoliberal model of sexuality, marriage and the family. Emphasis is placed on the centrality of the state and the power struggle with other stakeholders in the deconstruction and reconstruction of gender relations. Few empirical studies have illustrated the issue of power struggles surrounding the social production of gender norms. This book is the outcome of an international conference organized at the Institute of Dignity and Human Rights of the Center for Research and Action for Peace (CERAP) in Abidjan, in June 2017, on the following theme: 'State, Religions and Gender in West and Central Africa'. The main objective of the conference was not only to highlight the results of a research project on the reception of the recent modification of the family code in Côte dIvoire but also to broaden the discussion to similar case studies in other countries of West and Central Africa such as Senegal, Niger, Benin, Cameroon and Mali.
Assessing the impact of twenty-five years of action to promote the discontinuation of female circumcision (FGM) in Francophone West Africa, should consider a key issue: the contribution of the digital revolution, and how young people - girls and boys - have been associated. As victims, subjects, objects, actors, citizens, leaders and family and community stakeholders, FGM is for them a matter of concern. Youth, ICTs and FGM reveal gender issues that must be transversally integrated in public, private, citizen and personal development policies. This is the main message of this book, which presents the results of an innovative action research conducted by ENDA Tiers Monde, with the participation of girls and boys in Burkina Faso, Mali and Senegal. The study is in the French language.
Pour faire face ? l'inefficacit? du mod?le ?tatique de d?veloppement des ann?es 1960-1970, les initiatives priv?es et l'entreprenariat ont ?t? encourag?s comme un moyen de sortir les ?conomies africaines au suddu Sahara de leur marasme chronique. Dans le cas de la R?publique d?mocratique du Congo, ce changement d'orientation ?conomique a entrain? l'?mergence de micro et petites entreprises qui -compte tenu deleur manque de structuration, de leur ?volution en marge du cadre l?gal, de leurs insuffisances intrins?ques ? pourvoir des emplois durables et deleur faible impact socio-?conomique- ont montr? leur limite quant ? leur capacit? de fournir un gage de d?veloppement durable. Avec une approche m?thodologique bas?e sur la micro-?conomie, la statistique et l'?conom?trie, ce livre scrute l'environnement ?conomique, mais aussi l?gal et financier dans lequel ?voluent les PME congolaises. Ce livre tente aussi de r?pondre aux questions li?es aux facteurs decroissance, aux conditions et m?canismes qui doivent constituer lesoubassement du d?veloppement des PME dans le contexte de la RDC. Un d?veloppement qui facilitera la transition vers l'?re de l'entreprise capitaliste moderne. Emmanuel-Gustave Kintambu Mafukuest Professeur titulaire ?l'Universit? de Kinshasa et ? l'Universit? Kongo ? Mbanza-Ngungu. Il estle directeur du Centre de promotion de la petite et moyenne entreprise(CEPRO/PME) et le coordonnateur du Groupe National de Travail (GNT)sur la RDC.
This book seeks to explain the events that have been taking place in C?te d'Ivoire since 1999 and which are commonly referred to as 'la crise ivoirienne' (the Ivorian crisis). It seems that the day to day interpretation of the events did not provide a satisfactory explanation of the deep fracture and that it was necessary to reconsider the essentialist theoretical categories that are striving to impose on us a false view, made cumbersome by ethnocentric prejudices. To avoid falling into the trap of the day to day interpretation of events will require an in-depth questioning of the causes of the foreseen collapse of the Ivorian model. Having a grasp on the historical meaning of facts is required in examining the sequence and interconnection of events which we always need to rule on the historical weight in order to gauge the tragic trend of the social dynamics. While looking for the causes of the social and political rift, the authors of this volume started by asking a central question: How does the weight of the modern Ivorian society formation intervene in the modalities of the actions of individuals and current collectivities? The brutal and violent fracture which the Ivorian social formation underwent brings forth, once again, the issue of collective identities and unveils, at the same time, the challenges related to the incomplete nature of the construction of 'Nation States' in Africa. In fact, it is a mistake to think that the crisis spontaneously started among partisan higher authorities and to ignore that behind the ostentatious declarations on National Unity, pre-colonial groups have not completely melted into the modern 'Nation'. Furthermore, in the process of 'national' social space formation, new social combinations emerge by continuously re-inventing themselves. It seems that the roots of current crises reside in the unprecedented transformation which contemporary African societies have been undergoing.
When, why and how can religion and culture be both sources, and places of expression for fundamentalisms, particularly in relation to politics? Those are the central questions asked throughout this book alongside a discussion on the result when religion, strenthened by culture, is used as a political tool to access moral and social power. Cultural and religious messages often form the basis of decisions, laws and programs made in politics, and have a direct effect on society in general, and on women and gender relations in particular. The various forms taken by fundamentalisms in some African countries and the contexts under which they have emerged, the ways in which they (re)shape identities and relationships between men and women are also analysed in this book. These fundamentalisms are frequently sources of concern in social debates, in feminist and feminine organizations as well as in academia and politics. The manipulation of cultures and religions are becoming progressively political, and consequently can cause social discrimination, or even physical, moral, and symbolic violence.