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Theodor W. Adorno publicou o ensaio “Teoria da semiformação” (Theorie der Halbbildung) em 1959. A partir da publicação deste texto, observou-se sua relevância, sobretudo para que se pudesse compreender a maneira como a indústria cultural determinava a produção de prejuízos significativos no processo formativo. Desde então, a conquista do espírito feita pelo caráter fetichista dos produtos da indústria cultural, sendo esta uma das definições de Adorno sobre o conceito de Halbbildung, impulsionou a realização de muitas pesquisas sobre os danos decorrentes desta conquista na formação. Porém, investigar as atuais características do processo semiformativo não resulta na aplicação direta dos conceitos propostos por Adorno no final da década de 1950. Sendo assim, é preciso que tais conceitos sejam revitalizados por meio da análise das atuais mediações históricas. Seguindo essa linha de raciocínio, o principal objetivo deste artigo é argumentar que a reflexão crítica sobre o modo como a semiformação se renova, na atual sociedade da chamada cultura digital, torna-se fundamental para que se possam elaborar considerações sobre o renascimento da formação (Bildung).
In this paper we propose a sociological concept of innovation capable of transcending the limitations faced by the approaches of common theories of action. The concept was formulated by Ulrich Oevermann and is based upon Max Weber’s theory of charismatic authority. We apply this concept to archaeological data, using the example of Neolithic copper metallurgy in central Europe, and discuss the importance of analyzing innovations that failed to materialize even though they might have been "in the air" at the time. The concept sketched here enables the scientific study of such a phenomenon.
The paper assesses current rising reparations claims for the Maafa/ Maangamizi (‘African holocaust,’ comprising transatlantic slavery, colonialism and neo-colonialism) from two angles. First, it explores the connectivity of reparations and global justice, peace and security. Second, it discusses how the claim is justified in international law. The concept of reparations in international law is also explored, revealing that reparations cannot be limited to financial compensation due to the nature of the damage and international law prescriptions. Comprehensive reparations based in international law require the removal of structures built on centuries of illegal acts and aggression, in the forms of transatlantic slavery, colonialism and neo-colonialism. Reparations must also lead to the restitution of sovereignty to African and indigenous peoples globally. They are indispensable to halt the destruction of the earth as human habitat, caused by the violent European cultural, political, socio-economic system known as apitalism that is rooted in transatlantic slavery.
Who is Ângkar? The nature of authority and responsibility under the Khmer Rouge Forme cadres of the Khmer Rouge today still speak of Ângkar, the organisation of the Khmer Rouge, with the utmost respect and subservience. Unlike in other genocidal regimes in which state actors played an important role, such as the NSDAP and SS in the Holocaust or Ittihad in the Ottoman genocide of the Armenians, Ângkar cannot be reduced merely to the name of the party organisation of the Khmer Rouge. Although Ângkar is a concept known to all in Cambodia and remains synonymous with absolute authority and the necessity for unwavering obedience, there is a broad variety of perspectives when trying to state who or what Ângkar actually is...
Objetivo: sistematizar as potencialidades e desafios da Teoria do Reconhecimento, de Axel Honneth, e refletir sobre eles como subsídio às pesquisas em saúde.
Método: trata-se de artigo de reflexão que toma o potencial da incorporação da categoria reconhecimento na propositura honnethiana para pesquisa, compreensão, exercício e gestão do cuidado em saúde.
Resultados: o processo de reconhecimento favorece a exploração e a compreensão das relações de poder e respeito, sobretudo em termos do conflito a elas circunscrito. Dessa forma, indica subsídios para diagnósticos e núcleos estruturantes para a superação de práticas opressivas e desiguais, com desdobramentos para lidar com situações de insegurança, fragilidades na autoestima e vulnerabilidades nas interações entre os sujeitos, que configuram desafios contemporâneos.
Conclusão: na exploração científica do cuidado, gestão e políticas públicas em saúde, este referencial teórico pode auxiliar na visibilidade do contexto e seus nós críticos, para favorecer a autonomia e a dignidade humana, relevantes para as relações interpessoais nos processos de cuidado, com contribuições profícuas à qualificação da atenção à saúde.
Objective: to systematize the strengths and challenges of Axel Honneth’s Theory of Recognition, and to reflect on these as support for research in health care. Method: this is a reflection article which considers the potential of incorporating the category of recognition in the Honnethian proposition for research, understanding, exercising of practice and management of health care. Results: the process of recognition promotes the exploration and understanding of relations of power and respect, above all in terms of conflict which are ascribed to these. As a result, it indicates support for diagnoses and structuring nuclei for overcoming oppressive and unequal practices, with consequences for dealing with situations of insecurity, weaknesses in self-esteem and vulnerabilities in the interactions between the subjects, which are configured as contemporary challenges. Conclusion: in the scientific exploration of care, management and public policies in health, this theoretical framework can assist in the visibility of the context and in its critical knots, in order to promote autonomy and human dignity, which are relevant for the interpersonal relations in the processes of care, with fruitful contributions to the qualification of the health care.
Security, arms control, disarmament and confidence building measures in the Baltic sea region
(2017)
Taking into consideration the stalemete of all disarmament negotiations as well as the worsening situation in the Baltic Sea region, I would like to present another paper as well, discussing the security trends in the Baltic Sea region and the potential of confidence building measures in this region as well as to discuss in this context the prospects of arms control and disarmament in general as well as specifically in Europeparticularly in the Baltic Sea region...
Threat perceptions is a popular topic among scholars of international relations, yet the focus is oftentimes how two states perceive and misperceive threats (Robert Jervis, David Singer among others). Threats are generally understood as potential harm directed against the territorial integrity or the political regime of the states in question or both. Wandering on the borders of the mainstream realist theory and the rational choice theory – popular since when behavioralism entered into IR literature in the 1960s – and the constructivism of the reflectivist era (Wendt), the topic has been made a subject of study through such several different conceptual lenses but mostly on an international/state level of analysis a la Waltz...
Consensus modality : accommodating parties and containing overt violence in Nepal’s peace process
(2017)
Throughout this decade, most of the literatures in social sciences on Nepal contain Maoist Armed Conflict (1996-2006) in its introduction part. The country is in constant political turmoil even after the Comprehensive Peace Accord of 2006 between Government of Nepal and then rebel force. Since the peace agreement, Nepalese society has observed diverse socio-political tensions in different forms and become fragile society. Nepal is exerting a growing concern on international politics because of the complication in the peace process of ensuring sustainable peace, stability and economic progress. The implications for peace, stability and economic development in fragile countries present a challenge to the international community (In Grävingholt et al, 2013). Political culture and social structure are empirically related to political stability (Lijphart, 1969: 208). So we cannot separate our social and cultural context with the idea of stability...
Er kam als junger Syrer Anfang der 60er Jahre nach Frankfurt. Am Studienkolleg der Goethe-Universität lernte er Deutsch, später dann studierte er bei Theodor W. Adorno und Iring Fetscher politische Philosophie. Mit 28 wurde Bassam Tibi Professor für Politikwissenschaft an der Universität Göttingen. Mittlerweile ist er emeritiert, aber seine Expertise ist nicht nur beim Thema Islam immer noch gefragt. Anfang Dezember diskutierte Tibi auf Einladung des Studienkollegs mit Geflüchteten des Academic Welcome Program. Und der Besuch des Adorno-Denkmals auf dem Campus Westend war für den 72-Jährigen natürlich Ehrensache.
Die Arbeit untersucht am Fall der Religionspolitik in den Verfassungsgebungsprozessen der deutschen Bundesländer, ob Verfassungen eher das Ergebnis von Konflikt oder Konsens sind. Die Länderverfassungen zeigen eine hohe religionspolitische Vielfalt, die in dieser Arbeit erstmals vollständig erhoben und systematisiert wird. Die religionspolitischen Normen der Verfassungen werden vier Typen von Religionspolitik zugewiesen (Statusverleihung, Redistribution, Religionsfreiheit und Restriktion). Für die Verbreitung der einzelnen Normen werden die historischen Verläufe von 1919 bis 2015 analysiert und Trends beschrieben. Für die Erklärung der Unterschiede entwickelt die Arbeit ein ökonomisches Modell des Parteienwettbewerbs, in dem religiöse Parteien, insbesondere CDU und CSU, die zentrale Rolle spielen. In dem Modell wird angenommen, dass religiöse Parteien (einschließlich der Union) nur dann die Interessen nicht- und andersreligiöser Wähler berücksichtigen – wenn dies für ihren Wahlerfolg notwendig ist. Die zentrale Idee des Modells ist, dass religionspolitische Policies unterschiedliche Kosten und Nutzen für religiöse und nichtreligiöse Wähler implizieren. Diesen Kosten und Nutzen müssten religiöse Parteien Rechnung tragen, wenn sie Politikergebnis und Wahlergebnis gleichzeitig optimieren – d.h. rational abwägend agieren. Aus der Überprüfung dieses Modells lässt sich ableiten, ob die Religionspolitik in Verfassungen das Ergebnis offener Verhandlungen mit dem Ziel der Herstellung bzw. Abbildung eines gesellschaftlichen Konsenses sind – oder ob sie vielmehr das Ergebnis harter politischer Auseinandersetzungen sind und die gesellschaftlichen Machtverhältnisse reproduzieren. Je weniger Ersteres und je mehr Zweiteres gegeben ist, desto weniger können Verfassungen voraussetzungslos als Rahmen oder Bezugspunkt eines fairen politischen Wettstreits dienen. Die Arbeit belegt dieses Modell empirisch mit einem Mixed-Methods-Ansatz aus multiplen Regressionsanalysen und fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA).
Este artigo apresenta uma discussão sobre a obra recente de Axel Honneth. Começando por uma exposição de seu projeto teórico mais amplo, descrito em O direito da liberdade (2011) como uma teoria da justiça sociologicamente ancorada, o artigo demonstra como Honneth se move da ideia de uma luta por reconhecimento em direção à ideia de intersubjetividade institucional. Este movimento, porém, é acompanhado por críticas que vêm nesta passagem o abandono das ambições críticas de seu modelo e um compromisso reformista com a ordem capitalista de mercado. A fim de responder a estas objeções, Honneth propõe uma reatualização da ideia do socialismo (2015) a partir da noção de liberdade social, concluindo com uma distinção entre duas formas de luta por reconhecimento, uma interna e outra externa – e defendendo as vantagens da primeira.
From reciprocal recognition to a society that is properly 'social' : on Axel Honneth's recent work
(2017)
This paper addresses Axel Honneth's recent endeavors to defend his theory of justice, broadly described in Freedom's right (2011) as an analysis of society. The paper begins by exposing Honneth's model as a theory of institutional intersubjectivity rather than a theory of the struggle for recognition. This model, however, was subject to criticism due to its supposed acceptance of the capitalistic market economy as a social order. In order to defend it from such objections, Honneth (2016) exposes the normative core of socialist ideals as a version of social freedom. Finally, he presents a distinction between two forms of political intervention: an internal and an external struggle for recognition – and asserts the advantages of the former.
Exodus Eritrea
(2017)
No presente artigo analisamos a ideia de solidariedade na teoria da justiça de Axel Honneth. Honneth em sua obra atualiza a teoria hegeliana da eticidade e concebe a existência de esferas de liberdade, sendo que uma delas é a liberdade social, na qual se situam relações pessoais, mercado e instituições políticas. Em O Direito da Liberdade Honneth desenvolve uma teoria em que busca analisar os problemas de desenvolvimento da democracia nas sociedades contemporâneas, e erige a solidariedade como um dos pressupostos normativos para a construção de uma democracia virtuosa, ancorada na participação cidadã.
O presente estudo tem como objetivo investigar a ideia de reconhecimento jurídico na teoria de Axel Honneth, o que se dará mediante análise da obra Luta por Reconhecimento. Honneth, ancorado nas teorias de Hegel e Mead, estabelece o papel do direito como esfera de reconhecimento individual e seu potencial de asseguramento do autorrespeito. Empreende-se uma reconstrução da teoria honnethiana no atinente aos papéis desempenhados pelo direito na teoria da Luta por Reconhecimento de Axel Honneth, para em seguida, a partir da leitura que o autor desenvolve da teoria de Thomas Marshall, analisar o papel desempenhado pelos direitos subjetivos fundamentais como medium de sedimentação e ampliação de novas formas de reconhecimento e cidadania.
When Donald Trump arrived to power, many experts were concerned regarding his ideas on U.S. nuclear weapons. Particular attention was paid to his tweet about strengthening the U.S. nuclear arsenal after 25 years of the consistent WMD-disarmament under "The Cooperative Threat Reduction Program" (aka "Nunn-Lugar Program" an array of START treaties). In that preiod, U.S. and Russia removed more than 8,000 warheads and elements of the nuclear triad – submarines, ICBMs and long-range bombers. Now, experts worry that Trump’s aspirations will bury the U.S.-Russian nuclear cooperation aimed at global security...
Conflict and insecurity have largely been the major driving factors behind the current wave of population influx in Europe. It is desirable that to understand the current migrant crisis in Europe, it is essential to understand the nature of the on-going conflict and existing insecurities in the home states from where the migrants are coming...
"European" interventions
(2017)
Das Internet ist allgegenwärtig - so allgegenwärtig, dass es inzwischen in gewissen Kreisen en vogue ist, sich ab und an komplett vom Internet abzukapseln. Passend zur vorösterlichen Zeit könnte man von Internetfasten sprechen. Aber was passiert, wenn das Internet einfach komplett abgestellt wird, für alle? Was für uns primär eine akademische Fragestellung ist, ist in Kamerun, Indien, Pakistan und vielen anderen Ländern Realität. Diese Beispiele verdeutlichen nicht nur wie Internetabschaltung ein Instrument sozialer und politischer Kontrolle sind, sie zeigen auch ihre dramatischen Auswirkungen. Das Thema sollte uns auch hier interessieren...
Die Wahlen über den Verbleib Großbritanniens in der EU haben die europäische Ordnung erschüttert. Der Vortrag/Die Präsentation soll nicht nur die Hintergründe beleuchten, sondern auch zeigen, welche Chancen die neue Situation eröffnet, Chancen, die es vorher so nicht gegeben hat...
Ist es zum Lachen oder zum Weinen? Diese Frage stellt sich immer wieder bei der Beobachtung der Worte und Taten des neuen US-Präsidenten – zum Beispiel anläßlich seines ersten Fernsehinterviews mit dem Journalisten David Muir (ABC America, 27.1.2017). Trump benahm sich wie ein rechthaberisches, selbstbezogenes, liebesbedürftiges Kind. Er beharrte auf seiner Version der Amtseinführung, nach der noch nie so viele Menschen wie diesmal an der Zeremonie teilgenommen hätten. Er sprach nicht nur davon, er verwies auch auf Fotos, die er an Wänden im Weißen Haus hat aufhängen lassen. Trump wiederholte außerdem seine Behauptung, dass es viele illegale Stimmen gegeben hätte, und alle für Hillary Clinton. Natürlich würde man auch den einen oder anderen finden, der illegal für ihn abgestimmt habe. Diese Person würde man dann, sagte Trump, als Gegenbeweis vor die Kameras zerren. Aber die Wahrheit sei, dass Millionen von illegalen Stimmen fast ausnahmslos für Clinton abgegeben worden seien...
In recent years, Ontological Security Theory (OST) has been established as a new theory in the field of International Relations. The theory seeks to explain state behavior, and offers a new perspective on the security dilemma and the persistence of conflicts. It has proven itself helpful in explaining seemingly irrational state behavior such as an aggressive foreign policy by weak states or the provision of humanitarian aid by powerful nations. OST further allows scholars to analyze norm-violating behavior of states, for instance the use of torture at the hands of Americans in the War on Terror. If you have not engaged with the theory before, you might want to learn about its core arguments as well as its potential and limitations in the following. For those who know the theory well, let me show you how the theory was key to gaining new insights in my research.
Com o advento da modernidade a filosofia passou a exigir que a religião prestasse contas à razão. A filosofia da religião de Kant é um exemplo desse tipo de iniciativa. Kant propôs julgar a religião no tribunal da razão. Mais de 200 anos depois, Habermas buscou renovar o projeto kantiano. Nosso trabalho visa esclarecer o modo como cada autor realiza o julgamento da religião no tribunal da razão. Além disso, discutiremos a relevância desse tipo de abordagem proposta por ambos os filósofos.
Rezension inside islam
(2017)
Este artigo visa discutir os modelos de síntese pressupostos pela dialética negativa de Adorno através de aproximações de temáticas maiores da filosofia de Karl Marx. Isto nos permitirá qualificar melhor a natureza materialista da dialética negativa adorniana, abordando inclusive o impacto político de certas elaborações conceituais.
Die Arbeit widmet sich der bisher wenig beachteten Demokratietheorie des neoliberalen Ökonomen und Sozialphilosophen Friedrich Hayeks. In seiner Ablehnung des Prinzips der Volkssouveränität scheint es Hayek nicht in erster Linie um die Kritik des demokratischen Elements zu gehen, sondern vielmehr um die moderne Idee staatlicher Souveränität schlechthin. Es ist folglich die Idee der Rechtssouveränität, so die grundlegende These, auf der Hayek seine doppelte Kritik von Naturrecht und Rechtspositivismus gründet. Entprechend ist der Staat in der von Hayek gezeichneten Utopie nicht länger Souverän, Ausdruck, Grund oder Herrscher (in) der Gesellschaft, sondern bloßes Mittel, um die "spontanen Ordnungen" der Gesellschaft (und der Märkte) zu schützen, ohne durch Gesetzgebung planen, gestalten oder intervenieren zu wollen. Allein solches, an den "Nomos" gebundenes, staatliches Handeln könne (und muss!) der "Meinung" der Menschen entsprechen. Die Klärung dieses sehr speziellen und auf David Hume zurückgehenden Verständnisses von "Meinung" erlaubt schließlich, das Denken Hayeks nicht nur hinsichtlich seines Souveränitätsbegriffs, sondern auch hinsichtlich seines Demokratiebegriffs vom Denken Carl Schmitts abzugrenzen. Entgegen dem prägenden Diskurs nach Cristi und Scheuerman, der die Kritik der hayekschen Theorie über die Problematisierung ihres schmittschen Gehalt unternimmt, soll die Arbeit den Blick dafür schärfen, dass der in Hayeks Theorie angelegte Autoritarismus auf eigenen philosophischen Füßen steht und sich nicht erschöpfend aus einem bewusst oder unbewusst übernommenen schmittschen Erbe erklären lässt.
For feminists, reflexivity has always meant more than a methodological tool...
The study I would like to present concerns ethnically mixed borderland communities caught in a trap of competing national narratives spread from the surrounding states. I conduct an ethnographic research on a rare contemporary case of peaceful co-living of Armenian and Azerbaijani communities, which takes place in rural areas of Georgia’s southern borderland...
Donald Trump’s foreign policy agenda has been characterized as unpredictable, unprecedented and – after a telling neologism of the president himself – unpresidented. In this blog post I will argue that the constituent parts of Trump’s foreign policy are all but new. What is new is their combination. Moreover, while Trump’s Jeffersonianism-Jacksonianism stands in stark contrast to the Wilsonianism-Hamiltonianism that Hillary Clinton embraced during her election campaign, it is only a partial departure from Barack Obama’s Jeffersonianism-Hamiltonianism.
Schopenhauer afirma que uma ética não dogmática requer leis demonstráveis derivadas da experiência. Nesse sentido o fundamento de uma ética deve ser uma metafísica imanente, que sustente, na experiência possível, suas afirmações, e que seja, por isso mesmo, capaz de dar de uma vez por todas um fundamento legítimo à moral. A fundamentação da moral schopenhaueriana segue, portanto, uma argumentação muito próxima de uma metodologia científica. Para Schopenhauer a filosofia deve se aproximar mais de uma cosmologia do que da teologia. Max Horkheimer em “O pensamento de Schopenhauer em relação à ciência e à religião” destaca a fecundidade de tal posição filosófica e atualiza a importância de Schopenhauer tanto para sua formação quanto para uma legítima interpretação da modernidade. Acompanhamos, neste artigo tanto os aspectos fundamentais da fundamentação schopenhaueriana da moral, quanto aspectos da interpretação de Horkheimer da empreitada do filósofo.
This paper considers the trend towards megaregionalism (TTIP, TPP) that became prominent in the trade domain in the last years of the Obama administration. While megaregionalism has fallen by the wayside since Trump’s inauguration, the underlying rationale for such treaties will most likely reassert itself rather soon. So there are structural issues that need to be discussed from a standpoint of global justice. In all likelihood, megaregionalism is detrimental to global justice. TTIP in particular, or anything like it, might derail any possibility for a trade organization to aid the pursuit of justice at the global level, and any possibility that trade will be used to that end. From the standpoint of global justice one must hope that megaregionalism does not replace WTO multilateralism. The global-justice framework used here is the grounds-of-justice approach offered in the author’s 2012 On Global Justice.